Footnotes

1.

See Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 12-20; R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia (Turin, 1881-1884), vol. ii. pp. 692 sqq.; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum (Tübingen, n.d.), pp. 365-369; id., Die ägyptische Religion2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 38 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter (Münster i. W. 1890), pp. 109 sqq.; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1897), pp. 207 sqq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 172 sqq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians (London, 1904), ii. 123 sqq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection (London, 1911), i. 1 sqq.

2.

J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt (London, 1912), pp. vii. sq., 77 sqq., 84 sqq., 91 sqq. Compare id., History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), p. 68; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 116 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection (London, 1911), i. 100 sqq. The first series of the texts was discovered in 1880 when Mariette's workmen penetrated into the pyramid of King Pepi the First. Till then it had been thought by modern scholars that the pyramids were destitute of inscriptions. The first to edit the Pyramid Texts was Sir Gaston Maspero.

3.

J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, pp. 91 sq. Among the earlier works referred to in the Pyramid Texts are “the chapter of those who ascend” and “the chapter of those who raise themselves up” (J. H. Breasted, op. cit. p. 85). From their titles these works would seem to have recorded a belief in the resurrection and ascension of the dead.

4.

This has been done by Professor J. H. Breasted in his Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, pp. 18 sqq.

5.

In Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 12, we must clearly read ἑβδομηκοστὸν δεύτερον with Scaliger and Wyttenbach for the ἑβδομηκοστόν of the MSS.

6.

Herodotus, ii. 4, with A. Wiedemann's note; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie (Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 94 sqq.; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 468 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 208 sq.

7.

The birth of the five deities on the five supplementary days is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 13. 4) as well as by Plutarch (Isis et Osiris, 12). The memory of the five supplementary days seems to survive in the modern Coptic calendar of Egypt. The days from the first to the sixth of Amshir (February) are called “the days outside the year” and they are deemed unlucky. “Any child begotten during these days will infallibly be misshapen or abnormally tall or short. This also applies to animals so that cattle and mares are not covered during these days; moreover, some say (though others deny) that neither sowing nor planting should be undertaken.” However, these unlucky days are not the true intercalary days of the Coptic calendar, which occur in the second week of September at the end of the Coptic year. See C. G. Seligmann, “Ancient Egyptian Beliefs in Modern Egypt,” Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway (Cambridge, 1913), p. 456. As to the unluckiness of intercalary days in general, see The Scapegoat, pp. 339 sqq.

8.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 13; Diodorus Siculus, i. 14, 17, 20; Tibullus, i. 7. 29 sqq.

9.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 13 sq.

10.

A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 366; id., Die ägyptische Religion2 (Berlin, 1909), p. 40; A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1897), pp. 213 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, i. 487 sq., ii. 206-211; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection (London, 1911), i. 92-96, ii. 84, 274-276. These incidents of the scorpions are not related by Plutarch but are known to us from Egyptian sources. The barbarous legend of the begetting of Horus by the dead Osiris is told in unambiguous language in the Pyramid Texts, and it is illustrated by a monument which represents the two sister goddesses hovering in the likeness of hawks over the god, while Hathor sits at his head and the Frog-goddess Heqet squats in the form of a huge frog at his feet. See J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 28, with note 2; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 280. Harpocrates is in Egyptian Her-pe-khred, “Horus the child” (A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 223). Plutarch, who appears to distinguish him from Horus, says that Harpocrates was begotten by the dead Osiris on Isis, and that he was born untimely and was weak in his lower limbs (Isis et Osiris, 19). Elsewhere he tells us that Harpocrates “was born, incomplete and youthful, about the winter solstice along with the early flowers and blossoms” (Isis et Osiris, 65).

11.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 8, 18.

12.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 18.

13.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 18. Compare Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 7, p. 142, ed. L. Duncker and F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1859).

14.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 21. 5-11; compare id., iv. 6. 3; Strabo, xvii. 1. 23, p. 803.

15.

H. Brugsch, “Das Osiris-Mysterium von Tentyra,” Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde, xix. (1881) pp. 77 sqq.; V. Loret, “Les fêtes d'Osiris au mois de Khoiak,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, iii. (1882) pp. 43 sqq.; R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pp. 697 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 584 sqq.; id., Die Religion der alten Ägypter, p. 115; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 215 sqq.; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 367 sq.

16.

J. Rendel Harris, The Annotators of the Codex Bezae (London, 1901), p. 104, note 2, referring to Dulaure.

17.

A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 39 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 59 sqq.

18.

A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 211.

19.

A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 39 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 176; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 140, 262; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 70-75, 80-82. On Osiris as king of the dead see Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 79.

20.

Miss Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos (London, 1904), pp. 8, 17, 18.

21.

On Osiris as judge of the dead see A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, pp. 131 sqq.; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 248 sqq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 187 sqq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Book of the Dead2 (London, 1909), i. pp. liii. sqq.; id., The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 141 sqq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 305 sqq.; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 116 sqq.

22.

The Book of the Dead, ch. cxxv. (vol. ii. pp. 355 sqq. of Budge's translation; P. Pierret, Le Livre des Morts, Paris, 1882, pp. 369 sqq.); R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pp. 788 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, pp. 132-134; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 249 sqq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 188-191; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 117-121; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 337 sqq.; J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, pp. 297 sqq.

23.

A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 p. 121. Compare A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, pp. 134 sq.; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 253.

24.

A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 254; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 305 sqq.; G. Maspero, op. cit. i. 194 sq.; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 121 sqq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 97 sq., 100 sqq.; E. Lefébure, “Le Paradis Egyptien,” Sphinx, iii. (Upsala, 1900) pp. 191 sqq.

25.

A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 249. Compare A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 117, 121; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 317, 328.

26.

G. Maspero, “Le rituel du sacrifice funéraire,” Études de Mythologie et d'Archéologie Égyptiennes (Paris, 1893-1912), i. 291 sq.

27.

G. Maspero, op. cit. pp. 300-316. Compare A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, pp. 123 sqq.; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 234 sqq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Book of the Dead2 (London, 1909), i. pp. iiii. sqq.; id., The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 126, 140 sq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 66 sqq., 101 sq., 176, 305, 399 sq.; A. Moret, Du Caractère religieux de la Royauté Pharaonique (Paris, 1902), p. 312; id., Kings and Gods of Egypt (New York and London, 1912), pp. 91 sqq.; id., Mystères Égyptiens (Paris, 1913), pp. 37 sqq. “In one of the ceremonies of the ‘Opening of the Mouth’ the deceased was temporarily placed in a bull's skin, which was probably that of one of the bulls which were offered up during the celebration of the service. From this skin the deceased obtained further power, and his emergence from it was the visible symbol of his resurrection and of his entrance into everlasting life with all the strength of Osiris and Horus” (E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 400).

28.

A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 416; J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 149 sq.; Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos (London, 1904), p. 31. Under the earlier dynasties only kings appear to have been identified with Osiris.

29.

A. Moret, Mystères Égyptiens (Paris, 1913), p. 40.

30.

A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 111-113. However, in later times the body with which the dead came to life was believed to be a spiritual, not a material body; it was called sāhu. See E. A. Wallis Budge, The Book of the Dead,2 i. pp. lvii. sqq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 123 sq.

31.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 19 and 55; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 368; id., Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 41 sq.; A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, p. 114; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 214 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 176-178; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 62 sq., 64, 89 sqq., 309 sqq.

32.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 290 sqq.

33.

A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 217. For details see E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 30 sqq.

34.

J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), p. 61; id., Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, p. 38; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 37, 67, 81, 210, 212, 214, 290, ii. 1, 2, 8-13, 82-85; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 21, 23, 110; A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 289; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 70, 96, 97. It appears to be now generally held that the original seat of the worship of Osiris was at Busiris, but that at Abydos the god found a second home, which in time eclipsed the old one in glory. According to Professors Ed. Meyer and A. Erman, the god whom Osiris displaced at Abydos was Anubis.

35.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 20; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 417; J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), pp. 148 sq.; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. p. 209; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 68 sq., ii. 3.

36.

Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. p. 125.

37.

J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 43, 50 sq. The excavations were begun by E. Amélineau and continued by W. M. Flinders Petrie (Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. p. 119). See E. Amélineau, Le Tombeau d'Osiris (Paris, 1899); W. M. Flinders Petrie, The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties, Part ii. (London, 1901). The excavations of the former have been criticized by Sir Gaston Maspero (Études de Mythologie et d'Archéologie Égyptiennes, vi. (Paris, 1912) pp. 153-182).

38.

Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 119, 124; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 8. The place is now known by the Arabic name of Umm al-Ka'âb or “Mother of Pots” on account of the large quantity of pottery that has been found there.

39.

Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 119, 125, 127, 128, 129, 209. The king's Horus name has sometimes been read Zer, but according to Professor Meyer (op. cit. p. 128) and Dr. Budge (Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 83) the true reading is Khent (Chent). The king's personal name was perhaps Ka (Ed. Meyer, op. cit. p. 128).

40.

E. Amélineau, Le Tombeau d'Osiris (Paris, 1899), pp. 107-115; W. M. Flinders Petrie, The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties, Part ii. (London, 1901) pp. 8 sq., 16-19, with the frontispiece and plates lx. lxi.; G. Maspero, Études de Mythologie et d'Archéologie Égyptiennes (Paris, 1893-1912), vi. 167-173; J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), pp. 50 sq., 148; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 8-10, 13, 83-85. The tomb, with its interesting contents, was discovered and excavated by Monsieur E. Amélineau. The masses, almost the mountains, of broken pottery, under which the tomb was found to be buried, are probably remains of the vessels in which pious pilgrims presented their offerings at the shrine. See E. Amélineau, op. cit. pp. 85 sq.; J. H. Breasted, op. cit. pp. 51, 148. The high White Crown, worn by Osiris, was the symbol of the king's dominion over Upper Egypt; the flat Red Crown, with a high backpiece and a projecting spiral, was the symbol of his dominion over Lower Egypt. On the monuments the king is sometimes represented wearing a combination of the White and the Red Crown to symbolize his sovereignty over both the South and the North. White was the distinctive colour of Upper, as red was of Lower, Egypt. The treasury of Upper Egypt was called “the White House”; the treasury of Lower Egypt was called “the Red House.” See Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 103 sq.; J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), pp. 34 sq., 36, 41.

41.

A. Moret, Mystères Égyptiens (Paris, 1913), pp. 159-162, with plate iii. Compare Victor Loret, “L'Égypte au temps du totémisme,” Conférences faites au Musée Guimet, Bibliothèque de Vulgarisation, xix. (Paris, 1906) pp. 179-186. Both these writers regard the hawk as the totem of the royal clan. This view is rejected by Prof. Ed. Meyer, who, however, holds that Horus, whose emblem was the hawk, was the oldest national god of Egypt (Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 102-106). He prefers to suppose that the hawk, or rather the falcon, was the emblem of a god of light because the bird flies high in the sky (op. cit. p. 73; according to him the bird is not the sparrow-hawk but the falcon, ib. p. 75). A similar view is adopted by Professor A. Wiedemann (Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, p. 26). Compare A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 10, 11. The native Egyptian name of Hawk-town was Nechen, in Greek it was Hieraconpolis (Ed. Meyer, op. cit. p. 103). Hawks were worshipped by the inhabitants (Strabo, xvii. 1. 47, p. 817).

42.

According to the legend the four sons of Horus were set by Anubis to protect the burial of Osiris. They washed his dead body, they mourned over him, and they opened his cold lips with their fingers. But they disappeared, for Isis had caused them to grow out of a lotus flower in a pool of water. In that position they are sometimes represented in Egyptian art before the seated effigy of Osiris. See A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 p. 43; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 40, 41, 327.

43.

See above, pp. 9 sq.

44.

E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 16 sq.

45.

Cyril of Alexandria, In Isaiam, lib. ii. Tomus iii. (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxx. 441).

46.

As to the Egyptian calendar see L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie (Berlin, 1825-1826), i. 93 sqq.; Sir J. G. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), ii. 368 sqq.; R. Lepsius, Die Chronologie der Aegypter, i. (Berlin, 1849) pp. 125 sqq.; H. Brugsch, Die Ägyptologie (Leipsic, 1891), pp. 347-366; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 468 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 207-210; Ed. Meyer, “Aegyptische Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1904, pp. 2 sqq.; id., “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1907, pp. 3 sqq.; id., Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 28 sqq., 98 sqq.; F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. (Leipsic, 1906) pp. 150 sqq.

47.

Herodotus, ii. 4, with A. Wiedemann's note; Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, 8, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius (Leipsic, 1898); Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 10.

48.

Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, 8, pp. 106 sqq., ed. C. Manitius.

49.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 50. 2; Strabo, xvii. i. 46, p. 816. According to H. Brugsch (Die Ägyptologie, pp. 349 sq.), the Egyptians would seem to have denoted the movable year of the calendar and the fixed year of the sun by different written symbols. For more evidence that they were acquainted with a four years' period, corrected by intercalation, see R. Lepsius, Chronologie der Aegypter, i. 149 sqq.

50.

Geminus, Elementa Astronomiae, 8, p. 106, ed. C. Manitius. The same writer further (p. 108) describes as a popular Greek error the opinion that the Egyptian festival of Isis coincided with the winter solstice. In his day, he tells us, the two events were separated by an interval of a full month, though they had coincided a hundred and twenty years before the time he was writing.

51.

Scholia in Caesaris Germanici Aratea, p. 409, ed. Fr. Eyssenhardt, in his edition of Martianus Capella (Leipsic, 1866).

52.

Copies of the decree in hieroglyphic, demotic, and Greek have been found inscribed on stones in Egypt. See Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques (Brussels, 1900), pp. 415 sqq., No. 551; W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (Leipsic, 1903-1905), vol. i. pp. 91 sqq., No. 56; J. P. Mahaffy, The Empire of the Ptolemies (London, 1895), pp. 205 sqq., 226 sqq. The star mentioned in the decree is the Dog-star (Sirius). See below, pp. 34 sqq.

53.

W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, vol. i. pp. 140 sqq., No. 90, with note 25 of the editor.

54.

On the Alexandrian year see L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 140 sqq. That admirable chronologer argued (pp. 153-161) that the innovation was introduced not, as had been commonly supposed, in 25 b.c., but in 30 b.c., the year in which Augustus defeated Mark Antony under the walls of Alexandria and captured the city. However, the question seems to be still unsettled. See F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 226 sqq., who thinks it probable that the change was made in 26 b.c. For the purposes of this study the precise date of the introduction of the Alexandrian year is not material.

55.

In demotic the fixed Alexandrian year is called “the year of the Ionians,” while the old movable year is styled “the year of the Egyptians.” Documents have been found which are dated by the day and the month of both years. See H. Brugsch, Die Ägyptologie, pp. 354 sq.

56.

L. Ideler, op. cit. i. 149-152. Macrobius thought that the Egyptians had always employed a solar year of 365-¼ days (Saturn. i. 12. 2, i. 14. 3). The ancient calendar of the Mexicans resembled that of the Egyptians except that it was divided into eighteen months of twenty days each (instead of twelve months of thirty days each), with five supplementary days added at the end of the year. These supplementary days (nemontemi) were deemed unlucky: nothing was done on them: they were dedicated to no deity; and persons born on them were considered unfortunate. See B. de Sahagun, Histoire générale des choses de la Nouvelle-Espagne, traduite par D. Jourdanet et R. Simeon (Paris, 1880), pp. 50, 164; F. S. Clavigero, History of Mexico (London, 1807), i. 290. Unlike the Egyptian calendar, however, the Mexican appears to have been regularly corrected by intercalation so as to bring it into harmony with the solar year. But as to the mode of intercalation our authorities differ. According to the positive statement of Sahagun, one of the earliest and best authorities, the Mexicans corrected the deficiency of their year by intercalating one day in every fourth year, which is precisely the correction adopted in the Alexandrian and the Julian calendar. See B. de Sahagun, op. cit. pp. 286 sq., where he expressly asserts the falsehood of the view that the bissextile year was unknown to the Mexicans. This weighty statement is confirmed by the practice of the Indians of Yucatan. Like the Aztecs, they reckoned a year to consist of 360 days divided into 18 months of 20 days each, with 5 days added so as to make a total of 365 days, but every fourth year they intercalated a day so as to make a total of 366 days. See Diego de Landa, Relation des choses de Yucatan (Paris, 1864), pp. 202 sqq. On the other hand the historian Clavigero, who lived in the eighteenth century, but used earlier authorities, tells us that the Mexicans “did not interpose a day every four years, but thirteen days (making use here even of this favourite number) every fifty-two years; which produces the same regulation of time” (History of Mexico, Second Edition, London, 1807, vol. i. p. 293). However, the view that the Mexicans corrected their year by intercalation is rejected by Professor E. Seler. See his “Mexican Chronology,” in Bulletin 28 of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, 1904), pp. 13 sqq.; and on the other side Miss Zelia Nuttall, “The Periodical Adjustments of the Ancient Mexican Calendar,” American Anthropologist, N.S. vi. (1904) pp. 486-500.

57.

Herodotus, ii. 36, with A. Wiedemann's note; Diodorus Siculus, i. 14-1, i. 17. 1; Pliny, Nat. Hist. v. 57 sq., xviii. 60; Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), ii. 398, 399, 418, 426 sq.; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 577 sqq.; A. de Candolle, Origin of Cultivated Plants (London, 1884), pp. 354 sq., 369, 381; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 66.

58.

Herodotus, ii. 14; Diodorus Siculus, i. 36; Strabo, xvii. 1. 3, pp. 786-788; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 167-170; Seneca, Natur. Quaest. iv. 2. 1-10; E. W. Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 17 sq., 495 sqq.; A. Erman, op. cit. pp. 21-25; G. Maspero, op. cit. i. 22 sqq. However, since the Suez Canal was cut, rain has been commoner in Lower Egypt (A. H. Sayce on Herodotus, ii. 14).

59.

G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 22-26; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 23. According to Lane (op. cit. pp. 17 sq.) the Nile rises in Egypt about the summer solstice (June 21) and reaches its greatest height by the autumnal equinox (September 22). This agrees exactly with the statement of Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 2). Herodotus says (ii. 19) that the rise of the river lasted for a hundred days from the summer solstice. Compare Pliny, Nat. Hist. v. 57, xviii. 167; Seneca, Nat. Quaest. iv. 2. 1. According to Prof. Ginzel the Nile does not rise in Egypt till the last week of June (Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 154). For ancient descriptions of Egypt in time of flood see Herodotus, ii. 97; Diodorus Siculus, i. 36. 8 sq.; Strabo, xvii. 1. 4, p. 788; Aelian, De natura animalium, x. 43; Achilles Tatius, iv. 12; Seneca, Natur. Quaest. iv. 2. 8 and 11.

60.

Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), ii. 365 sq.; E. W. Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (Paisley and London, 1895), pp. 498 sqq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 23 sq., 69. The last-mentioned writer says (p. 24) that the dams are commonly cut between the first and sixteenth of July, but apparently he means August.

61.

Sir J. D. Wilkinson, op. cit. ii. 398 sq.; Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie, cited above, vol. i. p. 231, note 3. According to Pliny (Nat. Hist. xviii. 60) barley was reaped in Egypt in the sixth month from sowing, and wheat in the seventh month. Diodorus Siculus, on the other hand, says (i. 36. 4) that the corn was reaped after four or five months. Perhaps Pliny refers to Lower, and Diodorus to Upper Egypt. Elsewhere Pliny affirms (Nat. Hist. xviii. 169) that the corn was sown at the beginning of November, and that the reaping began at the end of March and was completed in May. This certainly applies better to Lower than to Upper Egypt.

62.

Pausanias, x. 32. 18.

63.

E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 278.

64.

N. Adriani en Alb. C. Kruijt, De Bare'e-sprekende Toradjas van Midden-Celebes (Batavia, 1912), i. 273. The more civilized Indians of tropical America, who practised agriculture and had developed a barbaric art, appear to have commonly represented the rain-god in human form with tears streaming down from his eyes. See T. A. Joyce, “The Weeping God,” Essays and Studies presented to William Ridgeway (Cambridge, 1913), pp. 365-374.

65.

This we learn from inscriptions at Silsilis. See A. Moret, Mystères Égyptiens (Paris, 1913), p. 180.

66.

E. W. Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (Paisley and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. pp. 495 sq.

67.

L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 124 sqq.; R. Lepsius, Die Chronologie der Aegypter, i. 168 sq.; F. K. Ginzel, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 190 sq.; Ed. Meyer, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1907 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 11 sq.; id., Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 28 sq., 99 sqq. The coincidence of the rising of Sirius with the swelling of the Nile is mentioned by Tibullus (i. 7. 21 sq.) and Aelian (De natura animalium, x. 45). In later times, as a consequence of the precession of the equinoxes, the rising of Sirius gradually diverged from the summer solstice, falling later and later in the solar year. In the sixteenth and fifteenth century b.c. Sirius rose seventeen days after the summer solstice, and at the date of the Canopic decree (238 b.c.) it rose a whole month after the first swelling of the Nile. See L. Ideler, op. cit. i. 130; F. K. Ginzel, op. cit. i. 190; Ed. Meyer, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” pp. 11 sq. According to Censorinus (De die natali, xxi. 10), Sirius regularly rose in Egypt on the twentieth of July (Julian calendar); and this was true of latitude 30° in Egypt (the latitude nearly of Heliopolis and Memphis) for about three thousand years of Egyptian history. See L. Ideler, op. cit. i. 128-130. But the date of the rising of the star is not the same throughout Egypt; it varies with the latitude, and the variation within the limits of Egypt amounts to seven days or more. Roughly speaking, Sirius rises nearly a whole day earlier for each degree of latitude you go south. Thus, whereas near Alexandria in the north Sirius does not rise till the twenty-second of July, at Syene in the south it rises on the sixteenth of July. See R. Lepsius, op. cit. i. 168 sq.; F. K. Ginzel, op. cit. i. 182 sq. Now it is to be remembered that the rising of the Nile, as well as the rising of Sirius, is observed earlier and earlier the further south you go. The coincident variation of the two phenomena could hardly fail to confirm the Egyptians in their belief of a natural or supernatural connexion between them.

68.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 4; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 21, 22, 38, 61; Porphyry, De antro nympharum, 24; Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, ii. 517; Canopic decree, lines 36 sq., in W. Dittenberger's Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, vol. i. p. 102, No. 56 (lines 28 sq. in Ch. Michel's Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, p. 417, No. 551); R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pp. 825 sq. On the ceiling of the Memnonium at Thebes the heliacal rising of Sirius is represented under the form and name of Isis (Sir J. G. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, London, 1878, iii. 102).

69.

Porphyry and the Canopic decree, ll.cc.; Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 10, xxi. 10. In inscriptions on the temple at Syene, the modern Assuan, Isis is called “the mistress of the beginning of the year,” the goddess “who revolves about the world, near to the constellation of Orion, who rises in the eastern sky and passes to the west perpetually” (R. V. Lanzone, op. cit. p. 826). According to some, the festival of the rising of Sirius and the beginning of the sacred year was held on the nineteenth, not the twentieth of July. See Ed. Meyer, “Ägyptische Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1904, pp. 22 sqq.; id., “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1907, pp. 7 sqq.; id., Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 28 sqq., 98 sqq.

70.

Eudoxi ars astronomica, qualis in charta Aegyptiaca superest, ed. F. Blass (Kiliae, 1887), p. 14, οἱ δὲ ἀσ[τρο]λ[ό]γοι καὶ οἱ ἱερογραμμ[ατεῖς] χ[ρῶν]ται ταῖς κατὰ σελή[ν]ἠ[ν] ἡμ[έ]ραις καὶ ἄγουσι πανδημ[ι]κὰς ἕ[ορ]τας τινὰς μὲν ὡς ἐνομί[σθ]ἠ τὰ δὲ καταχυτήρια καὶ κυνὸς ἀνατολὴν καὶ σεληναῖα κατὰ θεό[ν], ἀναλεγόμενοι τὰς ἡμέρας ἐκ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων. This statement of Eudoxus or of one of his pupils is important, since it definitely proves that, besides the shifting festivals of the shifting official year, the Egyptians celebrated other festivals, which were dated by direct observation of natural phenomena, namely, the annual inundation, the rise of Sirius, and the phases of the moon. The same distinction of the fixed from the movable festivals is indicated in one of the Hibeh papyri, but the passage is unfortunately mutilated. See The Hibeh Papyri, part i., edited by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (London, 1906), pp. 145, 151 (pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W. Wyse). The annual festival in honour of Ptolemy and Berenice was fixed on the day of the rising of Sirius. See the Canopic decree, in W. Dittenberger's Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, No. 56 (vol. i. pp. 102 sq.). The rise of Sirius was carefully observed by the islanders of Ceos, in the Aegean. They watched for it with arms in their hands and sacrificed on the mountains to the star, drawing from its aspect omens of the salubrity or unhealthiness of the coming year. The sacrifice was believed to secure the advent of the cool North winds (the Etesian winds as the Greeks call them), which regularly begin to blow about this time of the year, and mitigate the oppressive heat of summer in the Aegean. See Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. ii. 516-527, with the notes of the Scholiast on vv. 498, 526; Theophrastus, De ventis, ii. 14; Clement of Alexandria, Strom. vi. 3. 29, p. 753, ed. Potter; Nonnus, Dionys. v. 269-279; Hyginus, Astronomica, ii. 4; Cicero, De divinatione, i. 57. 130; M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 6-8; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland (Breslau, 1885), pp. 96 sqq. On the top of Mount Pelion in Thessaly there was a sanctuary of Zeus, where sacrifices were offered at the rising of Sirius, in the height of the summer, by men of rank, who were chosen by the priest and wore fresh sheep-skins. See [Dicaearchus,] “Descriptio Graeciae,” Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Müller, i. 107; Historicorum Graecorum Fragmenta, ed. C. Müller, ii. 262.

71.

Above, pp. 24 sq.

72.

We know from Censorinus (De die natali, xxi. 10) that the first of Thoth coincided with the heliacal rising of Sirius on July 20 (Julian calendar) in the year 139 a.d. Hence reckoning backwards by Sothic periods of 1460 solar years we may infer that Sirius rose on July 20th (Julian calendar) in the years 1321 b.c., 2781 b.c., and 4241 b.c.; and accordingly that the civil or vague Egyptian year of 365 days was instituted in one of these years. In favour of supposing that it was instituted either in 2781 b.c. or 4241 b.c., it may be said that in both these years the rising of Sirius nearly coincided with the summer solstice and the rising of the Nile; whereas in the year 1321 b.c. the summer solstice, and with it the rising of the Nile, fell nineteen days before the rising of Sirius and the first of Thoth. Now when we consider the close causal connexion which the Egyptians traced between the rising of Sirius and the rising of the Nile, it seems probable that they started the new calendar on the first of Thoth in a year in which the two natural phenomena coincided rather than in one in which they diverged from each other by nineteen days. Prof. Ed. Meyer decides in favour of the year 4241 b.c. as the date of the introduction of the Egyptian calendar on the ground that the calendar was already well known in the Old Kingdom. See L. Ideler, op. cit. i. 125 sqq.; F. K. Ginzel, op. cit. i. 192 sqq.; Ed. Meyer, “Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie,” Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1907 (Berlin, 1908), pp. 11 sq.; id., Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 28 sqq., 98 sqq. When the fixed Alexandrian year was introduced in 30 b.c. (see above, pp. 27 sq.) the first of Thoth fell on August 29, which accordingly was thenceforth reckoned the first day of the year in the Alexandrian calendar. See L. Ideler, op. cit. i. 153 sqq. The period of 1460 solar or 1461 movable Egyptian years was variously called a Sothic period (Clement of Alexandria, Strom. i. 21. 136, p. 401 ed. Potter), a Canicular year (from Canicula, “the Dog-star,” that is, Sirius), a heliacal year, and a year of God (Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 10). But there is no evidence or probability that the period was recognized by the Egyptian astronomers who instituted the movable year of 365 days. Rather, as Ideler pointed out (op. cit. i. 132), it must have been a later discovery based on continued observations of the heliacal rising of Sirius and of its gradual displacement through the whole length of the official calendar. Brugsch, indeed, went so far as to suppose that the period was a discovery of astronomers of the second century a.d., to which they were led by the coincidence of the first of Thoth with the heliacal rising of Sirius in 139 a.d. (Die Ägyptologie, p. 357). But the discovery, based as it is on a very simple calculation (365 × 4 = 1460), could hardly fail to be made as soon as astronomers estimated the length of the solar year at 365-¼ days, and that they did so at least as early as 238 b.c. is proved conclusively by the Canopic decree. See above, pp. 25 sq., 27. As to the Sothic period see further R. Lepsius, Die Chronologie der Aegypter, i. 165 sqq.; F. K. Ginzel, op. cit. i. 187 sqq. For the convenience of the reader I subjoin a table of the Egyptian months, with their dates, as these fell, (1) in a year when the first of Thoth coincided with July 20 of the Julian calendar, and (2) in the fixed Alexandrian year. Egyptian Months, Sothic Year beginning July 20, Alexandrian Year. 1 Thoth, 20 July, 29 August 1 Phaophi, 19 August, 28 September 1 Atbyr, 18 September, 28 October 1 Khoiak, 18 October, 27 November 1 Tybi, 17 November, 27 December 1 Mechir, 17 December, 26 January 1 Phamenoth, 16 January, 25 February 1 Pharmuthi, 15 February, 27 March 1 Pachon, 17 March, 26 April 1 Payni, 16 April, 26 May 1 Epiphi, 16 May, 25 June 1 Mesori, 15 June, 25 July 1 Supplementary, 15 July, 24 August See L. Ideler, op. cit. i. 143 sq.; F. K. Ginzel, op. cit. i. 200.

73.

The Canopic decree (above, p. 27) suffices to prove that the Egyptian astronomers, long before Caesar's time, were well acquainted with the approximately exact length of the solar year, although they did not use their knowledge to correct the calendar except for a short time in the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes. With regard to Caesar's debt to the Egyptian astronomers see Dio Cassius, xliii. 26; Macrobius, Saturn, i. 14. 3, i. 16. 39; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 166 sqq.

74.

E. W. Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (Paisley and London, 1895), ch. xxvi. pp. 499 sq.

75.

Bruno Gutmann, “Feldbausitten und Wachstumsbräuche der Wadschagga,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xlv. (1913) pp. 484 sq.

76.

Hon. K. R. Dundas, “Notes on the tribes inhabiting the Baringo District, East Africa Protectorate,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xl. (1910) p. 54.

77.

E. W. Lane, op. cit. pp. 500-504; Sir Auckland Colvin, The Making of Modern Egypt (London, 1906), pp. 278 sq. According to the latter writer, a dressed dummy was thrown into the river at each cutting of the dam.

78.

Seneca, Naturales Quaestiones, iv. 2. 7. The cutting of the dams is mentioned by Diodorus Siculus (i. 36. 3), and the festival on that occasion (τὰ καταχυτήρια) is noticed by Eudoxus (or one of his pupils) in a passage which has already been quoted. See above, p. 35, note 2.

79.

Sir Auckland Colvin, l.c.

80.

Τῆς Ἀχαίας. Plutarch derives the name from ἄχος, “pain,” “grief.” But the etymology is uncertain. It has lately been proposed to derive the epithet from ὀχή, “nourishment.” See M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipsic, 1906), p. 326. As to the vaults (μέγαρα) of Demeter see Pausanias, ix. 8. 1; Scholiast on Lucian, Dial. Meretr. ii. pp. 275 sq., ed. H. Rabe (Leipsic, 1906).

81.

In antiquity the Pleiades set at dawn about the end of October or early in November. See L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 242; Aug. Mommsen, Chronologie (Leipsic, 1883), pp. 16, 27; G. F. Unger, “Zeitrechnung der Griechen und Römer,” in Iwan Müller's Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, i.1 (Nördlingen, 1886) pp. 558, 585.

82.

Τὰς παρουσίας τῶν ἀναγκαίων καί ἀποκρύψεις.

83.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 69-71. With the sleep of the Phrygian gods we may compare the sleep of Vishnu. The toils and anxieties of the Indian farmer “are continuous, and his only period of comparative rest is in the heavy rain time, when, as he says, the god Vishnu goes to sleep, and does not wake till October is well advanced and the time has come to begin cutting and crushing the sugar-cane and boiling down the juice” (W. Crooke, Natives of Northern India, London, 1907, p. 159).

84.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 77.

85.

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 204 sqq.

86.

C. Hill Tout, “Report on the Ethnology of the Stlatlum Indians of British Columbia,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxv. (1905) pp. 140 sq.

87.

Psalm cxxvi. 5 sq. Firmicus Maternus asks the Egyptians (De errore profanarum religionum, ii. 7), “Cur plangitis fruges terrae et crescentia lugetis semina?”

88.

As to the Egyptian modes of reaping and threshing see Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), ii. 419 sqq.; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 572 sqq.

89.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2.

90.

Herodotus, ii. 79; Julius Pollux, iv. 54; Pausanias, ix. 29. 7; Athenaeus, xiv. 11 sq., pp. 618-620. As to these songs see Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 214 sqq.

91.

H. Brugsch, Adonisklage und Linoslied (Berlin, 1852), p. 24, corrected by A. Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch, p. 336. As to the lamentations for Osiris see above, p. 12.

92.

J. Mooney, “Myths of the Cherokee,” Nineteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology (Washington, 1900), pp. 423 sq. I do not know what precisely the writer means by “the last working of the crop” and “the first working of the corn.”

93.

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 180 sqq.

94.

A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 46.

95.

S. Powers, Tribes of California (Washington, 1877), p. 25.

96.

A. Jaussen, “Coutumes Arabes,” Revue Biblique, 1er avril 1903, p. 258; id., Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab (Paris 1908), pp. 252 sq.

97.

Thus with regard to the Egyptian month of Athyr he tells us that the sun was then in the sign of the Scorpion (Isis et Osiris, 13), that Athyr corresponded to the Athenian month Pyanepsion and the Boeotian month Damatrius (op. cit. 69), that it was the month of sowing (ib.), that in it the Nile sank, the earth was laid bare by the retreat of the inundation, the leaves fell, and the nights grew longer than the days (op. cit. 39). These indications agree on the whole with the date of Athyr in the Alexandrian calendar, namely October 28-November 26. Again, he says (op. cit. 43) that the festival of the beginning of spring was held at the new moon of the month Phamenoth, which, in the Alexandrian calendar, corresponded to February 24-March 26. Further, he tells us that a festival was celebrated on the 23rd of Phaophi after the autumn equinox (op. cit. 52), and in the Alexandrian calendar Phaophi began on September 28, a few days after the autumn equinox. Once more, he observes that another festival was held after the spring equinox (op. cit. 65), which implies the use of a fixed solar year. See G. Parthey in his edition of Plutarch's Isis et Osiris (Berlin, 1850), pp. 165-169.

98.

H. Brugsch, Die Ägyptologie, p. 355.

99.

Herodotus, ii. 170.

100.

Herodotus, ii. 129-132.

101.

Herodotus, ii. 41, with Prof. A. Wiedemann's note (Herodots zweites Buch, pp. 187 sqq.); Diodorus Siculus, i. 11. 4; Aelian, De natura animalium, x. 27; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 19 and 39. According to Prof. Wiedemann “the Egyptian name of the cow of Isis was ḥes-t, and this is one of the rare cases in which the name of the sacred animal agrees with that of the deity.” Hest was the usual Egyptian form of the name which the Greeks and Romans represented as Isis. See R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pp. 813 sqq.

102.

In this form she is represented on a relief at Philae pouring a libation in honour of the soul of Osiris. See E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 8. She is similarly portrayed in a bronze statuette, which is now in the Louvre. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, i. (Paris, 1882) p. 60, fig. 40.

103.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 52. The interpretation is accepted by Prof. A. Wiedemann (Herodots zweites Buch, p. 482).

104.

Herodotus, ii. 62. In one of the Hibeh papyri (No. 27, lines 165-167) mention is made of the festival and of the lights which were burned throughout the district. See The Hibeh Papyri, part i., ed. B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (London, 1906), p. 149 (pointed out to me by Mr. W. Wyse). In the papyrus the festival is said to have been held in honour of Athena (i.e. Neith), the great goddess of Sais, who was there identified with Isis. See A. Wiedemann, Die Religion der alten Ägypter, pp. 77 sq.; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 140 sq.

105.

In the period of the Middle Kingdom the Egyptians of Siut used to light lamps for the dead on the last day and the first day of the year. See A. Erman, “Zehn Vorträge aus dem mittleren Reich,” Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde, xx. (1882) p. 164; id., Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 434 sq.

106.

E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Part i. (Washington, 1899) pp. 363 sqq.

107.

S. Powers, Tribes of California (Washington, 1877), pp. 328, 355, 356, 384.

108.

Kostromitonow, “Bemerkungen über die Indianer in Ober-Kalifornien,” in K. F. v. Baer and Gr. v. Helmersen's Beiträge zur Kenntniss des russischen Reiches, i. (St. Petersburg, 1839) pp. 88 sq. The natives of the western islands of Torres Straits used to hold a great death-dance at which disguised men personated the ghosts of the lately deceased, mimicking their characteristic gait and gestures. Women and children were supposed to take these mummers for real ghosts. See A. C. Haddon, in Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 252-256; The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead, i. 176 sqq.

109.

S. Powers, Tribes of California, pp. 437 sq.

110.

Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes Occidentales (Paris, 1768), ii. 95 sq.

111.

T. G. S. Ten Broeck, in H. R. Schoolcraft's Indian Tribes of the United States (Philadelphia, 1853-1856), iv. 78. The Pueblo village to which the writer particularly refers is Laguna.

112.

Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique-Centrale (Paris, 1857-1859), iii. 23 sq.; H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States (London, 1875-1876), ii. 623. Similar customs are still practised by the Indians of a great part of Mexico and Central America (Brasseur de Bourbourg, op. cit. iii. 24, note 1).

113.

“Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan àson évêque,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), IIme Série, ii. (1834) p. 179.

114.

S. Roos, “Bijdrage tot de kennis van taal, land en volk op het eiland Soemba,” Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, xxxvi. (1872) pp. 63-65.

115.

Rev. S. B. Fellows, quoted by George Brown, D.D., Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), p. 237.

116.

E. H. Gomes, Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo (London, 1911), pp. 216-218. For another and briefer account of this festival see The Scapegoat, p. 154.

117.

Rev. Wm. Pettigrew, “Kathi Kasham, the ‘Soul Departure’ feast as practised by the Tangkkul Nagas, Manipur, Assam,” Journal and Proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, N.S. vol. v. 1909 (Calcutta, 1910), pp. 37-46; T. C. Hodson, The Naga Tribes of Manipur (London, 1911), pp. 153-158.

118.

Rev. P. Dehon, S.J., “Religion and Customs of the Uraons,” Memoirs of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, vol. i. No. 9 (Calcutta, 1906), p. 136. Compare Rev. F. Hahn, “Some Notes on the Religion and Superstition of the Orāōs,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, lxxii. Part iii. (Calcutta, 1904) pp. 12 sq. According to the latter writer the pots containing the relics of the dead are buried, not in the sand of the river, but in a pit, generally covered with huge stones, which is dug for the purpose in some field or grove.

119.

E. M. Gordon, Indian Folk Tales (London, 1908), p. 18. According to Mr. W. Crooke, the Hindoo Feast of Lamps (Diwálî) seems to have been based on “the idea that on this night the spirits of the dead revisit their homes, which are cleaned and lighted for their reception.” See W. Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), ii. 295 sq.

120.

Rev. F. Mason, D.D., “Physical Character of the Karens,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1866, Part ii. pp. 29 sq. Lights are not mentioned by the writer, but the festival being nocturnal we may assume that they are used for the convenience of the living as well as of the dead. In other respects the ceremonies are typical.

121.

R. F. St. Andrew St. John, “A Short Account of the Hill Tribes of North Aracan,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, ii. (1873) p. 238. At this festival the dead are apparently not supposed to return to the houses.

122.

E. Aymonier, Notice sur le Cambodge (Paris, 1875), p. 59; A. Leclère, Le Buddhisme au Cambodge (Paris, 1899), pp. 374-376. The departure of the souls is described only by the latter writer. Compare E. Aymonier, “Notes sur les coutumes et croyances superstitieuses des Cambodgiens,” Cochinchine Française, Excursions et Reconnaissances, No. 16 (Saigon, 1883), pp. 205 sq.

123.

Mariny, Relation nouvelle et curieuse des royaumes de Tunquin et de Lao (Paris, 1666), pp. 251-253.

124.

Le R. P. Cadière, “Coutumes populaires de la vallée du Nguôn-So'n,” Bulletin de l'École Française d'Extrême-Orient, ii. (Hanoi, 1902) pp. 376-379; P. d'Enjoy, “Du droit successoral en Annam,” etc., Bulletins de la Société d'Anthropologie de Paris, Ve Série, iv. (1903) pp. 500-502; E. Diguet, Les Annamites (Paris, 1906), pp. 372-375.

125.

E. Diguet, Les Annamites (Paris, 1906), pp. 254 sq.; Paul Giran, Magie et Religion Annamites (Paris, 1912), pp. 258 sq. According to the latter writer the offerings to the vagrant souls are made on the first and last days of the month, while sacrifices of a more domestic character are performed on the fifteenth.

126.

L. E. Louvet, La Cochinchine religieuse (Paris, 1885), pp. 149-151.

127.

The Scapegoat, pp. 149 sqq.

128.

C. v. Hahn, “Religiöse Anschauungen und Totengedächtnisfeier der Chewsuren,” Globus, lxxvi. (1899) pp. 211 sq.

129.

M. Abeghian, Der armenische Volksglaube (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 23 sq.

130.

Fred. E. Forbes, Dahomey and the Dahomans (London, 1851), ii. 73. Compare John Duncan, Travels in Western Africa (London, 1847), i. 125 sq.; A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast (London, 1890), p. 108. The Tshi-speaking peoples of the Gold Coast and Ashantee celebrate an annual festival of eight days in honour of the dead. It falls towards the end of August. The offerings are presented to the departed at their graves. See A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast (London, 1887), pp. 227 sq.; E. Perregaux, Chez les Achanti (Neuchâtel, 1908), pp. 136, 138. According to the latter writer the festival is celebrated at the time of the yam harvest.

131.

W. Munzinger, Ostafrikanische Studien (Schaffhausen, 1864), p. 473.

132.

The Scapegoat, pp. 136 sq.

133.

On the worship of the dead, and especially of ancestors, among Aryan peoples, see W. Caland, Über Totenverehrung bei einigen der indo-germanischen Völker (Amsterdam, 1888); O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 21 sqq.; id., s.v. “Aryan Religion,” in Dr. J. Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ii. (Edinburgh, 1909) pp. 16 sqq.

134.

As to the Iranian calendar see W. Geiger, Altiranische Kultur im Altertum (Erlangen, 1882), pp. 314 sqq.; as to the Iranian worship of the sainted dead (the Fravashis) see id. pp. 286 sqq. As to the annual festival of the dead (Hamaspathmaedaya) see W. Caland, Über Totenverehrung bei einigen der indo-germanischen Völker (Amsterdam, 1888), pp. 64 sq.; N. Söderblom, Les Fravashis (Paris, 1899), pp. 4 sqq.; J. H. Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism (London, 1913), pp. 256 sqq. All these writers agree that the Fravashis of the Zend-Avesta were originally the souls of the dead. See also James Darmesteter, Zend-Avesta, Part ii. (Oxford, 1883) p. 179: “The Fravashi is the inner power in every being that maintains it and makes it grow and subsist. Originally the Fravashis were the same as the Pitris of the Hindus or the Manes of the Latins, that is to say, the everlasting and deified souls of the dead; but in course of time they gained a wider domain, and not only men, but gods and even physical objects, like the sky and the earth, etc., had each a Fravashi.” Compare id., Ormazd et Ahriman (Paris, 1877), pp. 130 sqq.; N. Söderblom, La Vie Future d'après Le Mazdéisme (Paris, 1901), pp. 7 sqq. A different view of the original nature of the Fravashis was taken by C. P. Tiele, according to whom they were essentially guardian spirits. See C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum (Gotha, 1896-1903), ii. 256 sqq.

135.

The Zend-Avesta, translated by James Darmesteter, Part ii. (Oxford, 1883) pp. 192 sq. (Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiii.).

136.

Albiruni, The Chronology of Ancient Nations, translated and edited by Dr. C. Edward Sachau (London, 1879), p. 210. In the Dinkard, a Pahlavi work which seems to have been composed in the first half of the ninth century a.d., the festival is spoken of as “those ten days which are the end of the winter and termination of the year, because the five Gathic days, among them, are for that purpose.” By “the five Gathic days” the writer means the five supplementary days added at the end of the twelfth month to complete the year of 365 days. See Pahlavi Texts translated by E. W. West, Part iv. (Oxford, 1892) p. 17 (The Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxxvii.).

137.

A. le Braz, La Légende de la Morten Basse-Bretagne (Paris, 1893), pp. 280-287. Compare J. Lecœur, Esquisses du Bocage Normand (Condé-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 283 sqq.

138.

L. F. Sauvé, Le folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges (Paris, 1889), pp. 295 sq.

139.

J. L. M. Noguès, Les mœurs d'autrefois en Saintonge et en Aunis (Saintes, 1891), p. 76. As to the observance of All Souls' Day in other parts of France see A. Meyrac, Traditions, coutumes, légendes et contes des Ardennes (Charleville, 1890), pp. 22-24; Ch. Beauquier, Les mois en Franche-Comté (Paris, 1900), pp. 123-125.

140.

Above, p. 52.

141.

W. Crooke, The Natives of Northern India (London, 1907), p. 219.

142.

Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Calendrier Belge (Brussels, 1861-1862), ii. 236-240; id., Das festliche Jahr (Leipsic, 1863), pp. 229 sq.

143.

Karl Freiherr von Leoprechting, Aus dem Lechrain (Munich, 1855), pp. 198-200.

144.

O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Das festliche Jahr (Leipsic, 1863), p. 330. As to these cakes (called “souls”) in Swabia see E. Meyer, Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 452, § 174; Anton Birlinger, Volksthümliches aus Schwaben (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1861-1862), ii. 167 sq. The cakes are baked of white flour, and are of a longish rounded shape with two small tips at each end.

145.

Adalbert Kuhn, Mythologische Studien, ii. (Gütersloh, 1912) pp. 41 sq., citing F. Schönwerth, Aus der Oberpfalz, i. 283.

146.

O. Freiherr von Reinsberg-Düringsfeld, Fest-Kalender aus Böhmen (Prague, n.d.), pp. 493-495.

147.

Alois John, Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube im deutschen Westböhmen (Prague, 1905), p. 97.

148.

Willibald Müller, Beiträge zur Volkskunde der Deutschen in Mähren (Vienna and Olmütz, 1893), p. 330.

149.

Ignaz V. Zingerle, Sitten, Bräuche und Meiningen des Tiroler Volkes2 (Innsbruck, 1871), pp. 176-178.

150.

Christian Schneller, Märchen und Sagen aus Wälschtirol (Innsbruck, 1867), p. 238.

151.

Elard Hugo Meyer, Badisches Volksleben im neunzehnten Jahrhundert (Strasburg, 1900), p. 601.

152.

P. Einhorn, “Historia Lettica,” in Scriptores Rerum Livonicarum, ii. (Riga and Leipsic, 1848) pp. 587, 598, 630 sq., 645 sq. See also the description of D. Fabricius in his “Livonicae Historiae compendiosa series,” ib. p. 441. Fabricius assigns the custom to All Souls' Day.

153.

J. Lasicius, “De diis Samagitarum caeterorumque Sarmatarum,” in Magazin herausgegeben von der lettisch-literärischen Gesellschaft, xiv. 1. (Mitau, 1868), p. 92.

154.

F. J. Wiedemann, Aus dem inneren und äussern Leben der Ehsten (St. Petersburg, 1876), pp. 366 sq.; Boecler-Kreutzwald, Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche, Weisen und Gewohnheiten (St. Petersburg, 1854), p. 89.

155.

W. R. S. Ralston, Songs of the Russian People2 (London, 1872), pp. 321 sq. The date of the festival is not mentioned. Apparently it is celebrated at irregular intervals.

156.

M. Buch, Die Wotjäken (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 145.

157.

J. Wasiljev, Übersicht über die heidnischen Gebräuche, Aberglauben und Religion der Wotjäken (Helsingfors, 1902), pp. 34 sq. (Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne, xviii.). As to the Votiak clans see the same work, pp. 42-44.

158.

G. Finamore, Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi (Palermo, 1890), pp. 180-182. Mr. W. R. Paton writes to me (12th December 1906): “You do not mention the practice[s] on the modern Greek feast τῶν ψυχῶν (in May) which quite correspond. The κόλυβα is made in every house and put on a table laid with a white tablecloth. A glass of water and a taper are put on the table, and all is left so for the whole night. Our Greek maid-servant says that when she was a child she remembers seeing the souls come and partake. Almost the same rite is practised for the κόλυβα made on the commemoration of particular dead.”

159.

John Brand, Popular Antiquities of Great Britain (London, 1882-1883), i. 393.

160.

John Aubrey, Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme (London, 1881), p. 23.

161.

Miss C. S. Burne and Miss G. F. Jackson, Shropshire Folk-lore (London, 1883), p. 381. The writers record (pp. 382 sqq.) some of the ditties which were sung on this occasion by those who begged for soul-cakes.

162.

J. Brand, Popular Antiquities of Great Britain, i. 392, 393; W. Hone, Year Book (London, n.d.), col. 1288; T. F. Thiselton Dyer, British Popular Customs (London, 1876), pp. 405, 406, 407, 409; J. Harland and T. T. Wilkinson, Lancashire Folk-lore (London, 1882), p. 251; Elizabeth Mary Wright, Rustic Speech and Folk-lore (Oxford, 1913), p. 300.

163.

Marie Trevelyan, Folk-lore and Folk-stories of Wales (London, 1909), p. 255. See also T. F. Thiselton Dyer, British Popular Customs (London, 1876), p. 410, who, quoting Pennant as his authority, says that the poor people who received soul-cakes prayed God to bless the next crop of wheat.

164.

County Folk-lore, vol. ii. North Riding of Yorkshire, York, and the Ainsty (London, 1901), quoting George Young, A History of Whitby and Streoneshalth Abbey (Whitby, 1817), ii. 882.

165.

T. F. Thiselton Dyer, British Popular Customs, p. 410.

166.

M. Martin, “Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in John Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels (London, 1808-1814), iii. 666.

167.

Dr. Rivet, “Le Christianisme et les Indiens de la République de l'Équateur,” L'Anthropologie, xvii. (1906) pp. 93 sq.

168.

See above, pp. 53, 55, 62, 65.

169.

Sir John Rhys, Celtic Heathendom (London and Edinburgh, 1888), pp. 460, 514 sq.; id., “Celtae and Galli,” Proceedings of the British Academy, 1905-1906 (London, n.d.), p. 78; Balder the Beautiful, i. 224 sq.

170.

K. Müllenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde, iv. (Berlin, 1900) pp. 379 sq. The first of October seems to have been a great festival among the Saxons and also the Samagitians. See Widukind, Res gestae Saxonicae, i. 12 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, cxxxvii. 135); M. A. Michov, “De Sarmatia Asiana atque Europea,” in S. Grynaeus's Novus Orbis Regionum ac Insularum veteribus incognitarum (Bâle, 1532), p. 520. I have to thank Professor H. M. Chadwick for pointing out these two passages to me. Mr. A. Tille prefers to date the Teutonic winter from Martinmas, the eleventh of November. See A. Tille, Die Geschichte der deutschen Weihnacht (Leipsic, n.d.), pp. 23 sqq.; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde (Strasburg, 1901), p. 395.

171.

A. J. Binterim, Die vorzüglichsten Denkwürdigkeiten der Christ-Katholischen Kirche, v. 1 (Mayence, 1829), pp. 493 sq.; J. J. Herzog und G. F. Plitt, Real-Encyclopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche,2 i. (Leipsic, 1877), pp. 303 sq.; W. Smith and S. Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities (London, 1875-1880), i. 57 sq.

172.

A. J. Binterim, op. cit. v. 1, pp. 487 sqq.; J. J. Herzog und G. F. Plitt, op. cit. i. p. 303; W. Smith and S. Cheetham, Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, i. 57. In the last of these works a passage from the Martyrologium Romanum Vetus is quoted which states that a feast of Saints (Festivitas Sanctorum) on the first of November was celebrated at Rome. But the date of this particular Martyrology is disputed. See A. J. Binterim, op. cit. v. 1, pp. 52-54.

173.

J. J. Herzog und G. F. Plitt, op. cit. i. 304. A similar attempt to reform religion by diverting the devotion of the people from the spirits of their dead appears to have been made in antiquity by the doctors of the Persian faith. For that faith “in its most finished and purest form, in the Gathas, does not recognize the dead as objects worthy of worship and sacrifice. But the popular beliefs were too firmly rooted, and the Mazdeans, like the sectaries of many other ideal and lofty forms of religion, were forced to give way. As they could not suppress the worship and get rid of the primitive and crude ideas involved in it, they set about the reform in another way: they interpreted the worship in a new manner, and thus the worship of the dead became a worship of the gods or of a god in favour of the loved and lost ones, a pious commemoration of their names and their virtues.” See N. Söderblom, Les Fravashis (Paris, 1899), pp. 6 sq. The Gathas form the oldest part of the Zend-Avesta. James Darmesteter, indeed, in his later life startled the learned world by a theory that the Gathas were a comparatively late work based on the teaching of Philo of Alexandria. But this attempt of a Jew to claim for his race the inspiration of the Persian scriptures has been coldly received by Gentile scholars. See J. H. Moulton, Early Zoroastrianism (London, 1913), pp. 8 sqq.

174.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 39. As to the death of Osiris on the seventeenth of Athyr see ib. 13 and 42. Plutarch's statement on this subject is confirmed by the evidence of the papyrus Sallier IV., a document dating from the 19th dynasty, which places the lamentation for Osiris at Sais on the seventeenth day of Athyr. See A. Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch, p. 262; id., Die Religion der alten Ägypter, p. 112; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 211 sq.

175.

See above, p. 50.

176.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 39. The words which I have translated “vegetable mould” are γῆν κάρπιμον, literally, “fruitful earth.” The composition of the image was very important, as we shall see presently.

177.

Lactantius, Divin. Institut., i. 21; id., Epitome Inst. Divin. 23 (18, ed. Brandt and Laubmann). The description of the ceremony which Minucius Felix gives (Octavius, xxii. 1) agrees closely with, and is probably copied from, that of Lactantius. We know from Appian (Bell. Civ. iv. 6. 47) that in the rites of Isis a priest personated Anubis, wearing a dog's, or perhaps rather a jackal's, mask on his head; for the historian tells how in the great proscription a certain Volusius, who was on the condemned list, escaped in the disguise of a priest of Isis, wearing a long linen garment and the mask of a dog over his head.

178.

The suggestion is due to Prof. A. Wiedemann (Herodots zweites Buch, p. 261).

179.

Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 2. Herodotus tells (ii. 61) how the Carians cut their foreheads with knives at the mourning for Osiris.

180.

In addition to the writers who have been already cited see Juvenal, viii. 29 sq.; Athenagoras, Supplicatio pro Christianis, 22, pp. 112, 114, ed. J. C. T. Otto (Jena, 1857); Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem, i. 13; Augustine, De civitate Dei, vi. 10.

181.

W. Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, ii. 1127.

182.

For complete translations of the inscription see H. Brugsch, “Das Osiris-Mysterium von Tentyra,” Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde, 1881, pp. 77-111; V. Loret, “Les fêtes d'Osiris au mois de Khoiak,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, iii. (1882) pp. 43-57, iv. (1883) pp. 21-33, v. (1884) pp. 85-103. On the document and the festivals described in it see further A. Mariette-Pacha, Dendérah (Paris, 1880), pp. 334-347; J. Dümichen, “Die dem Osiris im Denderatempel geweihten Räume,” Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde, 1882, pp. 88-101; H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter (Leipsic, 1885-1888), pp. 616-618; R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pp. 725-744; A. Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch, p. 262; id., “Osiris végétant,” Le Muséon, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 113; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 128 sq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 21 sqq.; Miss Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos (London, 1904), pp. 27 sq.

183.

R. V. Lanzone, op. cit. p. 727.

184.

H. Brugsch, in Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde, 1881, pp. 80-82; A. Wiedemann, in Le Muséon, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 113. The corn used in the making of the images is called barley by Brugsch and Miss M. A. Murray (l.c.), but wheat (blé) by Mr. V. Loret.

185.

H. Brugsch, op. cit. pp. 99, 101.

186.

H. Brugsch, op. cit. pp. 82 sq.; R. V. Lanzone, op. cit. p. 728; Miss Margaret A. Murray, op. cit. p. 27.

187.

H. Brugsch, op. cit. pp. 90 sq., 96 sq., 98; R. V. Lanzone, op. cit. pp. 743 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 128. According to Lanzone, the ploughing took place, not on the first, but on the last day of the festival, namely, on the thirtieth of Khoiak; and that certainly appears to have been the date of the ploughing at Busiris, for the inscription directs that there “the ploughing of the earth shall take place in the Serapeum of Aa-n-beḥ under the fine Persea trees on the last day of the month Khoiak” (H. Brugsch, op. cit. p. 84).

188.

Miss Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, p. 28; H. Brugsch, op. cit. pp. 83, 92. The headless human image in the cow may have stood for Isis, who is said to have been decapitated by her son Horus, and to have received from Thoth a cow's head as a substitute. See Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 20; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 177; Ed. Meyer, s.v. “Isis,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 366.

189.

H. Brugsch, op. cit. pp. 92 sq.; R. V. Lanzone, op. cit. pp. 738-740; A. Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch, p. 262; Miss M. A. Murray, op. cit. p. 35. An Egyptian calendar, written at Sais about 300 b.c., has under the date 26 Khoiak the following entry: “Osiris goes about and the golden boat is brought forth.” See The Hibeh Papyri, Part i., edited by B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt (London, 1906), pp. 146, 153. In the Canopic decree “the voyage of the sacred boat of Osiris” is said to take place on the 29th of Khoiak from “the sanctuary in the Heracleum” to the Canopic sanctuary. See W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, No. 56 (vol. i. pp. 105, 108). Hence it would seem that the date of this part of the festival varied somewhat in different places or at different times.

190.

H. Brugsch, op. cit. p. 99; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 129; compare Miss Margaret A. Murray, op. cit. p. 28, who refers the ceremony to the twenty-fifth of Khoiak.

191.

H. Brugsch, op. cit. pp. 94, 99; A. Mariette-Pacha, Dendérah, pp. 336 sq.; R. V. Lanzone, op. cit. p. 744. Mariette supposed that after depositing the new image in the sepulchre they carried out the old one of the preceding year, thus setting forth the resurrection as well as the death of the god. But this view is apparently not shared by Brugsch and Lanzone.

192.

A. Mariette-Bey, Dendérah, iv. (Paris, 1873) plates 65, 66, 68, 69, 70, 71, 72, 88, 89, 90; R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pp. 757 sqq., with plates cclxviii.-ccxcii.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 131-138; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 31 sqq.

193.

H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 621; R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, plate cclxi.; A. Wiedemann, “L'Osiris végétant,” Le Muséon, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 112; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 58. According to Prof. Wiedemann, the corn springing from the god's body is barley. Similarly in a papyrus of the Louvre (No. 3377) Osiris is represented swathed as a mummy and lying on his back, while stalks of corn sprout from his body. See R. V. Lanzone, op. cit. pp. 801 sq., with plate ccciii. 2; A. Wiedemann, “L'Osiris végétant,” Le Muséon, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 112.

194.

Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 8, p. 162 ed. L. Duncker and F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1859). See Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 38 sq.

195.

Prof. A. Erman rightly assumes (Die ägyptische Religion,2 p. 234) that the images made in the month of Khoiak were intended to germinate as a symbol of the divine resurrection.

196.

A. Wiedemann, “L'Osiris végétant,” Le Muséon, N.S. iv. (1903) p. 111; Egyptian Exploration Fund Archaeological Report, 1898-1899, pp. 24 sq.; A. Moret, Kings and Gods of Egypt (New York and London, 1912), p. 94, with plate xi.; id., Mystères Égyptiens (Paris, 1913), p. 41.

197.

B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, in Egyptian Exploration Fund Archaeological Report, 1902-1903, p. 5.

198.

Miss Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, pp. 28 sq.

199.

Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, A Second Series of the Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1841), ii. 300, note §. The writer seems to have doubted whether these effigies represented Osiris. But the doubt has been entirely removed by subsequent discoveries. Wilkinson's important note on the subject is omitted by his editor, S. Birch (vol. iii. p. 375, ed. 1878).

200.

A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 209 sq.

201.

See above, pp. 24 sq., 27 sq., 49 sq.

202.

So it was reckoned at the time. But, strictly speaking, Thoth in that year began on August 31. The miscalculation originated in a blunder of the ignorant Roman pontiffs who, being charged with the management of the new Julian calendar, at first intercalated a day every third, instead of every fourth, year. See Solinus, Collectanea, i. 45-47 (p. 15, ed. Th. Mommsen, Berlin, 1864); Macrobius, Saturn, i. 14. 13 sq.; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 157-161.

203.

Theoretically the shift should have been 40, or rather 42 days, that being the interval between July 20 and August 29 or 31 (see the preceding note). If that shift was actually made, the calendar date of any festival in the old vague Egyptian year could be found by adding 40 or 42 days to its date in the Alexandrian year. Thus if the death of Osiris fell on the 17th of Athyr in the Alexandrian year, it should have fallen on the 27th or 29th of Khoiak in the old vague year; and if his resurrection fell on the 19th of Athyr in the Alexandrian year, it should have fallen on the 29th of Khoiak or the 1st of Tybi in the old vague year. These calculations agree nearly, but not exactly, with the somewhat uncertain indications of the Denderah calendar (above, p. 88), and also with the independent evidence which we possess that the resurrection of Osiris was celebrated on the 30th of Khoiak (below, pp. 108 sq.). These approximate agreements to some extent confirm my theory that, with the adoption of the fixed Alexandrian year, the dates of the official Egyptian festivals were shifted from their accidental places in the calendar to their proper places in the natural year. Since I published in the first edition of this book (1906) my theory that with the adoption of the fixed Alexandrian year in 30 b.c. the Egyptian festivals were shifted about a month backward in the year, Professor Ed. Meyer has shown independent grounds for holding “that the festivals which gave rise to the later names of the (Egyptian) months were demonstrably held a month later in earlier ages, under the twentieth, eighteenth, indeed partly under the twelfth dynasty; in other words, that after the end of the New Kingdom the festivals and the corresponding names of the months were displaced one month backwards. It is true that this displacement can as yet be proved for only five months; but as the names of these months and the festivals keep their relative position towards each other, the assumption is inevitable that the displacement affected not merely particular festivals but the whole system equally.” See Ed. Meyer, Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie (Berlin, 1908), pp. 3 sqq. (Abhandlungen der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften vom Jahre 1907). Thus it is possible that the displacement of the festivals by a month backward in the calendar took place a good deal earlier than I had supposed. In the uncertainty of the whole question I leave my theory as it stood.

204.

If the results of the foregoing inquiry be accepted, the resurrection of Osiris was regularly celebrated in Egypt on the 15th of November from the year 30 b.c. onward, since the 15th of November corresponded to the 19th of Athyr (the resurrection day) in the fixed Alexandrian year. This agrees with the indications of the Roman Rustic Calendars, which place the resurrection (heuresis, that is, the discovery of Osiris) between the 14th and the 30th of November. Yet according to the calendar of Philocalus, the official Roman celebration of the resurrection seems to have been held on the 1st of November, not on the 15th. How is the discrepancy to be explained? Th. Mommsen supposed that the festival was officially adopted at Rome at a time when the 19th of Athyr of the vague Egyptian year corresponded to the 31st of October or the 1st of November of the Julian calendar, and that the Romans, overlooking the vague or shifting character of the Egyptian year, fixed the resurrection of Osiris permanently on the 1st of November. Now the 19th of Athyr of the vague year corresponded to the 1st of November in the years 32-35 a.d. and to the 31st of October in the years 36-39; and it appears that the festival was officially adopted at Rome some time before 65 a.d. (Lucan, Pharsalia, viii. 831 sqq.). It is unlikely that the adoption took place in the reign of Tiberius, who died in 37 a.d.; for he is known to have persecuted the Egyptian religion (Tacitus, Annals, ii. 85; Suetonius, Tiberius, 36; Josephus, Antiquit. Jud. xviii. 3. 4); hence Mommsen concluded that the great festival of Osiris was officially adopted at Rome in the early years of the reign of Caligula, that is, in 37, 38, or 39 a.d. See Th. Mommsen, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, i.2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), pp. 333 sq.; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, vol. ii. p. 995, No. 8745. This theory of Mommsen's assumes that in Egypt the festivals were still regulated by the old vague year in the first century of our era. It cannot, therefore, be reconciled with the conclusion reached in the text that the Egyptian festivals ceased to be regulated by the old vague year from 30 b.c. onward. How the difference of date between the official Roman and the Egyptian festival of the resurrection is to be explained, I do not pretend to say.

205.

See above, p. 48.

206.

See above, p. 6.

207.

See above, p. 7.

208.

Servius on Virgil, Georg. i. 166.

209.

The Dying God, p. 250.

210.

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 236 sqq.

211.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 73, compare 33.

212.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 88. 5. The slaughter may have been performed by the king with his own hand. On Egyptian monuments the king is often represented in the act of slaying prisoners before a god. See A. Moret, Du caractère religieux de la royauté Pharaonique (Paris, 1902), pp. 179, 224; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 197 sqq. Similarly the kings of Ashantee and Dahomey used often themselves to cut the throats of the human victims. See A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast (London, 1887), p. 162; id., The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast (London, 1890), pp. 125, 129.

213.

Scholia in Caesaris Germanici Aratea, in F. Eyssenhardt's edition of Martianus Capella, p. 408 (Leipsic, 1866).

214.

Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 56. 4. Compare Livy, i. 16. 4; Florus, i. 1. 16 sq.; Plutarch, Romulus, 27. Mr. A. B. Cook was, I believe, the first to interpret the story as a reminiscence of the sacrifice of a king. See his article “The European Sky-God,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 324 sq. However, the acute historian A. Schwegler long ago maintained that the tradition rested on some very ancient religious rite, which was afterwards abolished or misunderstood, and he rightly compared the legendary deaths of Pentheus and Orpheus (Römische Geschichte, Tübingen, 1853-1858, vol. i. pp. 534 sq.). See further W. Otto, “Juno,” Philologus, lxiv. (1905) pp. 187 sqq.

215.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 313 sqq.

216.

Euripides, Bacchae, 43 sqq., 1043 sqq.; Theocritus, xxvi.; Pausanias, ii. 2. 7; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 5. 1 sq.; Hyginus, Fab. 132 and 184. The destruction of Lycurgus by horses seems to be mentioned only by Apollodorus. As to Pentheus see especially A. G. Bather, “The Problem of the Bacchae,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xiv. (1904) pp. 244-263.

217.

Nonnus, Dionys. vi. 165-205; Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 17 sq., p. 15 ed. Potter; Justin Martyr, Apology, i. 54; Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 6; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 19. According to the Clementine Recognitiones, x. 24 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, i. 1434) Dionysus was torn in pieces at Thebes, the very place of which Pentheus was king. The description of Euripides (Bacchae, 1058 sqq.) suggests that the human victim was tied or hung to a pine-tree before being rent to pieces. We are reminded of the effigy of Attis which hung on the sacred pine (above, vol. i. p. 267), and of the image of Osiris which was made out of a pine-tree and then buried in the hollow of the trunk (below, p. 108). The pine-tree on which Pentheus was pelted by the Bacchanals before they tore him limb from limb is said to have been worshipped as if it were the god himself by the Corinthians, who made two images of Dionysus out of it (Pausanias, ii. 2. 7). The tradition points to an intimate connexion between the tree, the god, and the human victim.

218.

Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 55. At Potniae in Boeotia a priest of Dionysus is said to have been killed by the drunken worshippers (Pausanias, ix. 8. 2). He may have been sacrificed in the character of the god.

219.

Lucian, De saltatione, 51; Plato, Symposium, 7, p. 179 d, e; Pausanias, ix. 30. 5; Ovid, Metam. xi. 1-43; O. Gruppe, s.v. “Orpheus,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iii. 1165 sq. That Orpheus died the death of the god has been observed both in ancient and modern times. See E. Rohde, Psyche3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903) ii. 118, note 2, quoting Proclus on Plato; S. Reinach, “La mort d'Orphée,” Cultes, Mythes et Religions, ii. (1906) pp. 85 sqq. According to Ovid, the Bacchanals killed him with hoes, rakes, and mattocks. Similarly in West Africa human victims used to be killed with spades and hoes and then buried in a field which had just been tilled (J. B. Labat, Relation historique de l'Ethiopie occidentale, Paris, 1732, i. 380). Such a mode of sacrifice points to the identification of the human victim with the fruits of the earth.

220.

Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 5. 1.

221.

R. M. Dawkins, “The Modern Carnival in Thrace and the Cult of Dionysus,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxvi. (1906) pp. 191-206. See further Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 25 sqq.

222.

Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla, Saga Halfdanar Svarta, ch. 9. I have to thank Professor H. M. Chadwick for referring me to this passage and translating it for me. See also The Stories of the Kings of Norway (Heimskringla), done into English by W. Morris and E. Magnússon (London, 1893-1905), i. 86 sq. Halfdan the Black was the father of Harold the Fair-haired, king of Norway (860-933 a.d.). Professor Chadwick tells me that, though the tradition as to the death and mutilation of Halfdan was not committed to writing for three hundred years, he sees no reason to doubt its truth. He also informs me that the word translated “abundance” means literally “the produce of the season.” “Plenteous years” is the rendering of Morris and Magnússon.

223.

As to the descent of Halfdan and the Ynglings from Frey, see Heimskringla, done into English by W. Morris and E. Magnússon, i. 23-71 (The Saga Library, vol. iii.). With regard to Frey, the god of fertility, both animal and vegetable, see E. H. Meyer, Mythologie der Germanen (Strasburg, 1903), pp. 366 sq.; P. Hermann, Nordische Mythologie (Leipsic, 1903), pp. 206 sqq.

224.

Heimskringla, done into English by W. Morris and E. Magnússon, i. 4, 22-24 (The Saga Library, vol. iii.).

225.

Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 32 sq., from information supplied by Dr. C. G. Seligmann.

226.

See above, p. 10.

227.

Dudley Kidd, Savage Childhood (London, 1906), p. 291.

228.

Above, p. 97.

229.

Above, pp. 268 sq.

230.

See my notes on Pausanias, i. 28. 7 and viii. 47. 5 (vol. ii. pp. 366 sq., vol. iv. pp. 433 sq.).

231.

R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature (New York, 1901), p. 116; C. Fossey, La Magie Assyrienne (Paris, 1902), pp. 34 sq.

232.

Amos ii. 1.

233.

Pausanias, i. 9. 7 sq.

234.

P. B. du Chaillu, Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa (London, 1861), pp. 18 sq.

235.

J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme (Berlin, 1906), p. 107.

236.

Mary H. Kingsley, Travels in West Africa (London, 1897), pp. 449 sq. In West African jargon the word ju-ju means fetish or magic.

237.

Father Porte, “Les reminiscences d'un missionnaire du Basutoland,” Missions Catholiques, xxviii. (1896) pp. 311 sq. As to the Baloi, see A. Merensky, Beiträge zur Kenntniss Süd-Afrikas (Berlin, 1875), pp. 138 sq.; E. Gottschling, “The Bawenda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxv. (1905) p. 375. For these two references I have to thank Mr. E. S. Hartland.

238.

Henri A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (Neuchâtel, 1912-1913), i. 387 sq.

239.

Lorimer Fison, “Notes on Fijian Burial Customs,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, x. (1881) pp. 141 sq.

240.

R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), p. 269.

241.

Ivan Petroff, Report on the Population, Industries, and Resources of Alaska, p. 142. The account seems to be borrowed from H. J. Holmberg, who adds that pains were taken to preserve the flesh from decay, “because they believed that their own life depended on it.” See H. J. Holmberg, “Über die Völker des russischen Amerika,” Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) p. 391.

242.

Above, p. 97.

243.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 31; Herodotus, ii. 38.

244.

Herrera, quoted by A. Bastian, Die Culturländer des alten Amerika (Berlin, 1878), ii. 639; id., General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London, 1725-26), ii. 379 sq. (whose version of the passage is inadequate). Compare Brasseur de Bourbourg, Histoire des nations civilisées du Mexique et de l'Amérique Centrale (Paris, 1857-59), i. 327, iii. 525.

245.

E. Lefébure, Le mythe Osirien (Paris, 1874-75), p. 188.

246.

Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 2, “Defensores eorum volunt addere physicam rationem, frugum semina Osirim dicentes esse, Isim terram, Tyfonem calorem: et quia maturatae fruges calore ad vitam hominum colliguntur et divisae a terrae consortio separantur et rursus adpropinquante hieme seminantur, hanc volunt esse mortem Osiridis, cum fruges recondunt, inventionem vero, cum fruges genitali terrae fomento conceptae annua rursus coeperint procreatione generari.” Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem, i. 13, “Sic et Osiris quod semper sepelitur et in vivido quaeritur et cum gaudio invenitur, reciprocarum frugum et vividorum elementorum et recidivi anni fidem argumentantur.” Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 65, οὕτω δὲ καὶ τοῖς πολλοῖς καὶ φορτικοῖς ἐπιχειρήσομεν, εἴτε ταῖς καθ᾽ ὤραν μεταβολαῖς τοῦ περιέχοντος εἴτε ταῖς καρπῶν γενέσεσι καὶ σποραῖς καὶ ἀρότοις χαίρουσι τὰ περὶ τοὺς θεοὺς τούτους συνοικειοῦντες, καὶ λέγοντες θάπτεσθαι μὲν Ὄσιριν ὅτε κρύπτεται τῇ γῇ σπειρόμενος ὁ καρπός, αὖθις δ᾽ ἀναβιοῦσθαι καὶ ἀναφαίνεσφαι ὅτε βλαστήσεως ἀρχή. Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelii, iii. 11. 31, ὁ δὲ Ὄσιρις παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίοις τὴν κάρπιμον παρίστησι δύναμιν, ἢν θρήνοις ἀπομειλίσσονται εἰς γὴν ἀφανιζομένην ἐν τῷ σπόρῳ καὶ ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν καταναλισκομένην εἰς τὰς τροφάς. Athenagoras, Supplicatio pro Christianis, 22, pp. 112, 114 ed. J. C. T. Otto, τὰ δὲ στοιχεῖα καὶ τὰ μόρια αὐτῶν θεοποιοῦσιν, ἄλλοτε ἄλλα ὀνόματα αὐτοῖς τιθέμενοι, τὴν μὲν τοῦ σίτου σπορὰν Ὄσιριν (ὄφεν φασὶ μυστικῶς ἐπὶ τῇ ἀνευρέσει τῶν μελῶν ἢ τῶν καρπῶν ἐπιλεχθῆναι τῇ Ἴσιδι. Εὐρήκαμεν, συγχαίρομεν). See also the passage of Cornutus quoted above, vol. i. p. 229, note 2.

247.

De errore profanarum religionum, 27.

248.

See above, vol. i. pp. 267, 277.

249.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 21, αἰνῶ δὲ τομὴν ξύλου καὶ σχίσιν λίνου καὶ χοὰς χεομένας, διὰ τὸ πολλὰ τῶν μυστικῶν ἀναμεμίχθαι τούτοις. Again, ibid. 42, τὸ δὲ ξύλον ἐν ταῖς λεγομέναις Ὀσίριδος ταφαῖς τέμνοντες κατασκευάζουσι λάρνακα μηνοειδῆ.

250.

See above, p. 9.

251.

As to the tet or ded pillar and its erection at the festival see H. Brugsch in Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Alterthumskunde, 1881, pp. 84, 96; id., Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 618; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 377 sq.; id., Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 22, 64; C. P. Tiele, History of the Egyptian Religion (London, 1882), pp. 46 sq.; Sir J. Gardiner Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), iii. pp. 67, note 3, and 82; A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 289 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 130 sq.; A. Moret, Du caractère religieux de la royauté Pharaonique, p. 153, note 1; id., Mystères Égyptiens, pp. 12-16; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 122, 124, sq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 6, 37, 48, 51 sqq.; Miss Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, pp. 27, 28; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2, p. 70. In a letter to me (dated 8th December, 1910) my colleague Professor P. E. Newberry tells me that he believes Osiris to have been originally a cedar-tree god imported into Egypt from the Lebanon, and he regards the ded pillar as a lopped cedar-tree. The flail, as a symbol of Osiris, he believes to be the instrument used to collect incense. A similar flail is used by peasants in Crete to extract the ladanum gum from the shrubs. See P. de Tournefort, Relation d'un Voyage du Levant (Amsterdam, 1718), i. 29, with the plate. For this reference I am indebted to Professor Newberry.

252.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 15. See above, p. 9.

253.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 88-90.

254.

A. Mariette-Bey, Dendérah, iv. pl. 66.

255.

A. Mariette-Bey, Dendérah, iv. pl. 72. Compare E. Lefébure, Le mythe Osirien, pp. 194, 196, who regards the tree as a conifer. But it is perhaps a tamarisk.

256.

E. Lefébure, op. cit. pp. 195, 197.

257.

S. Birch, in Sir J. G. Wilkinson's Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), iii. 84.

258.

Sir J. G. Wilkinson, op. cit. iii. 62-64; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 106 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 185.

259.

J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt (London, 1912), p. 28.

260.

A. Moret, Kings and Gods of Egypt (New York and London, 1912), p. 83.

261.

Above, vol. i. pp. 227 sq.

262.

Sir J. G. Wilkinson, op. cit. iii. 349 sq.; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, p. 368; H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 621.

263.

We may compare a belief of some of the Californian Indians that the owl is the guardian spirit and deity of the “California big tree,” and that it is equally unlucky to fell the tree or to shoot the bird. See S. Powers, Tribes of California (Washington, 1877), p. 398. When a Maori priest desires to protect the life or soul (hau) of a tree against the insidious arts of magicians, he sets a bird-snare in the tree, and the first bird caught in the snare, or its right wing, embodies the life or soul of the tree. Accordingly the priest recites appropriate spells over the bird or its wing and hides it away in the forest. After that no evil-disposed magician can hurt the tree, since its life or soul is not in it but hidden away in the forest. See Elsdon Best, “Spiritual Concepts of the Maori,” Journal of the Polynesian Society, ix. (1900) p. 195. Thus the bird or its wing is the depository of the external soul of the tree. Compare Balder the Beautiful, i. 95 sqq.

264.

Sir J. G. Wilkinson, op. cit. iii. 349 sq.; H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 621; R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, tav. cclxiii.; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 20. In this passage of Plutarch it has been proposed by G. Parthey to read μυρίκης (tamarisk) for μηθίδης (methide), and the conjecture appears to be accepted by Wilkinson, loc. cit.

265.

E. Lefébure, Le mythe Osirien, p. 191.

266.

E. Lefébure, op. cit. p. 188.

267.

R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, tav. ccciv.; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. 570, fig.

268.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35. One of the points in which the myths of Isis and Demeter agree is that both goddesses in the search for the loved and lost one are said to have sat down, sad at heart and weary, on the edge of a well. Hence those who had been initiated at Eleusis were forbidden to sit on a well. See Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 15; Homer, Hymn to Demeter, 98 sq.; Pausanias, i. 39. 1; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 5. 1; Nicander, Theriaca, 486; Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 20, p. 16 ed. Potter.

269.

Tibullus, i. 7. 33-36; Diodorus Siculus, i. 17. 1, i. 20. 4.

270.

E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 38, 39.

271.

E. A. Wallis Budge, op. cit. i. 19, 45, with frontispiece.

272.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 17. 4 sq.

273.

Herodotus, ii. 48; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 12, 18, 36, 51; Diodorus Siculus, i. 21. 5, i. 22. 6 sq., iv. 6. 3.

274.

Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 7, p. 144 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin.

275.

A. Mariette-Bey, Dendérah, iv. plates 66, 68, 69, 70, 88, 89, 90. Compare R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, tavv. cclxxi., cclxxii., cclxxvi., cclxxxv., cclxxxvi., cclxxxvii., cclxxxix., ccxc.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 132, 136, 137.

276.

Miss Margaret A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, p. 27.

277.

That the Greek Dionysus was nothing but a slightly disguised form of the Egyptian Osiris has been held by Herodotus in ancient and by Mr. P. Foucart in modern times. See Herodotus, ii. 49; P. Foucart, Le culte de Dionysos en Attique (Paris, 1904) (Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xxxvii.).

278.

Above, pp. 13 sq.

279.

Above, pp. 90 sq.

280.

1 Corinthians xv. 36-38, 42-44.

281.

Herodotus, ii. 42. Compare E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 115 sq., 203 sq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 22 sq.

282.

H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 645; W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, vol. ii. p. 433, No. 695; Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, iii. p. 1232, No. 4941. Compare H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, vol. ii. Pars i. p. 179, No. 4376 a. In Egyptian her name is Hest or Ast, but the derivation and meaning of the name are unknown. See A. Wiedemann, The Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 218 sq.

283.

C. P. Tiele, History of Egyptian Religion (London, 1882), p. 57.

284.

E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 203 sq.

285.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 1 sq. Eusebius (Praeparatio Evangelii, iii. 3) quotes from Diodorus a long passage on the early religion of Egypt, prefacing it with the remark that Diodorus's account of the subject was more concise than that of Manetho.

286.

Augustine, De civitate Dei, viii. 27. Tertullian says that Isis wore a wreath of the corn she had discovered (De corona, 7).

287.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2.

288.

See above, p. 45, and vol. i. p. 232.

289.

H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 647; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, ii. 277.

290.

H. Brugsch, op. cit. p. 649. Compare E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 216.

291.

H. Brugsch, loc. cit.

292.

Herodotus, ii. 59, 156; Diodorus Siculus, i. 13, 25, 95; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, ii. 1. 3; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 212. See further W. Drexler, s.v. “Isis,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 443 sq.

293.

Anthologia Planudea, cclxiv. 1.

294.

Epigrammata Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin, 1878), No. 1028, pp. 437 sq.; Orphica, ed. E. Abel (Leipsic and Prague, 1885), pp. 295 sqq.

295.

W. Drexler, op. cit. ii. 448 sqq.

296.

Otho often celebrated, or at least attended, the rites of Isis, clad in a linen garment (Suetonius, Otho, 12). Commodus did the same, with shaven head, carrying the effigy of Anubis. See Lampridius, Commodus, 9; Spartianus, Pescennius Niger, 6; id., Caracallus, 9.

297.

L. Preller, Römische Mythologie3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 373-385; J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung (Leipsic, 1885), iii.2 77-81; E. Renan, Marc-Aurèle et la fin du Monde Antique (Paris, 1882), pp. 570 sqq.; J. Reville, La religion romaine à Rome sous les Sévères (Paris, 1886), pp. 54-61; G. Lafaye, Histoire du culte des divinités d'Alexandrie (Paris, 1884); E. Meyer and W. Drexler, s.v. “Isis,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 360 sqq.; S. Dill, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire2 (London, 1899), pp. 79 sq., 85 sqq.; id., Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius (London, 1904), pp. 560 sqq. The chief passage on the worship of Isis in the West is the eleventh book of Apuleius's Metamorphoses. On the reputation which the goddess enjoyed as a healer of the sick see Diodorus Siculus, i. 25; W. Drexler, op. cit. ii. 521 sqq. The divine partner of Isis in later times, especially outside of Egypt, was Serapis, that is Osiris-Apis (Asar-Ḥāpi), the sacred Apis bull of Memphis, identified after death with Osiris. His oldest sanctuary was at Memphis (Pausanias, i. 18. 4), and there was one at Babylon in the time of Alexander the Great (Plutarch, Alexander, 76; Arrian, Anabasis, vii. 26). Ptolemy I. or II. built a great and famous temple in his honour at Alexandria, where he set up an image of the god which was commonly said to have been imported from Sinope in Pontus. See Tacitus, Histor. iv. 83 sq.; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 27-29; Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. iv. 48, p. 42 ed. Potter. In after ages the institution of the worship of Serapis was attributed to this Ptolemy, but all that the politic Macedonian monarch appears to have done was to assimilate the Egyptian Osiris to the Greek Pluto, and so to set up a god whom Egyptians and Greeks could unite in worshipping. Serapis gradually assumed the attributes of Aesculapius, the Greek god of healing, in addition to those of Pluto, the Greek god of the dead. See G. Lafaye, Histoire du culte des divinités d'Alexandrie, pp. 16 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Herodots zweites Buch, p. 589; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 195 sqq.; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 237 sq.