Volume 1 — CHAPTER VI. (continued 2)

The right of election is also clearly acknowledged in the districts of Japára and Jawána. "That the Petíng'gi is elected by the inhabitants of a village," observes the officer who introduced the settlement into those districts[85], "there cannot be a doubt; and even the right of election is foregone by the people, though I have not met with a single instance of the kind, it may be taken for granted, that it is so only, in consequence of the influence of the Regent, to serve some particular purpose. While the Petíng'gi continues in office, he is looked up to and obeyed by the people of the village to which he belongs as the immediate chief. He generally occupies the paséban usually to be found in villages of consequence, and has two or more men, inhabitants of the village, appointed to attend him wherever he goes. A Petíng'gi was usually elected for one year, during which time he could not, according to the ancient usage, be removed, except in consequence of some gross misconduct, but if his conduct was such as to give satisfaction to the inhabitants, they continued him for several years. As far as I could learn," continues the same officer, "the Regent, or other superior native authority, seldom interfered in the election of a Petíng'gi; but it was generally understood, that although he could not force a Petíng'gi upon them who was disliked by the people, his confirmation was required before the person elected could act with effect."

In the Súnda districts of Chéribon and Tegál, the appointment to this office is invariably made, if not by the election of the villagers, generally from among themselves, and always with their concurrence. It is a common practice for the people of a village, even where the right of election is not in use, to represent in a body the conduct of their chief, if incorrect; and it has always been necessary for the chief native authority to remove him, if the complaints were justly founded.

A reference to the judicial regulations in the Appendix[86] will show how desirous the British government on the island has been to protect the privileges of these societies, and in particular the right of electing their chief.

When the British authority was established on the island, it was immediately seen that something must be done to supply the deficiencies, and to correct the imperfections of the native code. All the other changes in contemplation for the encouragement of industry and for the abolition of oppressive and impolitic exactions, would have been nugatory, without such an improvement in the judicial and police regulations, as would secure, by a full and impartial administration of justice, the rights and privileges about to be conferred. It would have been in vain to define the limits of power, to issue directions for guiding the conduct of public servants in their transactions with the people, or to have abrogated the oppressive privileges of the chiefs, and to have assured the people of the intention of government to protect them against all invasion of their rights, either by open violence, by the exaction of services, or by oppressive contributions, without establishing effective means of obtaining redress when aggrieved. The system acted upon was at once barbarous and revolting. Practices prevailed under the sanction of native law, which were abhorrent to the criminal jurisdiction of any enlightened nation, without being at all necessary to the due administration of justice[87]. I allude particularly to torture and mutilation. These the Earl of Minto immediately abolished, by his proclamation of the 11th September 1811, in which, besides this beneficial and humane enactment, he laid down clearly and distinctly the liberal and enlightened principles which should guide the local government in the subsequent revision of the civil and criminal code of the colony. The result was the enactment of the code of judicial and police regulations which will be found in the Appendix to this work[88]. The outlines of these regulations, and the principles which dictated them, are contained in a Minute which I recorded on the 11th February 1814, when they were completed and promulgated; and the following quotations from that document may be sufficient to put the reader in possession of the change which was effected.

"It was essential, in conducting the revenue arrangements, that the measures taken for the establishment of a good and efficient police, and the full and impartial administration of justice throughout the island, should preserve an equal pace.

"Rights were not to be bestowed and defined, without a suitable provision for their being effectually guarded against any invasion; and it became an object of the first moment, to form such an adequate and consistent code of regulations, as should serve, in every instance, to guide the executive officers of government in the performance of their duty, and to make known, and secure to the people, the means of obtaining redress, whenever they felt themselves in any way aggrieved.

"The system found existing on our first arrival was at once complicated and confused. In the principal towns there were established courts, but these were constituted in all the troublesome formalities of the Roman law; and in the different residencies were provincial courts, styled land-raads, where the native form and law was left to take its course, with all its barbarities and tortures.

"The Dutch government, proceeding entirely on the system of commercial monopoly, paid very inferior attention to their internal administration. They had little other connexion with their best subjects, the cultivators of the soil, than in calling on them, from time to time, for arbitrary and oppressive contributions and services; and for the rest, gave them up to be vassals to the various intermediate authorities, the Regents, Demángs, and other native officers. These either at first purchased their situations, or stipulated for a certain tribute, in service or money, in consideration of which all the inferior classes of inhabitants were made over, to be dealt with by them as most pleasing to themselves. Policy, and the common attention to their own good, suggested to these a certain equity of procedure, and it was generally the custom to leave each village to its own management, with respect to police and settling the petty quarrels that occurred within its limits; but for the continuance of what was good in such a system, there was no security whatsoever, and oppression and injustice must have constantly occurred. Where the will of the lord was the paramount law, his vassals could only have depended on his natural goodness of disposition for being equitably treated. No remedy was afforded where the reverse was the case, and they possessed, in short, no security, no freedom whatsoever.

"On the propriety of the measures to be adopted by us to remedy such evils, no doubt could exist.

"The first proclamation of the enlightened founder of the present government adverted immediately to this subject. As a step that could not, consistently with British ideas, admit of a moment's delay, it instantly ordained, that torture and mutilation should no longer make part of any sentence to be pronounced against criminals; and it then proceeded to define clearly the relative situation of the English and Dutch inhabitants, laying down rules for the future guidance of government concerning them. This proclamation, dated 11th September, 1811, has long been before the world, and it would be superfluous, in this place, to dwell on that love of justice and benevolence of disposition, which is to be traced through every part of it. It forms the basis of the present respective European rights in this colony[89].

"As a continuation of the measures so ably sketched out by my predecessor, I issued the proclamation, dated the 21st January, 1812.

"In this I attempted to simplify the clumsy and unwieldy structure of the former courts, by abolishing some, lessening the number of the judges in the remaining ones, and by defining, as accurately as I could, the limits of their respective jurisdictions.

"It was found that, formerly, there were separate courts for investigating the conduct of the immediate European servants of the Dutch Company, and of Europeans not included in that service. This distinction, as Lord Minto observed, never could have been grounded on any sound principle, and it being resolved, that justice, under the British government, should be administered equal and alike to all classes and denominations, the judicial power of the College of Schepenen was abolished, and transferred to the jurisdiction of the courts of justice.

"The great number of judges who, under the Dutch administration, formed a court, was reduced in each to a president and three members.

"One court was established in each of the three principal towns, Batavia, Semárang, and Surabáya, the jurisdiction of which extended over its European inhabitants; proceeding, in civil cases, in the mode before established, but in criminal ones, so as to conform as much as possible to that established in Great Britain; in all cases confronting the prisoner with the evidence, and a jury being called to judge of the fact on the evidence so adduced.

"To relieve these courts from numerous inconsiderable causes, courts, of the nature of Courts of Requests, were also established in these three towns, for the recovery of small debts.

"For matters of police within the towns, magistrates were appointed; but they were ordered to confine themselves entirely to this branch.

"An abuse which had been discovered to be usual, the compounding crimes and offences, in consideration of a sum of money paid to the Fiscal or other officer, had also met with Lord Minto's most severe reprehension, as being one of an abominable nature, and to be suppressed without delay. The practice was accordingly strictly prohibited, and consonantly with British ideas was termed scandalous.

"Thus much had been done with regard to Europeans, and it has been found fully sufficient.

"But with respect to the native inhabitants of the Island, it was to be expected that much greater changes would be necessary.

"In the first instance, it was ordered that courts should be established in the different districts, in which the chief civil authorities should preside, aided by the Regents and other native officers, for the purpose of hearing and trying all causes in which natives only were concerned; the amount of their civil decisions, when exceeding fifty dollars, being submitted for confirmation to the courts of justice; and all criminal cases, of a capital nature, being made over by them to judges of circuit, who were ordered to be sent on this duty twice a year, from among the members of the superior courts.

"Thus much was known not to militate either against the principles of universal and natural justice, or against the particular laws and usages of the country; and thus much was only, at first, done, because it was resolved to obtain the fullest knowledge of the subject, with regard to the manners, habits, and institutions of our native subjects, before we established one general code of regulations for the internal administration of the country.

"In effecting this grand object, it was rather my wish to have it maturely and well done, than by accelerating it too much, to run the risk of taking up a crude system, which would require to be afterwards re-considered, and perhaps entirely new modelled.

"On the principle, however, which would eventually guide me, there was no doubt, nor is it necessary for me to dilate on the impolicy, the inconvenience, or the injustice, of subjecting the natives of Java to any other laws, than those of their ancient government and established faith.

"The tranquillity of the country and the duties of police have been provided for, by preserving the original constitution of the villages, and continuing the superintendence and responsibility in the hands of those, whose rank enables them to exert a due influence, and to command respect. For the administration of justice, the duties of the Resident, as judge and magistrate, have been considerably extended. In civil cases, the mode of proceeding, and the establishment of petty courts, are founded on the practice of the country; in criminal, the jurisdiction and authority of the Resident has been considerably extended. Hitherto, his duties had been strictly confined to police; but considerable delay and injury to the parties accused, as well as to the witnesses, had been occasioned by allowing all causes of a higher nature to lie over for the Court of Circuit: and as the separation of the collection of the Revenue would afford more time to the Resident, it was resolved to extend the criminal jurisdiction of the Provincial Courts to all cases, in which the punishment for the crime alleged does not amount to death. In these courts, which instead of being termed Landraad, as heretofore, are now styled the Resident's Courts, the Panghúlu, or chief priest, and the superior, Jáksa, or native fiscal, attend to expound the law. The Bopátis, or Regents, with their Pátehs, are present, to aid and assist the Resident with their opinion in the course of the investigation, but they have no vote in the decision. If the opinion of the law officers appears to the Resident to be according to substantial justice, and is in accordance with his own opinion, the sentence is immediately carried into effect, provided the punishment does not extend to transportation or imprisonment for life.

"In cases where the punishment adjudged is more considerable, or wherein the opinion of the law officers may be at variance with that of the Resident, a reference is to be made to the Lieutenant Governor; and in all cases where the punishment for the crimes charged is of a capital nature, the prisoner is committed to jail, to take his trial before the Circuit Judge.

"On the first establishment of the Courts of Circuit, it was directed that the President and one other member of the Courts of Justice, should proceed once in six months, or as much oftener as circumstances might require, to the different Residencies in their several jurisdictions, for the trial of offenders. Much inconvenience, however, was found to arise from the absence of those members of the courts from the towns in which they were established, as it necessarily followed, that all civil business was at a stand while they were away. On the other hand, to prevent delay on the trial of criminals, it was necessary that they should visit the Residencies more frequently than once in six months.

"To remedy this in future, and to provide for the prompt and due administration of justice among the native inhabitants, in a manner that is not repugnant to their notions of right and wrong, one member of each of the courts of justice has been appointed a Judge of Circuit, who will be present in each of the Residencies at least once in every three months, and as much oftener as necessary. In the mode of proceeding, they are to avoid the formalities of the Roman law. A native jury, consisting of an intelligent foreman and four others[90], decide upon the fact: the law is then taken down, as expounded by the native law officers, and the sentence, with the opinion of the Judge of Circuit, and on the application of the Dutch and Colonial law on the cases, is forwarded for the modification or confirmation of the Lieutenant Governor.

"Hitherto the jury required by the Court of Circuit, did not exceed five in number, and these, as justly observed, 'were chosen from a class of men (Europeans) who had no common feelings, no common rights; who were, in no shape or consideration, the equals of the person tried. The law was the law of Europe. The jury, under their best prejudices, were influenced by that law; and its meanings and penalties were applied to people who reason in a different manner, and who often never knew any thing of the laws of Europe, before they found themselves its convicted victims.'

"The general jurisdiction of the Courts of Justice at Batavia, Semárang, and Surabáya, is now confined to Europeans and foreigners and to the inhabitants of those towns and their suburbs; and a line has been drawn, which distinctly separates the police of the country from that of the towns.

"Collections of the different law-books and institutions of the country are now making, and a native establishment has been formed at Buitenzorg, under my immediate superintendence, for examining and revising the judicial proceedings, and for affording to the native inhabitants that facility of appeal, which the remoteness of the Government, and the rules of Dutch administration, did not formerly admit of, but which is so consonant to the principles on which the new system of internal economy has been established."

Under the native government, the whole of the male population capable of bearing arms was liable to military service; but the number of people required to cultivate the land, and to perform other public services, did not admit of more than one-third being spared for military purposes, except in cases of extraordinary emergency. The extent of the force permanently kept up by the sovereign in time of peace varied, of course, with the probability of approaching hostilities: when this was smallest, the number seldom exceeded what was required for the state and pomp of the court, and might have amounted to four or five thousand men. Until within the last sixty years, when the Dutch first obtained a supremacy over the whole island, the provinces under the native administration had for several centuries been in a continual state of warfare; but since that period the military spirit has been gradually subsiding, and, by the existing treaties with the native princes, they are restricted in the number of troops which they may maintain. Those of the Susuhúnan are limited to a body guard of one thousand men: such further number as may be required for the tranquillity of the country, the European government undertakes to furnish.

Before the native sovereign was under this restriction, he used to raise the requisite force by a demand upon the governor of each province for a specified number, to be furnished at a certain time, varying according to circumstances. The governor or chief of the province apportioned this demand among the subdivisions, and the village chiefs selected from among the villagers as many as were required of them; and thus, in a country where every man wears a kris or dagger, and the spear or pike is the principal military weapon, an army, or rather a numerous armed mob, was easily collected in a few days. The men furnished from the villages, and of whom the mass of every large army necessarily consisted, were distinguished from the soldiers by profession (prajúrit), by the term árahan, or prajúrit árahan. During their absence from home, they were provisioned by the sovereign, and their wives and families were maintained by the head of the village, who required of the remaining cultivators to assist in working their fields or gardens.

The sovereign, as the head of the military and the fountain of military honour, assumes among his titles that of Senapáti, or lord of war. When an army is to be raised, he appoints a certain number of his chiefs to be widánas, or commanders of corps of three hundred and twenty men. Under each widána are four lúrahs or tíndihs, who command companies of eighty men, and have each two subaltern officers, called babákals or sesábats, each having the command of forty men. The widánas were remunerated for their services by grants of land, to the amount of a thousand cháchas, from which they had again to make assignments for the maintenance of the inferior officers, who were always nominated by them.

When troops march through the country, or supplies are required, a demand is made upon the neighbouring districts, which are obliged to contribute according to their means, without payment. When in an enemy's country, the troops, of course, subsist by plunder, the disbursement of money for provisions or supplies being unknown.

The native armies of Java consisted chiefly of infantry, but the officers were invariably mounted, and when cavalry was required, each province furnished its quota: the troops, whether on foot or mounted, joined the army properly equipped for action. It was thus unnecessary for the sovereign to keep up a store of arms. Each village has its provision of spears, and sometimes of fire-arms; the officer of subdivision keeps a further reserve for contingencies; and as the chief of the province is responsible for the proper equipment of the men, he generally has also a further store to supply any deficiency.

Of the different weapons used in Java, the most important and the most peculiar to the Eastern Islands is the krís, which is now worn by all classes, and as an article of dress has already been noticed.

The Javan krís differs from the Malayan, in being much more plain, as well in the blade as in the handle and sheath: it differs also in the handle and sheath from the krís of Madúra and Báli, as may be seen in the plate. The varieties of the blade are said to exceed an hundred; and as a knowledge of the krís is considered highly important by the Javans, I have, in a separate plate, offered specimens of the most common.

In the plates are also exhibited the different kind of spears, darts, and other weapons, either said to have been in use formerly, or actually used at the present day. These are the bow and arrow (gendewa, pana) which are seldom used in modern days, except on state occasions. The arrows, termed chákra, paspáti, trisúla, waráyang, diwál, róda dedáli, and others of a similar form, as well as the clubs called indán, gáda, and dénda, are represented as the weapons used by the gods, demigods, and heroes of antiquity, and are constantly referred to in the mythological and historical romances of the Javans, and exhibited in their scenic and dramatic entertainments. The túlup and páser represent the tube and the small arrows which are rendered poisonous by the úpas: these have not been used on Java for centuries, but they are common in less civilized islands of the Archipelago, and particularly on Borneo. The gánjing is an iron bar, formerly used by the Javans. The bandríny, or sling, is still used with considerable effect, and was employed in resisting the British troops in 1812. The pedáng, bandól, badík, golók, mentók, lámang or klewáng, and chundrík, are varieties of the sword. The kúdí-tránchang is a weapon which was formerly general on Java, but not now much used. The wedúng is a peculiar weapon, in the shape of a chopper, worn on occasions of state by all chiefs when in presence of the sovereign. Of spears and darts, there are several varieties distinguished by different names. Small round shields are still in use; the long shield is not. The matchlock exhibited in the plate is a representation of a piece manufactured on Báli.

Besides these instruments of war, the Javans have long been acquainted with the use of cannon, muskets, and pistols. Previous to the reduction of Yúgya-kérta, in 1812, by the British forces, the Sultan cast brass guns of considerable calibre, and at Grésik they are still manufactured for exportation. Round the kráton of Súra-kérta are mounted several very large pieces of artillery, and great veneration is paid to some of them supposed to have been the first introduced on the island: two, in particular, are considered to be part of the regalia. For muskets and pistols they are principally indebted to Europeans. Gunpowder they manufacture, but to no considerable extent, and the quality is not esteemed.

From an army raised only on emergency, and composed of people who do not make the military life a profession, much discipline cannot be expected. The veneration, however, which the common people pay to their chiefs, the well defined gradations of rank, and the devotion with which all classes are willing to sacrifice themselves in support of their ancient institutions and independence, seem to render the Javan troops, while acting under their own chiefs, orderly and tractable. In their tactics and conduct they endeavour to emulate the examples given in their ancient romances; and in the plans for their pitched battles, the march of their armies, and the individual heroism of their chiefs, they strive to imitate the romantic exhibitions contained in the poems of antiquity. In the great Matárem war, for instance, the result of which was the establishment of the present family on the throne, the disposition of the army is said to have been in the form of a shrimp or prawn, as represented in the plate. This form is termed mangkára, or the shrimp which hides its soul, alluding to the sovereign who is in the centre and not to be approached. The plan of this order of battle is said to have been taken from the poem of the Bráta Yúdha, and was adopted by Bimányu, the son of Arjúna. The diráda máta is another form, said to have been used by the army of Astína, and has likewise been adopted by the modern Javans[91].

Of the bravery and heroism required of a soldier, some notion has been given in the account of the Javan ethics; and a reference to their history, for the last three centuries, will abundantly prove, that although unacquainted with those evolutions and tactics which contribute so largely to the power of an European army, the Javans, as soldiers, have not been deficient, either in personal courage, or in such military principles as might be expected from the general state of society among them, and as are well suited to the nature of the country and the weapons they are accustomed to carry[92].

It is the national boast, that it was not so much by force of arms as by intrigue and stratagem, that the Dutch obtained the superiority in the country. The history of the Dutch administration on Java will abundantly testify this, and at the same time prove, that among Asiatics, there are few nations who have fought more obstinately in support of their independence than the Javans. It was by corrupting and bribing the chiefs, and sowing disunion among them, that the Dutch succeeded in dismembering an empire, already shaken, at the period of their arrival, by the constant wars which attended the establishment of Mahomedanism. The comparison which has been drawn by the Javans themselves of their own character, in contrast with that of the Dutch, may serve to illustrate the nature of the military feeling still existing in the country. "The Dutch," say they, "are superior to the Javans, inasmuch as they have good heads; they can calculate, and they understand policy better, but then they have cold hearts: the Javans are poor simple beings, but they love their country and will never quit it; their heart glows and often burns."

The phrenzy generally known by the term muck or ámok, is only another form of that fit of desperation which bears the same name among the military, and under the influence of which they rush upon the enemy, or attack a battery, in the manner of a forlorn hope. The accounts of the wars of the Javans, as well as of the Maláyus, abound with instances of warriors running ámok; of combatants, giving up all idea of preserving their own lives, rushing on the enemy, committing indiscriminate slaughter, and never surrendering themselves alive[93]. Even at present, there are to be found among the Javans men who profess to be and are considered invulnerable; and there are some who, by a dextrous manner of receiving the spear, and other such artifices, completely impose upon the too credulous people. Nothing is so easy as for an artful man to persuade the common Javans that he possesses supernatural power. At the present day this pretension, and the artifices by which it is supported, are more generally of a religious nature, but during the wars, every fortunate chief was considered as partially vested with it.

The general term for a soldier is prajúrit: the guards of the sovereign are distinguished by the term tantómo. Sara g'ni is the name given to those who carry fire-arms. Gándek are the couriers or messengers who convey the orders of the commanders. In every army there is a certain number called jága béla, whose duty it is to prevent the body of the troops from deserting, and to see that every man does his duty. Pána káwan is the term by which the youths who accompany their fathers and relations to battle are distinguished. Semút gátat is the general term for attendants, retainers, and followers of an army. But besides distinctions of office, there are others purely of merit and honour: those are called niútra who are selected as superior to their comrades in person and strength: the prawireng are those who have once distinguished themselves in battle: magátísh, those who sacrifice all other prospects in life in order to pursue the love of arms: trúna-láyang, gallant youths: jága súra, those whose courage is undisputed, and who keep a good look out: júdi páti, those who hazard their lives in battle, as they would hazard a die in any common game of chance; literally, who play with death: nirbáya, those who are above a sense of pain or fear: jáyeng sekár, flowers of victory[94]. This latter term was chosen by Marshal Daendels for the native militia raised for the service of the Dutch government during his administration.

In the Dutch armies the Javans were considered as inferior to the other islanders as soldiers, and from the facilities offered for desertion while serving on Java, it was with great difficulty that they could be disciplined. The men were invariably raised by conscription, and instances have occurred of their deserting by companies. Under the British a corps of about twelve hundred men was raised, with little prospect of advantage for the first two years; but, by the perseverance and ability of the officer who commanded them, they afterwards became a well-disciplined corps, and on all occasions behaved themselves with fidelity and courage when called into action. As individuals, they are, for the most part, physically weaker than the Maláyus and other islanders; and as a nation, their agricultural habits have considerably obliterated the military character which they once possessed. Their country, however, particularly in the interior, is naturally very strong, full of ravines and fastnesses, and their mode of warfare is perhaps the best adapted for its defence. Were the whole energies of the nation united under one chief, with the experience which they now have of European tactics, it may be assumed that they would render it impregnable to any open attack, either of an European or an Asiatic force; but, unfortunately for their independence, it has been their lot, as their history will shew, to be continually disunited, either by religious or political feuds. Their greatest resistance appears to have been made against European influence. They maintain with pride, that although virtually conquered, they still, as a nation and as individuals, pertinaciously adhere to their ancient institutions, and have a national feeling, very different from that which is usually to be found among a conquered people.

The subject of revenue, for the support of the various establishments under the native government, has been so repeatedly touched upon, and came so much into view in the account given of Javan agriculture, that many further details here would appear tedious and unnecessary. All public officers, it has been often observed, from the highest chief to the lowest menial, are remunerated by grants of land revokable at pleasure, and all expences of the courts of justice, all police and military services, defrayed out of the same fund. There is no public treasury. When public works are to be executed, or supplies are to be furnished, each village is called upon to furnish its quota of men, of provisions, &c.; and on the equitable regulation of these services and contributions depends the reputation of the native chief. The land constitutes the only treasury of the prince, and this is valuable according to its fertility, and the extent and number of its cultivators. There are, to be sure, certain general taxes and imposts levied throughout the country: but these appear to have been of comparatively modern introduction, and unconnected with the genuine principles of the Javan government. The nature of several of these imposts and taxes has been explained in treating of the landed tenure and the condition of the peasantry. The following statement, extracted from the Report of a Dutch commissioner[95], appointed to inquire into the subject of taxation in the year 1812, though it refers to the particular province of Surabáya, may be considered as applicable to the greater part of the island; and I here produce it in preference to any more general or more concise account of my own, because it will shew that the opinions I have so often expressed, concerning the oppressions of the Dutch authorities, the patient submission, the industry, and other good qualities of the lower classes of Java, are not peculiar to the English, but entertained by some of the subjects of a government which profited by the abuses complained of, and must have been anxious to conceal their enormity.

"The ordinary taxes annually levied in the district of Surabáya are as follow:

"1. The grabág or peték, or as it is sometimes called, the chácha or capitation tax, is generally levied at the rate of four rupees for each chácha a year; that is to say, for such a quantity of profitable land as may be cultivated by one family.

"2. The contingent or contribution of rice to government, being from fifteen to nineteen píkúls of clean rice from each jung, according to its situation and fertility.

"3. Pári pánajúng (from which, however, are excused the distant districts), consisting generally of three ámats of pári, equal to from eight to ten káti of rice, from each jung. This is destined for the maintenance of those Mántris and chiefs who were not at all or insufficiently provided with rice fields of their own.

"4. Pári págondíkan, levied only in the districts near the capital, consisting generally of two gédings or double heaps of pari. This was destined for the extraordinary expences of the districts; as the maintenance of the government, state prisoners, native ambassadors from the opposite coast, and the like.

"5. Pàri pakásak, consisted of three gédings from each jung, destined for the maintenance of those who superintend the direction of the water-courses, &c.

"6. Pári zákat, consisted of one ámat of pári from each jung, and was destined for the maintenance of the church and chief priests.

"7. Pítrah, consisted in the payment of twenty káti of rice from each jung, also destined for the maintenance of the priests.

"8. Máláman. This consisted of a payment made to the Regent or chiefs of the districts, at each of the three festivals of Múlut, Púasa, and Besár, of ten káti of rice, and three and a quarter stivers in money from each jung, one large fowl, five eggs, four cocoa-nuts, one bunch of plantains: and from those who held three or four jungs, was further required a bottle of oil, to add to the solemnity of the ceremony, to which persons of this condition were universally invited.

"It is easy to conceive, that the common Javan was not able to make any money after paying these taxes and contributions, at least not so much as he wanted for himself and family; particularly if we take into consideration, that it is very seldom one man is the sole proprietor of a jung alone, but that it is often divided between three and four persons, and that, with the most successful harvest, such a jung does not produce more than thirty to thirty-five ámats of pári. With all this, however, the common Javan would feel himself satisfied, if he had no other taxes to pay, having generally a good many fruit trees, and a little cottage farm, in which he cultivates síri, &c. and sometimes a small fish-pond in the vicinity of his dwelling, which is usually free of tax. But this is not the case; he must submit to other oppressions, which not being regulated, are for that reason the heavier, because they are called for in an arbitrary way, and because self-interest does not fail to seize every possible opportunity of extortion.

"When a chief has occasion to travel, when a marriage, birth, circumcision, recovery from illness, or any such subject of festivity, occurs in his family, it is advertized immediately to the subordinate towns and villages, the inhabitants of which feel themselves obliged, each in proportion to his means, to carry him fruits, rice, fowls, and even buffaloes and money. These are called free presents, but in fact, are as much an obligatory contribution as any of the others; to say nothing of the many demands for fowls, eggs, ducks, fruits, &c. for which payment is made, but always at a rate far below their value: or of the numerous fines which are continually exacted from the people, in compensation, or as hush money for disputes and offences of every description; the taking away of bámbus, and sometimes of fruit trees, when wood is required, either for government or the chief; to which must yet be added, that for the execution of the duties of government, and on the conveyance of orders, Mántris, and other subordinate chiefs, were continually, in the neighbourhood of the villages, just like so many voracious birds, who think themselves entitled not only to take something for their trouble, but to be provided during their stay with every thing gratis, even opium, if they require it. This custom, adopted on Java, extends to every other chief, although not in employment, and even to the Regents, their relations, &c. None of these persons will pass through a town or village, without demanding what he wants for his maintenance or journey; and very often he asks what he does not want, to the great oppression of the common Javan. Much is wasted by this practice, and no particular advantage appears to result from it.

"We must, indeed, be astonished to see all the oppressions, &c. to which the common Javan must submit. It is usually said, indeed, that the Javan is not accustomed to an easy life, and ought not to have more than barely enough to keep him alive, with many more such expressions; but this is not the manner of reasoning of any well-thinking man, who, though he sees very well the imperfections and weak nature of the Javan, yet bears in mind that he is a man like himself; who, although he has been conquered, it is true, by the greater valour and knowledge of the European, has still an equal right to be treated like a man.

"But, alas! these are not all the vexations and oppressions which fall to the lot of the common people, who bear all without murmuring. The feudal service was as grievous as almost all the other charges united. The origin of those services must be sought for in the feudal system of the native government, long ago adopted throughout Java. It was considered that all the land was the property of the prince, who only made provisional assignments thereof to his subjects, in remuneration for military and other services rendered. This was the cause of all the lands being divided into as many allotments as could be cultivated, called cháchas, each of a size to be cultivated by one man. A certain number of these was assigned to the different chiefs, according to their rank; the custom of the country fixing not only the amount of contributions to be paid from the produce, but the number of men to be constantly kept in attendance upon them. The lands thus assigned to chiefs were exempt from service to them, and the inhabitants were only expected to watch the villages, to make and repair the roads, and to perform other general services of the state. This was the situation of the people with regard to service, when the coast districts were first ceded to the European government. The system of trade and fixed contributions did not admit of any change, and the services were at that time of very little consequence, and such as could be performed without oppression to the inhabitants; but the case is now quite different. Successively and particularly of late years, much heavier services have been demanded than were ever before known, and it naturally follows, that the Javan must be kept more at work than before. Besides, it is not possible to apportion those services equally, on account of the situation of the places where the services are required, and because the chiefs, who have the direction of the works, from indifference and laziness, generally make a requisition on the nearest village; and it not unfrequently happens, that many people are thus taken for the public service, who have no lands whatever allotted to them.

"Were the requisitions made for the public service alone, it would still be comparatively nothing, it being admitted that the state has a right to the labour of its subjects; but the Regents, their relations, their Pátehs, and the subordinate chiefs of every description, assume the right of disposing of the services of the common people as they think proper, and themselves employ many of them in menial labour of all descriptions[96], from which it arises, that the number of people employed away from their homes, on what is called public services, is almost incredible.

"It is therefore more than time, and highly necessary, that an end be put to this monstrous system of government. Humanity looks forward with pleasure to this step. Government, who are essentially interested, have the most perfect right to take it; but the change must be entire and radical. Where the machine is entirely bad, it would be vain to attempt the repair of a few of the parts of which it is composed: the whole would still remain worthless, and it would only result that the main defects being hidden by a specious covering, the whole labour would be worse than thrown away."

The British government did accordingly alter the whole system of revenue. The subject was forced upon its attention, not only by the desire which every humane and liberal administration must feel, to promote the happiness of its subjects, but by considerations of a prudential nature. The resources of the country had sunk under a capricious and tyrannical system of exaction; industry was paralyzed, and confidence was destroyed. The opportunity for effecting a reformation was favourable, our means ample, and we had nothing to dread from the opposition of those interested in supporting abuses: it was, therefore, resolved to abolish all oppressive taxes, and to come immediately upon the soil for support of our establishments, by appropriating a fixed portion of its produce, leaving the full enjoyment of the remainder to the cultivator, with every facility for turning his industry to account. What was done in consequence, by the land revenue arrangements, has been seen in the account given of landed tenure.

The subjects of the colony were freed from the sway of their chiefs, who were no longer permitted to demand at pleasure their services or their property. These chiefs were compensated for the loss of their former influence by salaries in money or allotments of land, which they either held on condition of performing the police duties, or collecting the revenue. When paid by the rent of land, they were permitted to exact no more than the assessment settled by government. No arbitrary power was allowed them to disturb the peasant in the enjoyment of the remainder, or to drag him from his home and his duties to his family, for the purpose of swelling their idle pomp, or performing services about their person or household. The Chinese farmers of the revenue in Chéribon and other districts, having oppressed the people by every rapacious and tyrannical expedient, were, by the discontinuance of the farms, deprived of the power they had exercised over the persons and property of the natives. Forced services and all deliveries of produce at inadequate rates on government account were abolished; and for whatever colonial produce or supplies might be required for the public service, the fair market price was ordered to be paid. Duties on the transport of goods from one part of the country to another, and on the sale of commodities at markets or bazars, were, for the most part, abolished, as injurious to trade and discouraging to agricultural industry. The system of farming the import and export duties, which existed under the Dutch, was likewise annulled, and collectors were appointed to receive the duties immediately for government. Internal duties, of the nature of tolls and market dues, had been universally, though secretly, levied by the Chinese, in Chéribon and other places, in direct opposition to the orders of government and the terms of their engagement. This abuse, engrafted on the farming system, incalculably aggravated its evils and called loudly for redress. The farmer thrust his rapacious hand into every place where there was the least prospect of gain, and limited his demand only by the capacity of the merchant to satisfy it, or by an ill-defined custom, which might be perverted almost at pleasure, so as to accommodate itself to any exaction. The evils resulting from this mode of raising a revenue may easily be calculated, when it is stated, that, for a very trifling contribution to government by the farmer, duties were levied upon internal transport amounting to nearly fifty per cent. on the value of the commodities transported. Rice, on its transport from one part of the island to another, had been liable to duties of about forty-six per cent. Regulations were made for fixing the amount of import duties, and equalizing them over the island.

The restoration of the Dutch Indian empire to the sovereign of the Netherlands, at a period when these important changes were only in progress, may have perhaps prevented the full accomplishment by the English of the details in some districts, but the principles of the new system were not only introduced and thoroughly understood in all the more populous districts under the European government, but an experience of three years fully demonstrated the advantages resulting from it to the public revenue. It would have been attended with great immediate loss, without any corresponding future gain, to have abolished at once all the former sources of revenue; but the thorough change of system was declared, and the principles of it were acted upon, as far as was consistent with the security of public tranquillity and the realization of the current resources of the country; and the results of these arrangements, as far as they went, proved that a land rent might, even with the existing taxes in the capitals, &c. be realized at the rate of at least six rupees annually from each cultivator, or after the abolition of the taxes bearing on agriculture, at the average rate of four Spanish dollars from each cultivator, giving in the one case a rental for the whole island of about six millions of rupees, and in the other of four millions of Spanish dollars, or at five shillings the dollar, a million sterling. Of this one-fourth would accrue to the native princes, and the remainder to the European government. The particulars of the land revenue settlement effected in each district, and the detailed resources of the different parts of the island, will be particularly noticed in the statistical accounts which will appear in a subsequent part of this volume, when the subject of revenue will be again adverted to; and, in the mean time, it may be sufficient, for the purpose of shewing the general resources, to refer to the annexed table, exhibiting the revenues and expenses of the Javan government for a period of three favourable years under the old Dutch Company, for three years under the administration of Marshal Daendels, when its real resources were first called forth and the revenue was higher than before known, and for the first three years under the British government, of which alone, the accounts are yet closed. The dependencies included in this table do not include the Moluccas or Spice Islands, the administration of which under the British government was kept distinct from that of Java.

By this statement it will appear, that the revenues actually realized in cash, on Java, in the year 1814-15, and before the land revenue arrangements had become fully effectual, amounted to upwards of six millions and a half of rupees: to this may be added one-third more for the revenue of the native provinces, making a total revenue of the island exceeding eight millions and a half of rupees, or above a million sterling.

From a colony which was able to furnish at such a moment so extensive a revenue from its own internal resources, after the drains, checks, and restrictions to which it had been subjected during the last two centuries, what might not have been expected, had confidence been once established in the permanency of the government, and the tide of British capital been once fairly turned into it?

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