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The Preaching of Islam

Chapter IV · THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF AFRICA.

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Let us now pass to the history of Islam among the Abyssinians, who had received Christianity two centuries before the Nubians, and like them belonged to the Jacobite Church.

We must return now to the history of Africa in the seventh century, when the Arabs were pushing their conquests from East to West along the north coast. The comparatively easy conquest of Egypt, where so many of the inhabitants assisted the Arabs in bringing the Byzantine rule to an end, found no parallel in the bloody campaigns and the long-continued resistance that here barred their further progress, and half a century elapsed before the Arabs succeeded in making themselves complete masters of the north coast from Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean. It was not till 698 that the fall of Carthage brought the Roman rule in Africa to an end for ever, and the subjugation of the Berbers made the Arabs supreme in the country.

The details of these campaigns it is no part of our purpose to consider, but rather to attempt to discover in what way Islam was spread among the Christian population. Unfortunately the materials available for such a purpose are lamentably sparse and insufficient. What became of that great African Church that had given such saints and theologians to Christendom? The Church of Tertullian, St. Cyprian and St. Augustine, which had emerged victorious out of so many persecutions, and had so stoutly championed the cause of Christian orthodoxy, seems to have faded away like a mist.

In the absence of definite information, it has been usual to ascribe the disappearance of the Christian population to fanatical persecutions and forced conversions on the part of the Muslim conquerors. But there are many considerations that militate against such a rough and ready settlement of this question. First of all, there is the absence of definite evidence in support of such an assertion. Massacres, devastation and all the other accompaniments of a bloody and long-protracted war, there were in horrible abundance, but of actual religious persecution we have little mention, and the survival of the native Christian Church for more than eight centuries after the Arab conquest is a testimony to the toleration that alone could have rendered such a survival possible.

The causes that brought about the decay of Christianity in North Africa must be sought for elsewhere than in the bigotry of Muhammadan rulers. But before attempting to enumerate these, it will be well to realise how very small must have been the number of the Christian population at the end of the seventh century—a circumstance that renders its continued existence under Muhammadan rule still more significant of the absence of forced conversion, and leaves such a hypothesis much less plausibility than would have been the case had the Arabs found a large and flourishing Christian Church there when they commenced their conquest of northern Africa.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Amélineau, p. 3; Caetani, vol. iv. p. 81 sq. Justinian is said to have had 200,000 Copts put to death in the city of Alexandria, and the perNote 2 · Renaudot, p. 161. Severus, p. 106. ↑Note 3 · John, Jacobite bishop of Nikiu (second half of seventh century), p. 584. Caetani, vol. iv. pp. 515–16. ↑Note 4 · Bell, p. xxxvii. But the exactions and hardships that, according to Maqrīzī, the Copts had to endure about seventy years after the conquest Note 5 · John of Nikiu, p. 560. ↑Note 6 · Id. p. 585. “Or beaucoup des Égyptiens, qui étaient de faux chrétiens, renièrent la sainte religion orthodoxe et le baptême qui donne la vieNote 7 · Qurra b. Sharīk (governor of Egypt from 709 to 714), or his predecessor, appears to have insisted on the converts continuing to pay jizyah. Note 8 · Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 283. ↑Note 9 · Caetani, vol. iv. p. 618; vol. v. pp. 384–5. ↑Note 10 · Severus, pp. 172–3. ↑Note 11 · Id. pp. 205–6. ↑Note 12 · “Sans aucun doute il y eut dans la multiplicité des martyrs une sorte de résistance nationale contre les gouverneurs étrangers.” (Amélineau,Note 13 · Amélineau, pp. 57–8. ↑Note 14 · Abū Ṣāliḥ, pp. 163–4. ↑Note 15 · Amélineau, pp. 53–4, 69–70. ↑Note 16 · Abū Ṣāliḥ gives an account of some monks who embraced the faith of the Prophet, and these are probably representative of a larger number of Note 17 · Lane, pp. 546, 549. ↑Note 18 · Lüttke (1), vol. i. pp. 30, 35. Dr. Andrew Watson writes: “No year has passed during my residence of forty-four years in the Nile valley witNote 19 · Severus, pp. 122, 126, 143. One of the very first occasions on which they had to complain of excessive taxation was when Menas, the ChristiaNote 20 · Maqrīzī mentions five other risings of the Copts that had to be crushed by force of arms, within the first century of the Arab domination. (Note 21 · Renaudot, pp. 189, 374, 430, 540. ↑Note 22 · Id. p. 603. ↑Note 23 · Id. pp. 432, 607. Nāṣir-i-K͟husrau: Safar-nāmah, ed. Schefer, pp. 155–6. ↑Note 24 · Renaudot, pp. 212, 225, 314, 374, 540. ↑Note 25 · Renaudot, p. 388. ↑Note 26 · Id. pp 567, 571, 574–5. ↑Note 27 · Wansleben, p. 30. Wansleben mentions another instance (under different circumstances) of the decay of the Coptic Church, in the island of CyNote 28 · Renaudot, p. 377. ↑Note 29 · Renaudot, p. 575. ↑Note 30 · Relation du voyage du Sayd ou de la Thebayde fait en 1668, par les PP. Protais et Charles-François d’Orleans, Capuchins Missionaires, p. 3. Note 31 · Caetani, vol. iv. p. 520. ↑Note 32 · Ishok of Romgla, pp. 272–3. ↑Note 33 · Idrīsī, p. 32. ↑Note 34 · Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 2me partie, p. 131. ↑Note 35 · Maqrīzī, pp. 128–30. ↑Note 36 · Burckhardt (1), p. 494. ↑Note 37 · About twelve miles above the modern Khartum. ↑Note 38 · Artin, pp. 62, 144. ↑Note 39 · Becker, Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, p. 160. ↑Note 40 · Vol. iv. p. 396. ↑Note 41 · Slatin Pasha records a tradition current among the Danagla Arabs that this town was founded by their ancestor, Dangal, who called it after hNote 42 · Ibn Salīm al-Aswānī, quoted by Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-K͟hiṭaṭ, vol. i. p. 190. (Cairo, A.H. 1270.) ↑Note 43 · Budge, vol. ii. p. 199. Artin, p. 144. ↑Note 44 · Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-K͟hiṭaṭ, vol. i. p. 193. ↑Note 45 · Morié, vol. i. pp. 417–18. ↑Note 46 · Lord Stanley of Alderley in his translation of Alvarez’ Narrative from the original Portuguese, gives the answer of the king as follows: “HeNote 47 · Viaggio nella Ethiopia al Prete Ianni fatto par Don Francesco Alvarez Portughese (1520–1527). (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 200, 250.) ↑Note 48 · Wansleben, p. 30. For descriptions of the ruins that still remain, see Budge, vol. ii. p. 299 sqq., and G. S. Nileham, Churches in Lower NubNote 49 · Burckhardt (1), p. 133. ↑Note 50 · Alvarez, p. 250. ↑Note 51 · Idrīsī, p. 32. ↑Note 52 · ʻArabfaqīh, p. 323. ↑Note 53 · Maqrīzī (2), tome ii. 2me partie, p. 183. ↑Note 54 · Basset, p. 240. ↑Note 55 · Id., p. 247. ↑Note 56 · Alvarez. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 218, 242, 249.) ↑Note 57 · ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 83, 191. ↑Note 58 · ʻArabfaqīh, p. 275–6. ↑Note 59 · Id. pp. 319, 324. ↑Note 60 · Id. pp. 28, 129, 275. ↑Note 61 · Plowden, p. 36. ↑Note 62 · ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 321, 335, 343. ↑Note 63 · Id. passim. ↑Note 64 · Id. pp. 175, 195, 248. ↑Note 65 · Id. p. 178. ↑Note 66 · ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 34–5, 120–1, 182–3, 244, 327. ↑Note 67 · ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 181–2, 186. ↑Note 68 · Iobi Ludolfi ad suam Historiam Æthiopicam Commentarius, p. 474. (Frankfurt a. M., 1691.) ↑Note 69 · Histoire de la Haute Ethiopie, par le R. P. Manoel d’Almeïda, p. 7. (Thevenot, vol. ii.) ↑Note 70 · Massaja, vol. ii. pp. 205–6. “Ognuno comprende che movente di queste conversioni essendo la sete di regnare, nel fatto non si riducevano cheNote 71 · Rüppell, vol. i. pp. 328, 366. ↑Note 72 · Plowden, p. 15. ↑Note 73 · Tābōt, the ark of the covenant. ↑Note 74 · Littmann, pp. 69–70. ↑Note 75 · Plowden, pp. 8–9. ↑Note 76 · Beke, pp. 51–2. Isenberg, p. 36. ↑Note 77 · Reclus, vol. x. p. 247. Massaja, vol. xi. p. 125. ↑Note 78 · Massaja, vol. xi. p. 124. ↑Note 79 · Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 77–8. ↑Note 80 · Id. pp. 124, 125. ↑Note 81 · Oppel, p. 307. Reclus, tome x. p. 247. ↑Note 82 · Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 79, 81. ↑Note 83 · Morié, vol. ii. p. 449. ↑Note 84 · Littmann, pp. 68–70. K. Cederquist: Islam and Christianity in Abyssinia, p. 154 (The Moslem World, vol. ii.). ↑Note 85 · Gibbon, vol. i. p. 161. ↑Note 86 · Id. vol. ii. p. 212. ↑Note 87 · C. O. Castiglioni: Recherches sur les Berbères atlantiques, pp. 96–7. (Milan, 1826.) ↑Note 88 · Synesii Catastasis. (Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. lxvi. p. 1569.) ↑Note 89 · Neander (2), p. 320. ↑Note 90 · Gibbon, vol. iv. pp. 331–3. ↑Note 91 · Id. vol. v. p. 115. ↑Note 92 · Tijānī, p. 201. Gibbon, vol. v. p. 122. ↑Note 93 · Gibbon, vol. v. p. 214. ↑Note 94 · Neander (1), vol. v. pp. 254–5. J. E. T. Wiltsch: Hand-book of the geography and statistics of the Church, vol. i. pp. 433–4. (London, 1859.Note 95 · Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 70, D.) ↑Note 96 · “Deusen, una città antichissima edificata da Romani dove confina il regno di Buggia col diserto di Numidia.” (Id. p. 75, F.) ↑Note 97 · Pavy, vol. i. p. iv. ↑Note 98 · “Tous ceux qui ne se convertirent pas à l’islamisme, ou qui (conservant leur foi) ne voulurent pas s’obliger à payer la capitation, durent pNote 99 · Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 7.) ↑Note 100 · “Afros passim ad ecclesiasticos ordines (procedentes) prætendentes nulla ratione suscipiat (Bonifacius), quia aliqui eorum Manichæi, aliqui Note 101 · Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, pp. 65, 66, 68, 69, 76.) ↑Note 102 · Qayrwān or Cairoan, founded A.H. 50; Fez, founded A.H. 185; al-Mahdiyyah, founded A.H. 303; Masīlah, founded A.H. 315; Marocco, founded A.H.Note 103 · Ibn Abī Zarʻ, p. 16. ↑Note 104 · A doubtful case of forced conversion is attributed to ʻAbd al-Muʼmin, who conquered Tunis in 1159. See De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 77–8. “Deux auNote 105 · De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 27–8. ↑Note 106 · S. Leonis IX. Papæ Epist. lxxxiii. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. cxliii. p. 728.) This letter deals with a quarrel for precedence between the bisNote 107 · A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 628–9. ↑Note 108 · S. Gregorii VII. Epistola xix. (Liber tertius). (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. cxlviii. p. 449.) ↑Note 109 · De Mas Latrie, p. 226. A number of Spanish Christians, whose ancestors had been deported to Morocco in 1122, were to be found there as late Note 110 · C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l’Islam, p. xxxiii. (Paris, 1881.) ↑Note 111 · Compare the articles published by a Junta held at Madrid in 1566, for the reformation of the Moriscoes; one of which runs as follows: “That Note 112 · C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l’Islam, pp. xxvi–xxxvii. ↑Note 113 · Leo Africanus says that at the end of the fifteenth century all the mountaineers of Algeria and of Buggia, though Muhammadans, painted blackNote 114 · Tijānī, p. 203. ↑Note 115 · The modern Touzer, in Tunis. ↑Note 116 · Taʼrīk͟h al-duwal al-islāmiyyah biʼl mag͟hrib, I. p. 146. (ed. De Slane. Alger, 1847.) ↑Note 117 · Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 67.) ↑Note 118 · Pavy, vol. i. p. vii. ↑Note 119 · De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 61–2, 266–7. L. del Marmol-Caravajal: De l’Afrique, tome ii. p. 54. (Paris, 1667.) ↑Note 120 · De Mas Latrie (2), p. 192. ↑Note 121 · e.g. Innocent III, Gregory VII, Gregory IX and Innocent IV. ↑Note 122 · De Mas Latrie (2), p. 273. ↑Note 123 · The tide of Arab emigration does not seem to have set across the Red Sea, the western shores of which formed part of the Abyssinian kingdom,Note 124 · These Muhammadan tributaries were chiefly to be found in the low-lying countries that formed the northern boundary of Abyssinia, from the ReNote 125 · One of these in 1531 wrote the following letter to Aḥmad Grāñ:—“I was formerly a Muslim and the son of a Muslim, was taken prisoner by the pNote 126 · But with the help of the Portuguese, the Abyssinians succeeded in shaking off the yoke of their Muhammadan conquerors and Aḥmad Grāñ himselfNote 127 · The progress achieved by Islam during this period may be estimated from the testimony of a traveller of the seventeenth century, who tells uNote 128 · Other sections of the population of the northern districts of the country were similarly converted to Islam during the same period, because Note 129 · The Roman provinces of Africa, to which the Christian population was confined, never extended far southwards; the Sahara forms a barrier in Note 130 · But whatever may have been the extent of the Christian Church, it received a blow from the Vandal persecutions from which it never recoveredNote 131 · In 646, the year before the victorious Arabs advanced from Egypt to the subjugation of the western province, the African Church that had chaNote 132 · From the considerations enumerated above, it may certainly be inferred that the Christian population at the time of the Muhammadan invasion Note 133 · As to the scattered remnants of the once flourishing Christian Church that still remained in Africa at the end of the seventh century, it caNote 134 · The very slowness of its decay is a testimony to the toleration it must have received. About 300 years after the Muhammadan conquest there wNote 135 · The missionaries started off in parties of five or six at a time in various directions; they went in rags, staff in hand, and choosing out tNote 136 · The above incident is no doubt illustrative of the manner in which Islam was introduced among such other sections of the independent tribes Note 137 · There is little more to add to these sparse records of the decay of the North African Church. A Muhammadan traveller,114 who visited al-JarīNote 138 · This is the last we hear of the native Christian Church in North Africa. The very fact of its so long survival would militate against any su
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