PART IV. From the Reformation to the present time. (continued 5)

This reign was also distinguished by those memorable religious controversies which sprung from the novel or unfashionable opinions advanced and maintained by Clarke, Whiston, Peirce, Hoadly, and others, and which wrought a considerable revolution in the minds of a great many, both in the church and among the dissenters. The athanasian trinity was given up by numbers of our most learned countrymen; the nature of the kingdom of Christ, with the measure and extent of the obedience due to the civil magistrate, became better understood; the injustice and iniquity of imposing human creeds, or articles of faith, were more fully evinced; in short, the English nation is supposed to have been thenceforth more generally and accurately acquainted with the principles of civil and religious liberty, the claims of conscience, and rights of man, than at any former period. Of late years, however, we are thought to have made no advances on these grounds, but rather to have been moving in a retrogressive direction; so that our favourite word liberty itself would seem to be in danger of losing its wonted meaning, and becoming a vague, or rather an obsolete term in our language. Nor will the violent hubbub lately raised, by Lord Sidmouth’s illiberal, illconditioned, illfeatured, illdigested, and deservedly reprobated bill, be sufficient to invalidate this opinion.

The effects of the above-mentioned controversies extended even to this town; and the elder Pyle, who was then at the head of our established clergy, as well as the elder Rastrick, who was at the head of the dissenting interest here, were both actually brought over to what was deemed the heterodox side of the question. They were men of considerable eminence and learning, and had been both educated at Cambridge; for Rastrick was originally one of the established clergy, and had been for sometime vicar of Kirkton near Boston, before he left the church and joined the dissenters. But we will say no more of them here, as we shall have occasion to bring them forward again in our biographical sketches. The king died suddenly, at Osnaburgh in his German dominions, on the 11th of June 1727, and was succeeded by his only son, George prince of Wales, which brings us to the end of this section.

Section VI.

A view of the state of things in this town during the reign of George II.—his accession attended with no inauspicious circumstances; and his reign, on the whole, happy and prosperous—recital of some of the most notable and prominent acts of our municipality in the earlier part of it—account of certain subsequent proceedings and occurrences.

The reign of George II. commenced upon the arrival of the news of his father’s demise, which was very shortly, and within a few days after that event had taken place. He was proclaimed in London on the 15th of June, and at Edinburgh and Dublin on the 19th of the same month. His accession was attended by none of those untoward appearances which beclouded that of his predecessor. All the lords and others, the late king’s privy councellors, were sworn of his privy council, the former ministry retained their places, and Walpole held the premiership for fifteen years longer; nor was he displaced at last through any dislike or prejudice which the king had imbibed against him or his service, but by the persevering and prevailing exertions of the opposition party, headed by Pulteney, who forced him to resign, contrary to the desire or inclination of the sovereign. His administration has been much censured, for its systematic corruption. But that corruption never extended so far as that of certain heaven-born ministers of more recent times; and it was certainly employed for much better purposes. His aversion to war, and constant endeavours to avoid it, cover a multitude of his sins: and it was probably not so often as most people imagine that this country has been favoured with better ministers than Sir Robert Walpole.

The reign of George II. may safely be pronounced, on the whole, one of the most happy and prosperous in the annals of this country. The principles of civil and religious liberty were then favoured at court, and recognized by the sovereign, as what had seated his family on the throne. Protestant Dissenters he considered as some of his best friends and most faithful subjects; nor did his ministers and courtiers ever presume to treat them with coolness and disrespect, or pretend to entertain any doubt or suspicion of their loyalty, or their attachment to the king and constitution, according to the principles laid down at the revolution. In short, this reign will be contemplated with no small pleasure by the sons of freedom, as a period when an open attachment to civil and religious liberty, or the real rights of man, subjected no one to the suspicion, or imputation, of being a traitor to his king and country. How far the same may be said of our situation for the last twenty years, is a question of which we shall not at present enter upon the discussion.

One of the first notable acts of our municipality, after the commencement of this reign, may be presumed to be that of addressing the throne, by way both of condolence and congratulation; the former on the death of the late sovereign, and the latter on the happy accession of his successor. But as no copy of this address has fallen in our way, we cannot form any judgment of its tenor or merit: only we are informed that our cities and boroughs, in general, did then actually send up such addresses; and it is not to be supposed that the same was neglected or omitted at Lynn, especially as the prime minister himself was one of its representatives. This address, no doubt, was sufficiently loyal, but whether or not so eloquent and sublime as those sent up in the reign of queen Anne, must now be left among the uncertainties, or, perhaps, even among the inscrutables.

Not long after, or in the course of the autumn of that same year, as it would seem, the mayor, (Mr. Tho. Allen) according to one of our manuscript narratives, issued an order to prohibit the barbers to shave on Sundays; for which we may be pretty sure his worship had not many thanks from that fraternity. How far this order was obeyed, or did contribute to the reformation and benefit of the town, we have not been able to discover. The wisdom and utility of such measures appear very questionable, and it is doubtful if they have ever answered any very good purposes, as they seem to be ill, or not at all, calculated to convince people of the evil of the conduct or practices against which they are directed. Some of our mayors, of more recent days, have taken upon them to issue similar orders, at the commencement of their mayoralty, but they have seldom, or never, thought it proper or expedient to enforce them throughout, or to the end of the year.

Mr John Goodwin, the mayor of the ensuing year, (1728–,) distinguished himself, according to the same narrative, in another way, by setting down a stone-cistern at the end of the Fish-Shambles, and also endowing one of the Almshouses in broad Street for one poor man with two shillings a week.—His successor, Mr. Andrew Taylor, distinguished himself still differently: for, as the same narrative words it, “He did abundance of good, as he thought, by taking away guns and killing of dogs; but was a friend to the Church, which he seldom troubled.” That is, if we rightly comprehend the meaning, he was, in talk, a mighty zealot for the Church, though he seldom would condescend, or deem it worth his while to honour it with his presence: which, to all thinking and discerning people, was a sure sign and clear proof that all his noisy zeal was nothing but mere pretence, to answer some mercenary or hypocritical end; and but for which he in reality cared no more for the church than the most heathenish or irreligious of his neighbours.

How many such churchmen as this Andrew Taylor have been mayors of this town since his time, it is impossible to say; but that numbers of them have pretended to be very stanch and zealous for the Church, while they seldom attended its stated service, or public worship, is very certain. That there were none of this description among the present members of the Hall seems much to be wished; and especially that a truly and christian spirit towards those of other denominations was more visible and predominant among them; which yet is suspected not to have been altogether the case at the formation or establishment of the Lancastrian school, and in some subsequent circumstances relating to that event. But this is not the proper place to make these matters the subjects of inquiry, investigation, or animadversion. [912]

The successor of Taylor, Mr. Charles Harwick, who obtained the mayoralty in 1730, had most painful scenes to engage his attention, owing to the most shocking murder of a Mrs Ann Wright, which had been perpetrated in the town that year, by one George Smith, aided by Mary Taylor, Mrs Wright’s Servant, who had let him into the house in the dead of the night. For this black and horrid deed Mary Taylor was burnt alive in the market-place, and Smith was hanged at the same time, on a gallows erected, as Mackerell says, seventeen yards distant from the stake. This happened, it seems, in 1731, the latter part of Harwick’s mayoralty. The superlative atrociousness of that bloody deed, and the dreadful abandonment, dereliction, or depravity of mind which it discovered, called, undoubtedly, for the most exemplary and terrible punishment, in order to deter those of the like character from the commission of similar crimes, as nothing else can be expected to have much effect on such, in restraining their flagitious propensities. A virtuous principle, however, after all, is the most powerful and effectual of all preventives against vicious or criminal excesses, and far beyond all the terrors of penal laws, or punitive justice. It is a great pity more care is not taken to instill this principle as much as possible into the minds of the rising generations

About the time last mentioned, one John Rudkin, a member of our municipality, fell under the sore displeasure of his brethren, and was eventually expelled from among them. The affair is thus related in the Hall books—“April 26. 1731, Ordered that John Rudkin be discharged from the office of common Councell man, unless, next Hall-day, he can shew cause to the contrary; he having disclosed the councells of this assembly, and the secrets of this corporation, and hath behaved contemptuously towards the mayor (Charles Harwick Esq. [913]) and other members, justices of this burgh, and charged some of them with pyracy.”—again—“June 16. 1731, John Rudkin’s answer being insufficent, he was expelled and discharged from the office of a common councell.” This shews that our corporation, as such, have counsels and secrets, that are deemed very improper and criminal to disclose; which seems to look somewhat dark and suspicious; for if all their proceedings were fair and just, honestly and solely directed for the public good, what need could there be to care if the whole world knew all about them? [914]—Corporations might be beneficial in their original institution, and in feudal times, to protect the inhabitants from baronial domination and tyranny; but they have become long ago (for the most part, at least,) grievous nuisances, rather than real benefits, to the British public.

At the period we are now reviewing, Lynn was by no means in a flourishing state, as may be pretty safely concluded from the following passage in our book of Extracts—“Dec. 23. 1731; Ordered that a memorial be sent to the Representatives in Parliament, touching the heavy burthen upon them, from the Land-Tax Act, and from the decrease of traders among them, praying reliefe.”—Things must have gotten to a sad pass to bring our high-minded corporation to so dejected and supplicating a posture. For sometime previous and subsequent to the date of the above extract, as the present writer has heard from ancient people who remembered the time, the indigence of Lynn was a matter of general notoriety; so that poor Lynn used to be the common appellation of the town, in the language of the country people. It seems now to be the prevailing opinion that the late conduct of our rulers, in subjecting the small houses to taxation, and otherwise so unconscionably burdening the town, will soon bring things here again to the same pass, and restore to us the humiliating name of poor Lynn once more. Our many empty houses would seem to corroborate this opinion; but we would fain hope their number will soon decrease, and that some favourable events, or happy turn of things will prevent such an opinion, or the fears entertained on this head being realized.

In the times we are now exploring, our mayor was allowed to confer the freedom of the town, on some one person whom he should think proper to select for that purpose: hence such notices as the following occur in our book of Extracts—“Dec. 8. 1732; Rd. Hawkins made ffree, as the mayor’s, John Farthing’s ffreeman.”—again—“May 8. 1733; Wm. Langley, mariner, made ffree, upon Andrew Taylor’s recommendation, not having had a ffreeman chosen for his mayoralty, as accustomed.”—again—“May 23. 1733; Edmd. Harwick, of Wiggenhall St. Maries, to have his ffreedom upon recommendation of alderman John Goodwin, he not having had a ffreeman chosen for his last mayoralty as hath been accustomed.”—About three months after, however, our Hall suddenly resolved to discontinue this custom, as appears from the following passage among our Extracts—“Aug. 29. 1733; Saml. Browne chosen mayor, and to have 150l. viz. 50l. for the better carrying on the mayoralty; 50l. for the entertainment on Michaelmas Day; and 50l. on St. John’s Day”—Then it is added—“And that no succeeding mayor have the liberty of naming, or making a ffreeman, as his ffreeman, for the future.” But they did not long adhere to this order, or resolution, or persist in so self-denying a course, as we find by another note among the same Extracts, which is expressed thus—“May 22. 1739; The revd. Mr. Edmd. Keene had his ffreedom gratis, as his father’s ffreeman.” [917] Whether or not it was very wise to discontinue this custom, or afterwards to revive it, after it had been so expressly and formally abolished, we will not now stop to inquire, but shall here close this section.

Section VII.

Great chancery suit here about 1738—violent storm or hurricane in 1741—its effects here and in the adjacent country—the damages here repaired—perilous state then of the river and harbour—rebellion breaking out in 1745—its effects in this town—its progress—suppressed after the battle of Culloden—reflections thereon—subsequent events relating to Lynn to the end of that reign—state of the nation—accession of George III.

About the time of which we have been speaking, our Corporation had a great suit in Chancery with one of their own principal members; and however justifiable or unjustifiable it might be, a falling out among brethren must be allowed to be, at any time and on any occasion, a very unpleasant occurrence. Our knowledge of this unlovely affair is derived from the following luminous passage in our book of Extracts—“Dec. 22. 1738; Whereas there was lately a suit depending in Chancery between the mayor and burgesses and Robt. Britiffe Esq. their trustee, against alderman Thomas Allen, (which was the 7th. Octr. 1738, agreed that Mr. Serjeant Urlin, Chas. Clarke Esq. and Mr. Tho. Nutting be appointed Referees to arbitrate) for the recovery of the ancient customary payment of 1d. per quarter for corn sold by the said Tho. Allen, upon contracts made by him with other merchants, not being freemen, for shipping such corn at a price certain, clear of all charges. Said Mr. Allen hath agreed to pay not only all the arrears for all corn he shipped off out of this port, where the same was not really his own risque and adventure, but in all future times to pay the said dues for all corn which he shall contract for and sell to any persons not being freemen of the said borough, which shall be exported out of the said borough by water.” In this suit the corporation evidently got the better of their opponent; but this is far from having been invariably the case in all their law-suits, as has before appeared in the course of this work.

The year 1741 was rendered very remarkable and memorable in this town and country, on account of a violent storm, or hurricane, which then happened, and did great damage to the churches and other buildings. It arose on the 8th of September O. S. and blew down the spires of St. Nicholas’ chapel, and St. Margaret’s Church, and demolished a great part of the body of the latter. The following memoranda, written at that period, will further describe the awful effects of this disastrous visitation. Among our Extracts, so often quoted, it is noted as follows under the date of Sept. 9. 1741; “The Hurrycane yesterday blew down the spire and body of St. Margaret’s Church; also the spire of St. Nicholas’s Chappell.” And in another place, but of the same date, it is thus noted—“That whereas the Hurricane yesterday blew down St. Margaret’s spire and part of the Church, application be made to Sir Robert Walpole to procure ane act of parliament for rebuilding the same.” But a more particular account of the effects of this furious tempest we have found written on a blank leaf, at the end of a copy of the history of the great storm in 1703. It is in the handwriting of a Mr. Tho. Peirson, a clergyman, if we are not mistaken, whose property the book probably was, and it runs as follows—

“M E M. That on Tuesday 8. Sept. 1741, about 20 minutes after 12 at noon, was a most violent storm of wind and rain, which blew down St. Margarett’s Church Steeple and St. Nicholas at Lynn Regis, with the Weather-cock, &c. of All-Hallows Church in South Lynn, [920] Norfolk. Also the great West gabble-end, with a very large stack of chimneys, and the Weather-Hand of Middleton-Hall—And a great barn belonging to Henry Whiteman’s Farm at Tilney, with a small barn belonging to Thos. Cricks Farm at Outwell, in the Isle of Ely, the property of Me.—Besides divers other buildings in Marshland; and great damage was done to the Timber and others Trees in the country about Lynn and Downham.

Ita Testor. Tho: Peirson.”

The damages sustained here from this storm were all in time repaired: those of St. Margaret’s Church, it seems, by virtue of an act of parliament. One of our MS. narratives informs us that the rebuilding of that church was begun in 1742, during the mayoralty of Edward Everard, and completed in 1747, during that of Walter Robertson; so that it appears to have been about five years in rebuilding. But the new, or present church, like Ezra and Nehemiah’s new temple at Jerusalem, is said to be much inferior to the former, in point of dimension, as well as beauty and magnificence. It may be supposed however, that the pardons or indulgences offered to the contributors towards the old edifice, procured ampler funds for its completion than the act of parliament that was obtained for completing the new.

It would seem as if our very river and harbour had not entirely escaped the effects of that storm, and even that it did, or occasioned some very material damage to them; at least, there were great complaints made just after, of the bad and very perilous state to which they were then reduced. This will appear from the following passage, extracted from the Town Records—

“Sept. 9. 1741 agreed that the defences in sundry places of the Harbour are become insufficient to confine the fflux and reflux of the Tide, so that the Port and Harbour will soon be lost—That the two points of land on the east and west side of the river about a mile below the town are worn away by the rage of the sea, so that Marshland on one hand, and Gaywood and Wooton and all the low-lands thereabouts on the other, are in danger of being swallowed up by the sea—That, to guard against the flux and reflux, Piers are conceived to be absolutely necessary to be placed both above and below Lynn, for the preservation of the Town as well as the Port and Harbour.”

Shortly after another meeting was held at the Hall on the same occasion; which is thus noticed in the same Extracts—“Octr. 15. 1741, Sir John Turner, bart. is desired to write to Sir Robert Walpole, to recommend a Surveyor to view the Harbour, and to draw a report thereof, in order to have the same laid before parliament.”—Three weeks after, the result of this application to the minister is thus announced—“Nov. 5th. Sir John Turner acquainted that he had received a Letter from Sir Robt. Walpole, recommending Mr. Roswell, then at Hull, to survey the Harbour; and he is accepted and approved of to be Surveyor, and B. Nuthall Esq. or his Deputy, Mr. Recorder, aldermen Goodwin, Allen, Farthing, Bagge—Mr. Hulton, Everard, Langley, or any five or more to be a committee to prepare instructions for him.”—again—“Dec. 14. 1741; Ordered 21l. to be presented to Mr. Rodwell [so the name is spelt here:] for his trouble and advice in matters relating to the Harbour and South Marsh.”—Furthermore—“Febr. 24 1741–2;—Mr. Wm. Reynolds presented his report touching his survey of the Harbour, together with ane estimate of the charges in the erecting of two Piers which he proposes for the restoration and preservation thereof, which is approved off.”

Afterwards we hear no more of this business, for nine months or more. Then we find it further noticed as follows—

“Novr. 29th. 1742; Ordered that application be made to parliament for the preservation of the channel and harbour of this Port and Borough, which are in danger of being lost.—The schemes of Mr Rosewell and Mr. Reynolds being read and approved of, it is agreed that the same be carryed into execution, and this House hath agreed to resolve itselfe into a Committee of the whole House, to consider of ways and means for raising moneys, by laying such rates and duties on goods and merchandizes imported into, and exported out of this Port, or by such other ways as they shall think proper for the effectuall carrying those schemes into execution, for preserving the channel and harbour aforesaid and rendring the same usefull and safe for navigation.”

What beneficial effects resulted from the above measures we have not been able to discover. Nor do our Extracts afford us any further information relating to the subject, except what is suggested in the following passage—“Dec. 19. 1744; A Committee [was appointed] to view the state of the banks, in Gaywood and Wooton, lying against the sea—and to view the breach made in the South Marsh bank, by the rageing tides, and enquire if the corporation may desert the lands lying upon the banks, and whether by such desertion the corporation will be discharged from the repairing said banks.”—This passage discovers more selfishness than public spirit. They seemed disposed to let the banks remain unrepaired, and take no further care of them, whatever might be the consequence to the country, provided they could be sure it might be done with perfect safety, or without any pecuniary risk to themselves. This is in the true corporation character.

The next year (1745) was very memorably distinguished by the rebellion, which then broke out in Scotland in favour of the pretender, or the son of James II.

“On the 6th of August this year some notices having been communicated to the government of such an attempt, aided by the French Court, a proclamation was published, offering a reward of 30,000l. for apprehending and securing the eldest son of the pretender, in case he should land, or attempt to land, in any of his majesty’s dominions. On the 17th. an account arrived, that several persons had landed between the islands of Mull and Skie, one of whom it was supposed was the pretender’s Son. On September 5, his majesty sent notice to the lord mayor of London, that the pretender’s eldest son had landed in Scotland, and that several persons had assembled there and broke out into open rebellion.

“Soon after advice arrived, that the rebels had marched Southward. On the 13th. they passed the Forth, five miles above Stirling, and on the 17th. took possession of the city of Edinburgh. By that time general Cope with his army landed at Dunbar, and began to march towards that capital. The rebels did not wait to be attacked by him, but came out to meet him, and on the 21st. at daybreak, they attacked him at Preston Pans, seven miles east of Edinburgh, and totally defeated him, making most of his infantry prisoners. The dragoons made their escape to Berwick, with little loss, save that of the brave Colonel Gardiner. These advantages on the side of the rebels spread a general consternation throughout the kingdom; but all ranks and orders, as we are told, vied with each other in displaying their loyalty, and abhorrence of this unnatural rebellion.”

Many associations were now entered into for the support of his majesty’s crown and dignity, and the constitution in church and state. A large body of British, Dutch, and Hessian troops were brought over from Flanders: and the success of the rebellion, and dread of a threatened invasion from France, having caused a great run upon the Bank, 1100 merchants and eminent tradesmen met, and subscribed their names to an agreement, not to refuse bank-notes in any payment to be made to them.—On Oct. 18. the duke of Cumberland arrived from Flanders, and set out on Nov. 26. to take upon him the command of the army, then on its march into Lancashire. For the rebels, having increased to 8,000, had left Edinburgh, on October 26, and on November 15. the city of Carlisle was surrendered to them. On the 24th. without any molestation, they arrived at Lancaster, and on the 29th. took possession of Manchester, where they formed into a regiment those who had joined them in England. In the beginning of December they left Manchester and advanced to Congleton, as if they intended to meet and engage the Duke of Cumberland, whose advanced guard was then at Newcastle-under-Line. But they suddenly turned off to the left, and marched into Derbyshire, seeming to have an intention to slip by the duke, and take their way directly to London.

When this news reached the metropolis it occasioned the greatest consternation imaginable; the run upon the Bank and depression of the public Funds became very great and alarming; but recourse was immediately had to such measures as were thought most proper towards remedying those evils, and frustrating the supposed intention of the dreaded enemy. On the 4th. of December, the rebels entered the town of Derby, and soon, after contrary to expectation, began to retreat northward by the rout they came. Such was the panic with which the nation was then seized, that it was thought if they had proceeded straight to London, they might have entered and mastered it with little or no opposition. There were then no bands of armed citizens, as at some other periods; and the troops stationed there and thereabout, were now ordered to march and form a camp upon Finchley-common: but had the rebels appeared, they would probably have behaved no better than their brethren had done at Preston Pans and Falkirk.

In the meantime, the general panic and alarm, as might be supposed, extended even to Lynn, and produced here very remarkable and whimsical effects. No sooner was it known that the rebels were at Derby, than it was concluded, by our wise men, that they certainly meant to visit this town, in their way to the metropolis. And as it was judged that they would attempt to enter at the South-Gate, or that the town was most vulnerable on that side, it was deemed necessary to strengthen that part by constructing there some new outworks. In this service great numbers of the inhabitants cheerfully engaged. The late Mr. Philip Case was then mayor. His worship and the whole corporate body turned out on this occasion, and took their places among the numerous workmen, with spades, shovels, and pickaxes in their hands, assisting with all their might towards the completion of what was supposed so necessary a measure for the effectual defence and preservation of the town.

But these extraordinary exertions of our patriotic townsmen did not long continue, being soon rendered unnecessary, by the arrival of undoubted intelligence, that the rebels had no immediate design upon these parts, and were actually in full retreat towards Scotland. All our fear and consternation now vanished, of course; the project for fortifying the town was instantly relinquished; every thing, in short, reverted to its usual channel, and resumed its former undisturbed and tranquil appearance. But, if our traditional information may be relied upon, there occurred here, during the bustling and alarming interval, some very queer and ludicrous incidents, which some of our ancient townsmen often relate, with much pleasantry and good humour, as what would seem less creditable to the wisdom, the sagacity, and the fortitude of their good forefathers of that period, than to their loyalty, or their patriotism. [927]

The rebellion existed for several months after its dread had ceased to be felt in this town. As soon as the duke got notice of the retreat of the rebels, he set out in pursuit of them, with all the horse in his army, and about a thousand foot soldiers mounted on horseback. Marshal Wade also, who commanded a separate corps, detached a considerable body of cavalry, under general Oglethorpe for the same purpose. On December 18th. the duke came up with the rear of the rebels at Clifton, in Northumberland, where he obtained some advantage over them. On the 30th. he retook Carlisle, after a siege of nine days, making the garrison prisoners. Their main army had by that time reached Scotland, to which kingdom the rebellion was thenceforth entirely confined till its final suppression after the battle of Culloden.

On Jan. 5, 1746, the duke returned to St. James’s; and on the 17th. of that month, the rebels defeated the king’s forces commanded by general Hawley, near Falkirk, though the latter were much superior in numbers. Upon this misfortune, it was thought expedient the duke should take upon him the command of the army in Scotland. He accordingly left London for that purpose, and arrived at Edinburgh on the 30th. of that month. The rebels, who had laid siege to the castle of Stirling, then retreated, and the duke followed them, as fast as the severity of the season and badness of the roads would permit, and arrived at Aberdeen on the 27th of February. Meantime the rebels reduced the Castle of Inverness and Fort Augustus, and laid siege also to Fort William, and Blair Castle, of Athol, but failed in both those attempts. On the 8th. of April the duke left Aberdeen, and on the 14th. arrived at Nairn; and being there assured that the rebels were encamped at Culloden House, near Inverness, he rested the whole of the 15th. at Nairn, to refresh his men. That night the rebels marched, with intent to attack him before daylight; but failed, through some mismanagement; whereupon they returned to Culloden, resolving, in that station, to wait for their pursuers.

The duke, on the 16th. left Nairn, between 4 and 5 in the morning; and at two in the afternoon the engagement began. The rebels obtained some advantage at first, but were soon thrown into confusion and totally defeated, with great slaughter, and circumstances of unusual barbarity, which exposed the duke to much censure, especially from our northern countrymen, and procured him the reproachful appellation of the bloody butcher. Others, however, hailed him as the saviour of the country, and a pattern of every patriotic and princely excellence; and he ever after possessed, especially in these southern parts, great and unrivalled popularity. The battle of Culloden put an end to every chance or hope of restoring the Stuart family, and the evils of rebellion and civil war have never since been experienced in this island.

Of the numerous prisoners taken in the course of the rebellion, some were pardoned, and a considerable number executed, but a far greater number of them were transported to America, where they largely contributed, by their sobriety and industry, to the increasing population and prosperity of that country. The duke continued in Scotland sometime after the battle of Culloden, when some further severities were exercised, but whether just and wholesome, or not, we will not now take upon us to pronounce. Agreeably with those severities, an act passed that same year for disarming the Highlanders, and restraining the use of the Highland dress; which must have reduced those people to a must humiliating and degrading situation. A more liberal and enlightened policy, towards that country, was adopted by our government some years after, under the administration of the elder Pitt: since which time the Scots have ranked invariably among the most loyal and zealous of the adherents or subjects of the House of Hanover. A similar policy adopted towards Ireland would, no doubt, produce similar effects there, and place that whole nation among the most estimable subject of the British empire. But it is to be feared that we shall not be very soon blessed with a ministry endowed with so much virtue, or so much wisdom.

From the termination of the rebellion to the time of the king’s death, the affairs of the nation went on prosperously, as did also those of this town. The years 1747 and 1748 were here much distinguished by the uncommon number of persons who were then made free gratis—Such as Joseph Tayler M.D. John Wilson Esq. Chas. Townshend Esq. Rd. Hammond Esq. Rev. Wm. Everard; Rev. Dr. Edm. Pyle; Rev. Robt. Hammond; Robt. Hammond Esq. John Nuthall Esq. Chas: Cooper Morely; John Partridge gent. John Davis Esq. Rev. John Daville, and Rev. Chas. Phelps.—Such a batch of new burgesses must, no doubt, have greatly augmented the consequence and respectability of the town.

The year 1749, or, at least, the mayoralty that began that year, exhibited here a most sad catastrophe, attended with most shocking circumstances. It was the condemnation and execution of one Charles Holditch, for burglary in his own father’s house, and an attempt to murder the old man in his bed, which he was prevented from perpetrating by a child, who was then in bed with the old man. This was certainly an instance of enormous and almost unexampled depravity; and may, perhaps, be considered as an indication of the wretched state of morals then in this town among the common people. The clergy, as it is too often the case, cared, probably, little or nothing about instructing the lower orders; and there were here then but few dissenters to supply the lack of service, or deficiencies of the established ministry.

In 1751, or during the mayoralty which then commenced, another shocking scene occurred here, which is thus related in one of our MS. narratives—“This year Wm. Chaplain was hang’d on a gibbet upon South-Lynn Common, for the murdering of Mary Gafferson—being the first ever known to be hung in chains in this town.” This seems to corroborate what was said before, of the wretched state of morals here then among the lower orders of the community. And the present writer can easily conceive, and is very confident that such must have been then the case, from what he knows it to have been somewhat more than twenty years after, (or 35 years ago,) when he first came to reside here. In point of morals, manners, and outward decency, the town is much improved since that period; and yet there is much room still for further improvement. The change for the better which has already taken place, and which is hoped to be still in its progress, must be ascribed partly to the superior character of the church ministry here of late years, and partly to the unwearied exertions of the methodists and our other dissenters: [932] and as the numbers of those who have been reformed and converted from their former rudeness and heathenism have already much increased, and are still increasing, it may be hoped that the influence of their example will also increase in equal proportion, till our whole population becomes thoroughly reformed, civilized, and enlightened.

Among the most memorable and important of the recorded acts of our municipality in 1751, are to be reckoned the choosing of Dr. Joseph Tayler, a physician, into the common-council, and enrolling the name of our respected townsman, Thomas Day Esq. among our free burgesses. From that time nothing worth notice occurs till 1755, when the following passage is noted among our Extracts—“1755, July 7th. Ordered that his Majesties grant 8th May 1755, to Henry Partridge Esq. Recorder, in trust for the Mayor and Burgesses, of the fourth part of the Tollbooth and Tolls in the Village and Port of Lynn, and the Tolls for weighing Wool, mensuration, and Love Copp, and also the Water of Wiggenhall and office of Bailif there, with the profits of Courts, &c. and also the office of gauger in the Village and Port afforesaid, and the profits of the fyshery of the said waters, &c. to hold for 31 years from Lady Day 1755, and expires at Lady Day 1786, to be laid up in the Treasury.”—These advantages seem to have been conferred by the corporation on the Recorder of that day, in consideration of the slenderness of the Salary annexed to his office. Whether there be any similar appendage to the Salary of the present Recorder, we are unable to say.—Under the same year the following note occurs—“August 27. The Mayor’s Sallary to be 100l. from Michaelmas next.” It seems to have been before unfixed. It surely ought to be now 300l. at least. Yet we cannot find that to be the case.

Nothing of any consequence appear to have occurred here during the remainder of this reign. The last recorded acts of our municipality before the expiration of this period, as far as we can find, are the following—“August 29. 1760, Mr. Th. Day chosen Common-Councell-man—Honourable Geo. Townshend ffree gratis.”—again—“Sept. 29. The Mayor for the time being to be indemnifyed from all charges, &c. occasioned thro’ any neglects of the Goaler or Serjeants at Mace.” The king died on the 25th. of October that same year, at Kensington, in the 77th. year of his age, and the 34th. of his reign, the close of which was distinguished by what has been generally deemed very glorious events, and a most happy harmony among his subjects.

Before we close this section and take our final leave of George II, some notice may and ought to be taken of a circumstance, the most important and interesting, perhaps, in its effects, or consequences, of any that occurred in that reign: and that is, the origin of methodism, or of that popular religious sect, whose votaries or constituents are denominated methodists, and which is now become the most numerous body of protestant dissenters in the British dominions. Their numbers and their influence are now so great, and so rapidly increasing, as to have evidently excited no small alarm among our higher powers, in church and state, and even among the Wilberforce party, or that class of churchmen which assumes or bears the name of evangelical; [935] as we learn from the late memorable Bill of Lord Sidmouth, together with certain circumstances which it was the means of bringing to light.

This Sect, like most others, sprang from a small beginning. Its founders were a few young men of the university of Oxford, of the names of Morgan, John and Charles Wesley, Kirkman, Ingham, James Harvey, George Whitefield, &c. A young gentleman of Christ Church named them methodists, in allusion to some ancient physicians, so called. Others denominated them the Holy Club; but this name soon died away; whereas the other remained, and became permanent; and the sect is known and distinguished by it to this day. Oxford could not long contain, or retain these birds of paradise. They soon got out of the shell, quitted the nest and flew abroad; and by the time of the birth of our present sovereign, their voice was heard, and much listened to, in London, and a great many other places. Since that time they have been ever on the increase, more or less; and of late years prodigiously so; which may account for the doubts and fears entertained in certain quarters, as to the consequence.

John Wesley and George Whitefield being by far the most active and eloquent of the original methodists, soon came to be looked upon as the oracles, or proper chiefs and leaders of the sect. They went on harmoniously for sometime; but, after a while, these extraordinary men imbibed opposite opinions, and became attached to different creeds. Wesley declared himself an arminian, and Whitefield a calvinist; which occasioned a separation among their followers, and produced two distinct sects, under the expressive denominations of Wesleyan or arminian methodists, [936] and Whitefieldian or calvinian methodistis. But the worst of it was, that from being warm and sworn friends, they now became bitter and deadly foes, and declared open war against each other, which was carried on with unabated rancour for many years, to the no small amusement and gratification of the enemies of both parties, and the just and lasting reproach of their own arrogant pretensions to superior goodness and sanctity.

Nothing could be more uncharitable, illiberal, and unchristian than the behaviour of these two sister sects, for many years, towards each other. The champions on both sides generally treated their opponents as the vilest miscreants and reprobates; and such enemies of God and man as had scarcely any chance of salvation while they retained their professed and respective principles. At length their bitter animosities subsided, and the fierce contest ceased: a sort of alliance took place between them; and ever since the utmost efforts of their malevolence, and whole energy of their intolerance have been employed in calumniating and persecuting other religionists, called unitarians, universalists, &c. whom they now treat in a manner much like that in which they formerly treated each other. This is a remarkable circumstance, which we ought not to lose sight of, as it will enable us to form a proper estimate of the respect that is due to the hostile and clamorous conduct of these domineering sects towards those illfated religionists who are, at this present time, the chief objects of their jealousy, their malevolence, and their opposition.

At the commencement of the present reign this sect was become very considerable among the religious denominations of this kingdom; and it has been ever since rapidly increasing, so as to cause no small alarm in some quarters. At present, it seems to be the prevailing opinion that methodism will soon acquire unrivalled preponderance among us, and perhaps become, at last, and at no very distant period, the established religion of England. [937] Should it so happen, it is to be hoped that it will previously undergo a kind of regeneration, so as to prove (among other things) less illiberal and intolerant than it is at present; otherwise neither the dissenting sects, nor the nation at large will have any mighty cause to congratulate themselves on the occasion.—But we will dwell no longer upon this subject at present, as we may have occasion to resume it in another part of the work.—Having now made our way to the year 1760 and the commencement of the present reign, we shall here close this long section.

Section VIII.

Accession of George III—flattering aspect of British affairs at that period—general expectation then of the commencement or approach of halcyon days and a golden age—those expectations have not been yet realized—on the contrary, the nation has witnessed and experienced a very different order or state of things—Views of the affairs of Lynn for the first twenty years of this reign.

Upon the demise of the late king, he was succeeded by his grandson the prince of Wales, under the name of George the third; who was immediately proclaimed, with the usual ceremonies, when he made a most gracious declaration to his privy-council, which gave great satisfaction, and was much applauded. On the 8th of September 1761 he was married to the princess Charlotte of Mecklenburg Strelitz, and on the 22nd. of the same month their majesties were crowned at Westminster Abbey. The issue of this marriage is more numerous than that of any of our former sovereigns; at least, for many ages past; so that it is not likely that there will happen here soon any dispute about the regal succession.

No prince ever ascended the throne of these realms more with the approbation, or to the satisfaction of the nation at large than did George III; nor do we know of any other of our sovereigns at whose accession there was so fair and bright a prospect of a happy and glorious reign. The people universally expected it, and thought they had a right so to do, on account of that proud and unrivalled preeminence which the nation had lately acquired among the powers of Europe, and of the world. In this expectation, however, we have been disappointed; for those fond and sanguine hopes which were once so confidently entertained and cherished have never yet been realized; and it is not very likely now that they ever will. We live at a most eventful period, so that it is no great wonder that our disasters and disappointments were not foreseen fifty years ago.

Our miscarriages have been so numerous, and the wrongheadedness of our Statesmen and public functionaries so notorious, as to give no small countenance, if not entirely to justify, the opinion of those who assert that the Evil Genius of Britain has presided in its councils, and has had the sole direction of its affairs, with very few exceptions, for the last fifty years, at least. Strong symptoms of political wrongheadedness and ministerial depravity appeared as early as the time when the machine of government was committed to the management of lord Bute, with his coadjutors and underlings. The affair of general warrants, and the project for taxing America, rendered those symptoms still more visible and alarming, while our persisting in our dispute with the Colonists, and undertaking to answer their arguments and silence their complaints by the mouth of our cannon, demonstrated our despotic character and boundless infatuation, and prepared the world to behold, without surprise, the folly and insanity of our subsequent projects and undertakings.

It was hoped by many that the disastrous result of the American war would have brought us to our senses. But it did not so happen. Our subsequent conduct has been for the most part as unwise and senseless as ever it was during our dispute and war with America. Had we been capable of serious reflection, the American war would, doubtless, have brought us to it. Dear-bought experience is said to have been of great use to some people; but it has been in this case quite useless to us; though experience has seldom been more dearly bought than that which Britain has acquired by the American war. In fact, it does not seem that experience is of so much use to mankind, as is generally supposed; not because it is useless in itself, or incapable of making us wiser, but because most people are no way disposed to avail themselves of its aid, and choose to follow their passions rather than their reason. They seemingly hate to look back and recollect former mischances, or to profit by past experience. Both the past and the future appear to be by them equally disregarded. The present employs all their thoughts; and whatsoever errors they may have committed, or inconvenience experienced on that account, little care is generally taken to guard against their repetition or recurrence. Such is the case with nations as well as individuals. So the world goes: and thus, in spite of past experience, every age performs its own folly, and re-acts or repeats the absurdities and crimes of its predecessors.

Sometimes the national errors and follies of one age appear to exceed those of the preceding age, and even of many preceding ages. This has been thought applicable to the present period. Our domestic grievances from different administrations, for the last fifty years, our treatment of the Caribbs of St. Vincent, [941] together with our American and subsequent wars, and also the affair of the Spanish frigates, and of Copenhagen, seem to exceed tenfold all our internal grievances and public ministerial enormities for the preceding fifty, or even seventy years. What addition will be made to this catalogue during the remainder of this reign, it is impossible to foresee; but it is to be hoped that things ere long will take a more favourable turn, as it is surely high time they should.

These observations we shall now conclude, in the words of one of the historians of this reign—“In comparing (says he) the brilliant and auspicious commencement of the reign of the present monarch with the dark and dreadful scenes which ensued (and, it is painful to add, with those which at [this] advanced period seem yet impending) the imagination is led forcibly to advert to the sublime symbolical representations introduced by a poet of the highest order, Mr. Gray, in his celebrated Ode of The Bard, in allusion to the catastrophe terminating the reign of Richard II. in the splendor of its opening dawn, and its subsequent fatal indiscretions, bearing no very distant analogy to the present. [942]

“Fair laughs the morn, and soft the Zephyr blows; While proudly riding o’er the azure realm In gallant trim the gilded vessel goes; Youth at the prow, and Pleasure at the helm; Regardless of the sweeping whirlwind’s sway. That hush’d in grim repose expects his evening prey.”

Of the transactions and occurrences that constitute the history of Lynn for the first twenty years of this reign we know of none that can be deemed very interesting or important. Some of them, however, are no less so than many of those that have been already related, and therefore cannot be silently passed over, or omitted, without departing from the plan which has been hitherto pursued. In regard to this period, as well as the preceding ones, it is much to be wished we could throw some further light on the internal state of the town, or what relates to the domestic character, social habits, or lives and manners of the inhabitants. Here, however, our materials have always proved very scanty; and the same has been generally the case with other historical writers. This work, accordingly, often appears as a history of the corporation; rather than of the town at large, or of the whole community; because our materials relate chiefly to that chartered body, placing all the rest far in the back ground, and often quite out of sight. This is to be regretted.

Among the memorable events which took place at Lynn about, or soon after the commencement of this reign, was the falling of the tower or steeple of South Lynn church. This happened, according to one of our MS. narratives, during the second mayoralty of Walter Robertson, which commenced at Michaelmas 1761. This is said to have been a strong square tower, about 82 feet high, with stone battlements; having thereon a shaft and vane 30 feet high. It had in it also, as Parkin says, five tuneable bells: and it appears to have in its fall demolished a good part of the west end of the church. The damage, as to the church, was soon repaired, but the tower was never afterwards rebuilt. South Lynn makes now a much humbler appearance than it did in former days, when it was adorned with two lofty towers; that which we have now mentioned, and that of the Carmelite convent, which stood a little way off, adjoining to that convent, in what is now called The Friars. This tower is said to have fallen in 1690: so that the tower of the parish Church stood above 130 years longer; owing, perhaps, to its being kept in better repair; though it may be supposed to have been, like the other, neglected afterwards.

Much about the time of which we have been speaking, another remarkable event occurred within our municipal or admiralty jurisdiction. This was the taking of a large whale, near Beverley creek, according to one account, or near Darsingham, according to the Norfolk Remembrancer; which further says, that it was 56 feet 9 inches long, and 34 feet 4 inches in girth; and moreover, that it was taken on the 27th. of March 1762. If we are not mistaken there was some dispute about it between our mayor of that time and Mr. Styleman, or some other gentleman of the vicinity of the place where it was taken. But we believe that the former’s right to it was, in the end, established. There have been other instances of whales being taken on this coast, though it happens but rarely.

On December 2nd. 1763, a dreadful high wind and tide made great ravages here: many ships were wrecked on the coast, and an incredible number of cattle and sheep were drowned in Marshland, &c. Among other sufferers, a Mr. Barrell and a Mr. Corfe, of Snettisham, lost 800 sheep each, as we find in the Norfolk Remembrancer.—In the following year, during the second mayoralty of Philip Case, the town, according to one of our MS. narratives, was served a trick which could not possibly redound to the credit of our rulers. “Purfleet Fleet was then cleaned, from the bridge to the clough adjoining to Kettle Mills river; and the filth and mud carried away by boats into the haven, to the great annoyance of the harbour and the forming of a bar there.” This was certainly bad enough, but the worst is still behind. The charge of scouring or cleaning the Fleets, it seems, belonged to the corporation: but, in this instance, it was contrived to throw it on the inhabitants, who were accordingly subjected to an assessment, or tax, which amounted to a sum of no less than 2000l. This, to say the least of it, seems to have been a very shabby affair; but some will think it much less so than our famous paving jobb.

In the third mayoralty of John Cary senior, which commenced in 1765, a shocking murder was committed here by one John Rudderham, (commonly and ironically called honest John) for which bloody and horrid deed he was soon after tried, condemned, and executed. Such, it has been said, was the deplorable depravity and ignorance of this unhappy wretch, that he appeared not to have any sense of moral evil, or any idea of the existence of a Supreme Being, and of a future state. Though born and brought up in a christian country, and even deemed a member of a christian church, yet he was utterly ignorant of every thing belonging to christianity, as appeared from the first conversation he had with a person who attended him while under sentence of death. Being asked by that person, if he had ever heard of the Lord Jesus Christ? He seriously answered that he could not positively say whether he had or not: “and yet (said he) I do rather think that I have really heard something of such a gentleman, though I cannot now remember what it was.” It is to be feared there were a great many more here at the same time in a similar predicament, or equally ignorant. Yet, if we are not misinformed, a motion made, about that period, to establish here a school for the instruction of poor children, was actually negatived, as a needless and useless measure, and what might prove inimical to social order, and destructive of all intellectual distinction between rich and poor, gentlemen and plebeians. It is pleasing to contemplate that our higher powers were actuated by better and nobler ideas latterly, when the Lancasterian school was proposed and established. May this prove the dawn of a more liberal and brighter day.

In 1768, during the mayoralty of Charles Turner, which commenced the preceding year, the town was much agitated by a very violent contested election, chiefly between Sir John Turner bart. and Crisp Molineaux Esq; for the honourable Thomas Walpole Esq. the other candidate, was apparently pretty sure of gaining his election. He was accordingly returned, and Sir John along with him, owing, as one of our MS. narratives suggests, to the bribing exertions of a certain eminent merchant, who expended 7000l. and upwards on the occasion. It was, however, the last time Sir John was returned for this town: Molineaux was returned along with Walpole at the next general election. After all, it seems to have been a very foolish business; for this same candidate does not appear to have been a person of any character, or who was endowed with such talents or qualifications as could recommend him for a senator in preference to Turner. Such has been, however, too often the case in our contested elections.

This is supposed to have been the greatest of all our Contested Elections, except that very memorable one in 1747, which probably far exceeded every thing of the kind ever known here. As the particulars of it were little known to the present writer, till his observations on the preceding reign had been printed off, he hopes the reader will excuse his giving some account of it here, though somewhat out of place. The opposition was chiefly aimed against Sir John Turner, the same, seemingly, that was opposed in the last mentioned contest, and father of the present Lady Folkes. His opponent was William Folkes Esq. father of the present Sir Martin. He is said to have been a very respectable man, though he was charged on this occasion with breach of a promise made to Lord Orford, not to stand candidate at that time for this town. What foundation there was for such a charge, or how the case really stood, it may be now difficult, or, perhaps, impossible to determine.

Though the prejudice against Turner was strong and extensive, and the opposition fierce and violent, yet he gained his election; but he was thought to owe it less to his own interest and management than to the favour and influence of the Walpoles, who were supposed to have greatly befriended him in that instance. At the close of the poll the numbers were—for Walpole 199; for Turner 184; for Folkes 131. The following Extract of a Letter written at that very time by a person of much wit and shrewdness, and who was an eye witness of the whole scene, will give the reader a striking, and we presume a just idea of the state of this town during that turbulent contest. Whether or not we are still capable of the like excesses, or extravagances, is a question that may not be unworthy of very serious consideration. It is to be wished it might he answered in the negative.

“Since you left us,” (says the Letter-writer alluded to,) “we’ve had a Contested Election, and perhaps as violent an one as any in England where the affair was not carried to bloodshed. I will be very particular in my account of it because ’twill amuse you.—The sudden bringing on the Elections all over England was a wise thing. As soon as ’twas known here that members were to be elected in about 3 weeks time, people of the lower sort got together in the Evenings in clusters, talking, how little good *** did to the town, &c.—This set a spirit agoing, and in 2 or 3 nights, they met about xxxv of ’em, at an alehouse, with C— P—t drunk at the head of them, whom they would fain have for a m—r of p—t. C—s treated the company, and the next morning gave them a whet, met ’em again in the evening, and the next evening, and then had shewn spite enough to *** whom he hates, to make it necessary for them to look about ’em. But where should they look? *** was in Gl—rshire with his wife, who was every moment expecting to cry out, and had sent a Letter, hoping to be chosen without coming at all. L—d O. was at H—n and his cousin H—’s son being the person that was to stand with S—r J—, my L—d was applied to, by our gentlemen, to let him know that the people grew rude and clamorous, and that unless somebody appeared, and care was taken of them, they feared Mr. F—s might be induced to give ’em some trouble, by becoming a candidate. My L—d told them there was no fear of that, for he had a Letter from Mr. F—s the post before, utterly disclaiming any design of that sort, which Letter he shewed them. So they all came away satisfied. Notwithstanding their satisfaction, and the good grounds any body would have thought they had for it, within 4 days after this F—s came down, and was introduced by A. T—, Dr. B—, H. F—, J. F—, J—n M—r, and several more, in coaches, chaises, &c. several 100 horsemen, Flags, Guns, Drums, and all the Racket that could possibly be made. Neither T— nor W— were here, and all were in distraction. Expresses were sent. L—d O. got here that night. S— J— could not possibly get here of two days and half. So on the Saturday night he came, and the Election was to be on the Monday. From the time of F—s setting out from London, the Public Houses were opened, and continued so; so that here was nothing but men and women and children drunk, old women especially, wallowing about the streets, and half of ’em with their backsides exposed to public view, and fellows a clapping of ’em.”

By this time every one must clearly see what a Bedlam of a place Lynn was, during this electioneering bustle. Our Letter-writer, no doubt, gives a pretty faithful and correct picture of what then occurred; on which account some of our readers will be desirous of hearing him further: but as his description now occasionally becomes somewhat coarse, if not indelicate, we shall place the remainder of the extract below, that those who wish to see more of it may have an opportunity to gratify themselves. [950] We shall now return from this digression, and resume the thread of our history.

Though Sir John Turner gained his election, as one of our parliamentary representatives, in his contest with Molineaux, and was sometime after chosen mayor of this town; yet his influence here soon appeared to be fast declining. His friends in the Hall resigned and withdrew, one after another, till the interest of that family became at last quite annihilated, after having been very great, and almost unrivalled, for a whole century. But there is nothing strange or wonderful in this. It is the usual course of things in this world. Families, as well as nations and empires, have their day, beyond which they cannot extend their power, or their greatness.

About the year 1769 our corporation had a great lawsuit with a Mr. Carr of Massingham, father of our late merchant of that name. But they lost their cause; owing, as it has been suggested, to the perjury of one of Carr’s principal witnesses. The suit is said to have been brought on to oblige the corporation to open and scour the Fleet from Salter’s Sluice to Littleport-bridge, which was necessary for the accommodation of the plaintiff, who had granaries contiguous to that fleet. The corporation, on their part, pleaded that the flood-door of the bridge had been put down a hundred years before, and therefore that the requisition could not be binding upon them. But the said witness, who was only 56 years old, swore that he had in his youth, for the sake of robbing an orchard, swam over, near Salter’s clough, when the water there was ten feet deep. This satisfied the jury, and determined them to give their verdict against the corporation. They were consequently obliged to clear and open the said fleet; and it has been kept so ever since; which seems very proper and necessary. But supposing it really true, that the work had been neglected, and the fleet suffered to silt and fill up for a whole century; still, even that very neglect must have been the fault of the corporation, who are bound to keep the fleets open; so that they could not be justified in resisting Mr. Carr’s requisition. To have removed the nuisance, at once, instead of going to law, had been far more creditable.

About the year 1770, a very unusual and marvellous phenomenon appeared here; which was no other than a violent patriotic spirit, or what in more recent times, or modern cant, would have been denominated Jacobinism. Our Gentlemen seemed then, all of a sudden, to have become mighty admirers of liberty, and of John Wilkes. That redoubted champion of freedom was soon invited to this town, and actually honoured it with his patriotic presence in February 1771, to the no small joy of our body corporate, who received him with open arms, entertained him most sumptuously, and conferred upon him the freedom of this ancient borough. All this was very well. We do not mean to blame them for it. But it was very different from the treatment, or reception, which another patriot, of no less virtue and respectability, met with here at a subsequent period. We mean Thelwall, who visited us some years ago, for the purpose of promulgating the principles of political liberty and genuine patriotism. But those principles, by that time, were become so very unfashionable and disreputable here, that the patriotic lecturer could get no hearing; and he was glad to escape with a whole skin and unbroken bones. The politicks of William Pitt had now completely superseded those of John Wilkes. So the world goes: what is sound doctrine, at one time, is heresy and sedition, and even blasphemy and treason, at another.

At the time of which we have been last speaking, our dispute with the American patriots had made considerable progress: and it might be supposed that as this town appeared so decidedly and warmly in favour of Wilkes, it would have appeared no less so in favour of the Americans. But it happened far otherwise. We eagerly caressed Wilkes, and openly espoused his cause, but towards the oppressed and much injured Americans we appeared very differently affected. During that long and unhappy dispute, and the unjust and bloody war that ensued, no measure was here adopted expressive of abhorrence, or even of disapprobation of the course taken by our government; or yet of concern and commiseration for the unmerited sufferings of our transatlantic brethren. How much more honourable and dignified had it been to have acted differently, and boldly borne our testimony against the injustice and folly of our own government, and in behalf of the reasonable and well-founded claims of the colonists? How respectable, in that case, would Lynn have now appeared among its sister boroughs, when the whole reasonable and enlightened world, with one voice, is reprobating that dispute, and that war, as the undoubted offspring of the most tyrannic disposition, or the most perfect insanity? [955] Nor is it at all improbable that impartial posterity will consider our subsequent wars, and not a few of our public transactions, as having actually sprung from the same parentage.

Soon after the commencement of the American War the great maritime powers discovered a strong disposition to favour the resistance of the colonists, which gave us no small offence; so that by degrees things came to an open rupture between this country and those powers. France, Spain, and Holland, accordingly, became parties in the contest; and the northern armed neutrality, with the general aspect of all other nations, pretty plainly shewed that there was scarcely a single state throughout Christendom, but what decidedly and heartily reprobated the part we were acting. It was therefore no wonder that the American war did prove unsuccessful, and eventually terminate in the discomfiture and disgrace of this country; and even stamp upon our counsels indelible and eternal infamy.

The effect of the war with America, and with the European powers before mentioned, was severely felt at Lynn. Our trade was much cramped, many of our ships were captured, our sailors were reduced mostly to old men and lads, by those guardians of the constitution, and demonstrators of the unalienableness of our rights, and reality of our freedom, the press gangs. These myrmidons, when any of our young and best sailors fell in their way, if they did not tamely submit to be taken, would pursue them like wild beasts, and, when they came up with them, would knock them on the head, like dogs, with their bludgeons, and then drag them with the utmost indignity to the house of rendezvous, or on board the tender. There the poor fellows were left to cool, and compose themselves: and the very next day, perhaps, would be heard singing, in the house of their captivity, “Rule Britannia;” and “Britons never will be slaves.” It may be well for the nation, or, at least, for its rulers, that the ideas of our sea-faring people, respecting liberty and thraldom, are considerably different from those of some other people.—Being now come to the end of the first twenty years of this reign, we shall here close the present section.

Section IX.

Lynn armed Association—termination of the American War—independence of the United States acknowledged and confirmed—peace restored and established among all the belligerent powers—King’s illness and recovery—View of the state of this town from that period to the present time.

The situation of this country, engaged in a foolish, fruitless, ruinous, and infamous war with its own colonies, at the distance of more than a thousand leagues, and involved afterwards in a desperate struggle with its great maritime neighbours, became very critical, and excited considerable alarm throughout the kingdom. Great fears were entertained of an invasion, and means of defence against such an attempt were resorted to. The Irish, deprived of the military force that used to be stationed in their country, armed themselves for their own protection, at their own expense. The like was done in many parts of England; and Lynn adopted the same measure. The Lynn Volunteers, or armed association, amounted to about 120, [957] and were commanded in chief by Captain Thomas Day, whose name we have had occasion to mention more than once in some of the preceding pages.

This gentleman’s military knowledge and talents were generally allowed to be superior to those of any other of our townsmen, and his unassuming demeanor, and conciliating manners eminently fitted him for the chief command of this corps. The officers and men, accordingly, became greatly attached to him, and the utmost harmony subsisted among them, to the very last. During the whole time they were imbodied, the behaviour of the men, in the town, was very proper and commendable, and quite to the satisfaction of the inhabitants; which redounded much to the credit of the officers, and particularly the commandant, whose orders and example would not fail to contribute largely to the regularity or correctness of their deportment. This respectable and memorable little band was formed and organized in 1779, and continued till sometime after the expiration of the war; for it was not disbanded till 1785, when its constituents, relinquishing the military character, mixed once more with the great mass of unarmed citizens; conscious, it may be presumed, of having so acquitted themselves as to merit the approbation and applause of their contemporaries, and of posterity.—Of these patriot-soldiers some further notice may be taken when we shall have to notice our more recent and more numerous volunteer armaments.

Peace was restored among all the belligerent powers in 1783, when the independence of the resisting colonies, now called the United States of America, was acknowledged and confirmed. The American war ended, as all such unjust wars ought to end, in the disappointment and discomfiture of the aggressors. But had our government, and our nation possessed a proper degree of virtue, or conscience, they would certainly have expressed both shame and remorse, after the contest was over, and when they had time calmly to reflect upon the part they had acted in that most unjustifiable and detestable business. Nothing however of that kind did appear. On the contrary we sat down very demurely and composedly, without the least apparent feeling of contrition, sorrow, or self-reproach; like Solomon’s adulterous woman, who eat, and wiped her mouth, and said, “I have done no wickedness.” [959]

The impenitent spirit which our government and nation manifested at the close of the American war, could furnish no reason to hope that it was the last scene of folly and iniquity in which our rulers would engage: and if any did actually cherish such a hope, they must long ago have been convinced that it was altogether vain and groundless. All our subsequent wars, state policy, and maxims of government have but too plainly indicated that we have acted ever since, almost invariably, under the guidance of that same Evil Genius that so eggregiously misled, befooled, and governed us, during the whole American dispute and war, and which had before involved us in the guilt of exterminating the poor hapless Caribbs, as well as in that of other unjustifiable and criminal deeds previously to those events.

Some of our pretended longsighted, as well as long-headed politicians affected to foresee and foretell a very long season of uninterrupted tranquillity succeeding the peace of 1783. But it proved all a dream: for we have been most of the time since at war; and such a war too as we never experienced before. It has proved most miserably unsuccessful and disastrous; and is now in a fair way of saddling upon us at last an unexampled debt of a thousand millions! [960a]—Such an enormous sum as the whole coinage of the universe could not discharge.—This is a frightful prospect; but we will now turn to other objects.—But before we quit the year 1783 we may just observe that a most atrocious robbery was then committed on a Jew lad, about 16 years old, of the name of Isaac Levi, on the road between Lynn and Westwinch, by one Robert Fox, whoso ill treated the poor Jew as to leave him apparently dead; for which the robber was sometime after, (September 7th.) hanged on Hardwick common, near the place where the villanous and shocking deed had been perpetrated. [960b]

In 1784 we had here another contested Election, which, however, in point of violence was much inferior to those of 1768 and 1747. Mr. Fountaine of Narford was now the new candidate, whose character, certainly, was no way inferior to that of either of his opponents. But he lost his election, though he had a respectable number of voters, and the old members, Walpole and Molineux were again returned, than whom no two men had perhaps less distinguished themselves in the preceding parliament, or appeared less worthy to be re-elected. But they suited the taste and humour of the majority of their constituents, and especially of some two or three or few men who had the chief share or influence in their appointment. Our parliamentary representation is a very fine thing in theory, but in practice it is often found far otherwise.

But though this Election was conducted with decency and moderation, in comparison with those of 1768 and 47, yet it was attended with circumstances not a little disgraceful to the dispositions and characters of some of the leading actors, particularly on the victorious side. The aristocratic spirit and malignant passions were but too apparent; and not a few of the minor or unsuccessful party were made long to feel the resentment and vindictiveness of their powerful opponents, who were not much disposed to suffer the infallibility of their judgment to be questioned, or allow any with impunity to disapprove the objects of their choice or nomination. But this intolerance, and especially resentment and vindictiveness, must, most assuredly, be highly criminal and iniquitous on such occasions, since every voter, even the very poorest, has an undoubted right to give his voice freely for the candidate or candidates whom he deems most worthy of his suffrage. Whoever deprives a freeman of this privilege uses him worse than a highwayman.

Not only the electors of the poorer sort, who had voted for Mr. Fountaine, and lived in the town, suffered in consequence of having exercised their just rights on that occasion, but even the richer ones did not entirely escape: for those of them who held lands of the corporation were now deprived of the same, as well as of every other privilege which lay in the power of their revengeful opponents. This was carrying things with a high hand. After all, it may be no great wonder that our corporation should be still tenacious of having the representatives of their town to be men of their own nomination and choosing, considering that no one formerly, or till within these 170 years, except those of the Hall, appear to have had any share or concern in the appointment or election of those who represented this borough in parliament. [962]

It is, indeed generally supposed that matters are now here on a much fairer and more rational footing; but that, perhaps, will not appear very clearly when we advert to the well known truth and fact, that out modern members for the most part, owe their senatorial honour and elevation solely to the will and pleasure, or power and influence of some two or three families or individuals. Such, however, is but two often the practical character of our boasted system of parliamentary representation.

That of 1784 was the last contested election that has taken place here; though some faint attempt is said to have been made for something of this kind a few years ago, in favour of one of our military aldermen, who was supposed not to have been very much taken with the compliment, or, at least, did not choose to be very active in promoting his own election; not, however, that he was at all incapable of great, and even extraordinary electioneering feats in behalf of his friends, of which he is understood to have given, before now, unequivocal and convincing proof. In short, it would seem as if he were, (in cases of that kind especially,) more ready to serve other people than himself; which, to say the least of it, is a conduct not a little unusual in this degenerate and selfish age: and it may serve as a proof that generosity and disinterestedness are not yet become totally extinct among us.

From the year 1785, when our volunteers were disbanded, till 1788, we recollect no very remarkable event that related to this town. [964] In the last mentioned year, one of the Annual Registers of that period relates a most singular accident which then befel a captain Cook, master of one of our greenland-ships. The account is as follows—“August 1788: Friday last arrived at Lynn in Norfolk, the Archangel, from Greenland, captain Cook, with two fish. It was with much difficulty she got safe there, having received a deal of damage in a gale of wind, which drove her against a field of ice. When this ship was in Greenland, captain Cook, the surgeon, and mate, went on shore, when the captain was seized by a monstrous bear, which immediately hugged him with his paws. The captain called to the surgeon to fire at the creature, though at fifty yards distance, which he did, and fortunately shot the bear through the head, which instantly killed it, and captain Cook was by this means saved from being torn in pieces.” [965] We cannot vouch for the absolute correctness or authenticity of this anecdote, which certainly savours somewhat of the marvellous. It is inserted here entirely on the authority of the periodical work alluded to. But it is certain that there was here a greenland captain of the name of Cook, about that period.

The 5th. of November 1788 was observed at Lynn, in commemoration of the landing of king William, and of the glorious revolution that ensued, by a party of the friends of civil and religious liberty, among whom were the late reverend and worthy William Warner, and the writer of the present work. The party spent the evening at one of the Inns, where they supped together, and passed the time in the most perfect harmony and conviviality, and no way unworthy of the occasion, or of the great, glorious, and interesting event which they were then commemorating. Holkham, the princely mansion of Mr. Coke, was the only other place in West Norfolk, as far as the present writer has ever understood, where the centenary of the revolution was thought worth celebrating. That great event was there celebrated by a grand fête, ball and supper, display of fireworks, &c. All in a manner worthy of the patriotic character, revolution principles, and noble munificence of the renowned master of the mansion.

In the latter part of the autumn and the winter of 1788, the good people of Lynn shared with the rest of their fellow subjects in the general solicitude, perplexity, and dismay occasioned by the sovereign’s alarming illness. His majesty’s health had been for sometime gradually declining; which was then ascribed to overmuch exercise, too severe a regimen, too rigid abstemiousness, and too short intervals of rest, rather than to the freedom of indulgence and the softness of luxury. As a remedy for the symptoms that discovered themselves, the king determined to visit the medical waters of Cheltenham, and accordingly set out for that place immediately after the prorogation of parliament, where he arrived in the afternoon of the 13th. of July, being the next day after he had left Windsor. He was accompanied by the queen, the princess royal, princess Augusta, and princess Elizabeth: and in every town through which he passed, he was received by vast crowds of people, with every demonstration of affection and loyalty. While at Cheltenham, he resided at lord Fauconberg’s lodge, on an eminence, a quarter of a mile from the town, and about 300 yards from the Spa. [966]

His majesty’s stay at Cheltenham was about five weeks. He returned to the metropolis on the 18th of August. But no benefit answerable to the expectations that had been formed, resulted from this excursion. His health was still in a precarious state, and on the 22nd of October, symptoms [967] were observed by one of the royal physicians, of that alienation of mind which was afterwards the occasion of so many important and interesting transactions. For some time it was thought proper to observe as much secrecy as possible respecting the nature of the king’s indisposition. His retreat at Windsor was favourable to this purpose; and for several days an opinion was entertained by the people in general, that his indisposition was a fever, and that it had risen to so alarming a height as to threaten a speedy dissolution. The real nature of the case however could not long be suppressed. By the structure and practice of the English constitution, almost every species of public business is in some manner implicated with the royal prerogatives. The administration of political government was by the present event virtually suspended from its functions; and, notwithstanding the critical situation of Europe, and the very active share we had lately taken in its concerns, it was now deemed impracticable to return any sort of answer to the dispatches of foreign courts, or of our own ambassadors. In this situation the most natural expedient was to suffer the two houses of parliament, which stood prorogued to the 20th of November, to meet at that time, and either adjourn for a short interval, or immediately proceed to discuss the measures it would be proper to adopt at the present crisis. Circular letters were accordingly addressed to the members of the legislature on the 14th, signifying to them, that the indisposition of the sovereign rendered it doubtful whether there would be a possibility of receiving his commands for the further prorogation of parliament. In that case the two houses must of necessity assemble, and the attendance of the different members was earnestly requested. [968a]

Such was the outset of that memorable affair, which caused so much anxiety and agitation, at that time, in this town and throughout the kingdom. The right of the heir apparent to assume the executive power, during the incapacity of the sovereign, was denied by the minister, [968b] and by a large majority of both houses of the English parliament. Nevertheless they appointed him to exercise that power, under such restrictions as would secure to the ministers the possession of their places. The prince reluctantly acceded to the appointment, and consented to act under those restrictions. Ireland being then a separate kingdom, its parliament took a very different course, admitting the prince’s right, and resolving to offer him the regency without restrictions. Having so done, a deputation was appointed to wait on the prince, and give their resolutions their full effect. This deputation actually arrived in London; but before they had accomplished the end of their mission, symptoms began to appear indicative of the sovereign’s speedy recovery; and on the 12th of February 1789 he was declared by his physicians to be in a state of progressive amendment.

This put an end, of course, to all further proceeding in the regency business, on the part of either the English or Irish parliament, and filled all ranks of people with the utmost joy and exultation. Nothing could exceed the gladness which was then every where expressed; and Norfolk came not a whit behind its most distinguished sister counties in the demonstration of its joy, and display of its loyalty. Nor was there any place in the county where this was more manifest than at Lynn. The 18th of March, if we are not mistaken, was the time when this was most strikingly and splendidly demonstrated. We had then here a general illumination, and other public rejoicings, with such other corresponding exhibitions and grand doings as exceeded every thing that had been known among us within the memory of the oldest inhabitant. In short we had, in miniature at least, something of almost every thing that the greatest cities, or even the metropolis itself could then boast of.

Had the regency then taken place it is impossible to ascertain whether it would have proved a blessing to the nation, or otherwise. The people seemed much in fear of the intended regent, on the score of expensiveness and running in debt; but there is no reason to suppose that his government would have been more expensive, or more productive of additional taxes than that which has existed in this country ever since. On the contrary it is highly probable that it would have been much less so, as it may be presumed that the prince would not have been quite so fond of war as the ministers and party that have been predominant for the last twenty years. As the 18th of March was observed here as a day of rejoicing for the king’s recovery, so was the 23rd. of April observed as a day of thanksgiving on the same occasion, both here and throughout the kingdom. Many years have been since added to the sovereign’s life, and his reign has proved far longer than that of any one of his predecessors, who was not an infant or minor at the time of his accession. He has also lived to witness greater changes in the state of Europe than had taken place within the last thousand years:—and changes too which the measures of the British cabinet had a principal share in producing. But we will now dismiss these subjects.

From the time of the king’s recovery to the commencement of the memorable coalition and grand crusade against revolutionary France, nothing very remarkable occurred here, except the dispute between this corporation and that of London, about the right of those who are free of the latter to an exemption from the payment of tolls in this port; which terminated in the full establishment of that right, and the disannulment of the objections which this corporation had set up against it. The persons on whose account this dispute originated, were the Dentons, two of our merchants of that period, who obtained the freedom of London, after having long solicited that of Lynn in vain, and offered any sum for it which our gentlemen would choose to demand. Being still required to pay toll, as before, they made their complaint to the corporation of London, which brought on a lawsuit between the two corporations. The cause was first tried in the court of common pleas, where it was given against Lynn, and if we mistake not, with considerable damages; to escape which it was afterwards removed by writ of error to the court of king’s bench: of the result the following account is given in one of the periodical publications of that time.—

“Jan. 28. 1791, The case of the city of London against the corporation of Lynn, came on to be argued in the court of king’s bench. It was a writ of error from the court of common pleas where a trial at bar was had on a de essendo quietum de theolonio (of being quit of toll) brought by the city of London, to assert the right of their citizens being exempted from a toll on corn, demanded by the corporation of Lynn. A verdict had been given for the city, and the errors were assigned on the informality of the declaration. After much argument by serjeant Le Blanc, for Lynn, and sergeant Adair, for London, the court reversed the judgment, on the ground that the declaration did not state that the city of London had received such an injury on which an action could be maintained, the corporation of Lynn having demanded, but not having received, or distrained for the tolls in question.” [972]

Though our corporation, by this last decision, seem to have been relieved from the payment of the heavy damages that would have resulted from the first verdict, yet the whole affair must have been attended with no light expence, which certain plans of economy subsequently adopted, and other attendant appearances pretty clearly evinced. How much wiser had it been to grant those two gentlemen their freedom at once, to which they were so clearly entitled by the great benefit which the town derived from their extensive mercantile exertions. Indeed the refusal of it was a piece of flagrant injustice, as persons who contributed so much as they did to the increase of our trade ought to have received in the town every possible encouragement. The treatment they met with here, proves the defectiveness of our corporation laws and borough charters, and how ill adapted they are to the present state of society in this country. Sheffield, Manchester, and Birmingham, where things are on a different footing, sufficiently evince the inutility and folly of our borough laws and establishments, and that they are, in fact, grievances and nuisances rather than national benefits. Their abolition seems therefore an object or event to be wished rather than deprecated.

The year 1792 has been rendered memorable by the royal proclamation, issued on the 21st. of May, “for preventing of tumultuous meetings and seditious writings;” and by the formation of Reeve’s Association, on the 20th. of November, at the Crown and Anchor, “for preserving Liberty and Property, against Republicans and Levellers.” These sapient measures had the desired effect, and operated mightily every where, as well as in this town. Treasury or ministerial agents were appointed in every town and district, and Lynn was not forgotten. Those agents were to observe what publications were in circulation, and to apprize the Treasury board of such as they were pleased to deem of dangerous tendency. Not only the drift or scope of political publications were objects of their observation and watchfulness, but also the carriage, or conduct and conversation, and even the social and convivial intercourse of all such individuals as happened to disapprove of the politics of the court, or of the accession of this country to the grand confederacy and crusade against France.

A system of espionage was artfully formed and established, and the whole country being filled with spies and informers, exhibited a miserable scene of hypocrisy and dissimulation, instead of the blunt sincerity, and the boasted uprightness and downrightness of other and better times. This new order of things was admirably calculated to bear down and overwhelm the minister’s opponents. Some of the most eminent and respectable men in the nation were accordingly marked out as disaffected or suspicious characters, merely because they entertained different views from the minister and his associates, and endeavoured to prevent this country from joining the continental crusade, and even wished to see the blessings of liberty extend all over the world.

Most of the mobility as well as the nobility of the realm, and a large majority of both houses of parliament, being decidedly in favour of the minister, he carried every thing before him with a high hand, ruled for years with a rod of iron, and his little finger became heavier than the loins of any of his predecessors since the revolution. A spirit was then by him awakened and set to work, which had lain fast asleep ever since the days of the Stuarts, and Lynn partook of it in no small measure. The friends of peace and constitutional freedom, were here looked upon and treated as ill-disposed persons, and unworthy characters, scarcely entitled to the common rights of citizens, or the lowest offices of humanity. Such were some of the rare blessings we derived from the administration of the last Pitt, who was at the same time hailed by multitudes as a heaven born minister, the saviour of his country, and the wisest and greatest of statesmen. Nothing more clearly evinces the utter dissimilarity between his character and that of his renowned father, than the insatiate vindictiveness of his disposition towards those who opposed his measures; [974] of which there have been many very glaring, and numerous instances.

His reign terror was long and grievous. It lasted during nearly the whole length of the late war. His successor, Addington held the reins with a gentler hand, whatever may be said of his ministerial talents or capacity. He also restored to us the inestimable blessing of peace, which Pitt seemed incapable of effecting. That peace however, proved of but short duration, which yet might not be the fault of the minister. We were not, it seems, sufficiently humbled, or really tired of the horrid game of war, bloodshed and devastation: and so, without taking time to breathe, we rushed headlong into a new war, which has already lasted eight or nine years, and is likely to prove the longest and most disastrous of any we have been engaged in for many ages. God only knows when or how it will terminate.