Footnotes (continued 2)

298.

The resemblance of Isis to the Virgin Mary has often been pointed out. See W. Drexler, s.v. “Isis,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 428 sqq.

299.

W. Drexler, op. cit. ii. 430 sq.

300.

Th. Trede, Das Heidentum in der römischen Kirche (Gotha, 1889-1891), iii. 144 sq.

301.

On this later aspect of Isis see W. Drexler, op. cit. ii. 474 sqq.

302.

P. E. Jablonski, Pantheon Aegyptiorum (Frankfort, 1750-1752), i. 125 sq.

303.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 11. 1.

304.

See p. 116, note 2.

305.

See Macrobius, Saturnalia, bk. i.

306.

Saturn. i. 21. 11.

307.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 10 and 51; Sir J. G. Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1878), iii. 353; R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, pp. 782 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 113 sq.; J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, pp. 11 sq. Strictly speaking, the eye was the eye of Horus, which the dutiful son sacrificed in behalf of his father Osiris. “This act of filial devotion, preserved to us in the Pyramid Texts, made the already sacred Horus-eye doubly revered in the tradition and feeling of the Egyptians. It became the symbol of all sacrifice; every gift or offering might be called a ‘Horus-eye,’ especially if offered to the dead. Excepting the sacred beetle, or scarab, it became the commonest and the most revered symbol known to Egyptian religion, and the myriads of eyes, wrought in blue or green glaze, or even cut from costly stone, which fill our museum collections, and are brought home by thousands by the modern tourist, are survivals of this ancient story of Horus and his devotion to his father” (J. H. Breasted, op. cit. p. 31).

308.

E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, i. 467; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 p. 8.

309.

Isis et Osiris, 52.

310.

De errore profanarum religionum, 8.

311.

Lepsius, “Über den ersten ägyptischen Götterkreis und seine geschichtlich-mythologische Entstehung,” in Abhandlungen der königlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1851, pp. 194 sq.

312.

The view here taken of the history of Egyptian religion is based on the sketch in Ad. Erman's Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 351 sqq. Compare C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 79 sq.

313.

On this attempted revolution in religion see Lepsius, in Verhandlungen der königl. Akad. der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1851, pp. 196-201; A. Erman, Aegypten und aegyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 74 sq., 355-357; id., Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 76-84; H. Brugsch, History of Egypt (London, 1879), i. 441 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Aegyptische Geschichte (Gotha, 1884), pp. 396 sqq.; id., Die Religion der alten Agypter, pp. 20-22; id., Religion of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 35-43; C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 84-92; G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 316 sqq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 68-84; J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), pp. 264-279; A. Moret, Kings and Gods of Egypt (New York and London, 1912), pp. 41-68. A very sympathetic account of this remarkable religious reformer is given by Professor J. H. Breasted (Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, pp. 319-343). Amenophis IV. reigned from about 1375 to 1358 b.c. His new capital, Akhetaton, the modern Tell-el-Amarna, was on the right bank of the Nile, between Memphis and Thebes. The king has been described as “of all the Pharaohs the most curious and at the same time the most enigmatic figure.” To explain his bodily and mental peculiarities some scholars conjectured that through his mother, Queen Tii, he might have had Semitic blood in his veins. But this theory appears to have been refuted by the discovery in 1905 of the tomb of Queen Tii's parents, the contents of which are of pure Egyptian style. See A. Moret, op. cit. pp. 46 sq.

314.

P. Le Page Renouf, Lectures on the Origin and Growth of Religion2 (London, 1884), p. 113.

315.

The late eminent scholar C. P. Tiele, who formerly interpreted Osiris as a sun-god (History of Egyptian Religion, pp. 43 sqq.), afterwards adopted a view of his nature which approaches more nearly to the one advocated in this book. See his Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 35 sq., 123. Professor Ed. Meyer also formerly regarded Osiris as a sun-god; he now interprets him as a great vegetation god, dwelling in the depths of the earth and causing the plants and trees to spring from it. The god's symbol, the ded pillar (see above, pp. 108 sq.), he takes to be a tree-trunk with cross-beams. See Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, i. p. 67, § 57 (first edition, 1884); id., i.2 2. pp. 70, 84, 87 (second edition, 1909). Sir Gaston Maspero has also abandoned the theory that Osiris was the sun; he now supposes that the deity originally personified the Nile. See his Histoire ancienne4 (Paris, 1886), p. 35; and his Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. (Paris, 1895), p. 130. Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge also formerly interpreted Osiris as the Nile (The Gods of the Egyptians, i. 122, 123), and this view was held by some ancient writers (Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 32, 34, 36, 38, 39). Compare Miss M. A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos (London, 1904), p. 29. Dr. Budge now explains Osiris as a deified king. See his Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, vol. i. pp. xviii, 30 sq., 37, 66 sq., 168, 254, 256, 290, 300, 312, 384. As to this view see below, pp. 158 sqq.

316.

For the identification of Osiris with Dionysus, and of Isis with Demeter, see Herodotus, ii. 42, 49, 59, 144, 156; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 13, 35; Diodorus Siculus, i. 13, 25, 96, iv. 1; Orphica, Hymn 42; Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. iii. 11. 31; Servius on Virgil, Aen. xi. 287; id., on Virgil, Georg. i. 166; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 212; Διηγήματα, xxii. 2, in Mythographi Graeci, ed. A. Westermann (Brunswick, 1843), p. 368; Nonnus, Dionys. iv. 269 sq.; Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 28; Ausonius, Epigrammata, 29 and 30. For the identification of Osiris with Adonis and Attis see Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Ἀμαθοῦς; Damascius, “Vita Isodori,” in Photius, Bibliotheca, ed. Im. Bekker (Berlin, 1824), p. 343a, lines 21 sq.; Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 9. p. 168 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin; Orphica, Hymn 42. For the identification of Attis, Adonis, and Dionysus see Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, iii. 23 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxvii. 448); Plutarch, Quaestiones Conviviales, iv. 5. 3; Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 19, p. 16 ed. Potter.

317.

Lucian, De dea Syria, 7. According to Professor Ed. Meyer, the relations of Egypt to Byblus were very ancient and close; he even suggests that there may have been from early times an Egyptian colony, or at all events an Egyptian military post, in the city. The commercial importance of Byblus arose from its possession of the fine cedar forests on the Lebanon; the timber was exported to Egypt, where it was in great demand. See Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. xix, 391 sqq.

318.

Herodotus, ii. 49.

319.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 35.

320.

Osiris, Attis, Adonis, and Dionysus were all resolved by him into the sun; but he spared Demeter (Ceres), whom, however, he interpreted as the moon. See the Saturnalia, bk. i.

321.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 41.

322.

On Osiris as a moon-god see E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 19-22, 59, 384 sqq.

323.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 13, 42.

324.

Ibid. 18, 42. The hieroglyphic texts sometimes speak of fourteen pieces, and sometimes of sixteen, or even eighteen. But fourteen seems to have been the true number, because the inscriptions of Denderah, which refer to the rites of Osiris, describe the mystic image of the god as composed of fourteen pieces. See E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 126 sq.; id., Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 386 sq.

325.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 8.

326.

A. S. Gatschet, The Klamath Indians of South-Western Oregon (Washington, 1890), p. lxxxix.

327.

S. R. Riggs, Dakota Grammar, Texts, and Ethnography (Washington, 1893), p. 16.

328.

R. F. Kaindl, Die Huzulen (Vienna, 1894), p. 97.

329.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 43.

330.

Ibid. 43.

331.

Ibid. 20, 29.

332.

Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 43; id., Quaest. Conviv. viii. 1. 3. Compare Herodotus, iii. 28; Aelian, Nat. Anim. xi. 10; Mela, i. 9. 58.

333.

Herodotus, ii. 47; Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 8. As to pigs in relation to Osiris, see Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 24 sqq.

334.

P. J. de Horrack, “Lamentations of Isis and Nephthys,” Records of the Past, ii. (London, n.d.) pp. 121 sq.; H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, pp. 629 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 389. “Apart from the fact that Osiris is actually called Āsār Aāḥ, i.e. ‘Osiris the Moon,’ there are so many passages which prove beyond all doubt that at one period at least Osiris was the Moon-god, that it is difficult to understand why Diodorus stated that Osiris was the sun and Isis the moon” (E. A. Wallis Budge, op. cit. i. 21).

335.

E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 59.

336.

According to C. P. Tiele (Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 79) the conception of Osiris as the moon was late and never became popular. This entirely accords with the view adopted in the text.

337.

Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 221.

338.

Macrobius, Comment. in somnium Scipionis, i. 11. 7.

339.

Aulus Gellius, xx. 8. For the opinions of the ancients on this subject see further W. H. Roscher, Über Selene und Verwandtes (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 61 sqq.

340.

John Ramsay of Ochtertyre, Scotland and Scotsmen in the Eighteenth Century, edited by A. Allardyce (Edinburgh and London, 1888), ii. 449.

341.

J. G. Campbell, Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland (Glasgow, 1902), pp. 306 sq.

342.

Palladius, De re rustica, i. 34. 8. Compare id. i. 6. 12; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 321, “omnia quae caeduntur, carpuntur, tondentur innocentius decrescente luna quam crescente fiunt”; Geoponica, i. 6. 8, τινὲς δοκιμάζουσι μηδὲν φθινούσης τῆς σελήνης ἀλλὰ αὐξανομένης φυτεύειν.

343.

J. Brand, Popular Antiquities of Great Britain (London, 1882-1883), iii. 144, quoting Werenfels, Dissertation upon Superstition (London, 1748), p. 6.

344.

A. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube3 (Berlin, 1869), § 65, pp. 57 sq. Compare J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie4 (Berlin, 1875-1878), ii. 595; Montanus, Die deutsche Volksfeste, Volksbräuche und deutscher Volksglaube (Iserlohn, n.d.), p. 128; M. Prätorius, Deliciae Prussicae (Berlin, 1871), p. 18; O. Schell, “Einige Bemerkungen über den Mond im heutigen Glauben des bergischen Volkes,” Am Ur-quell, v. (1894) p. 173. The rule that the grafting of trees should be done at the waxing of the moon is laid down by Pliny (Nat. Hist. xvii. 108). At Deutsch-Zepling in Transylvania, by an inversion of the usual custom, seed is generally sown at the waning of the moon (A. Heinrich, Agrarische Sitten und Gebräuche unter den Sachsen Siebenbürgens, Hermannstadt, 1880, p. 7). Some French peasants also prefer to sow in the wane (F. Chapiseau, Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche, Paris, 1902, i. 291). In the Abruzzi also sowing and grafting are commonly done when the moon is on the wane; timber that is to be durable must be cut in January during the moon's decrease (G. Finamore, Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi, Palermo, 1890, p. 43).

345.

P. Sébillot, Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne (Paris, 1882), ii. 355; L. F. Sauvé, Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges (Paris, 1889), p. 5; J. Brand, Popular Antiquities of Great Britain, iii. 150; Holzmayer, “Osiliana,” Verhandlungen der gelehrten Estnichen Gesellschaft zu Dorpat, vii. (1872) p. 47.

346.

The rule is mentioned by Varro, Rerum Rusticarum, i. 37 (where we should probably read “ne decrescente tendens calvos fiam,” and refer istaec to the former member of the preceding sentence); A. Wuttke, l.c.; Montanus, op. cit. p. 128; P. Sébillot, l.c.; E. Meier, Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben (Stuttgart, 1852), p. 511, § 421; W. J. A. von Tettau und J. D. H. Temme, Die Volkssagen Ostpreussens, Litthauens und Westpreussens (Berlin, 1837), p. 283; A. Kuhn, Märkische Sagen und Märchen (Berlin, 1843), p. 386, § 92; L. Schandein, in Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern (Munich, 1860-1867), iv. 2, p. 402; F. S. Krauss, Volksglaube und religiöser Brauch der Südslaven (Münster, i. W. 1890), p. 15; E. Krause, “Abergläubische Kuren und sonstiger Aberglaube in Berlin,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xv. (1883) p. 91; R. Wuttke, Sächsische Volkskunde2 (Dresden, 1901), p. 369; C. S. Burne and G. F. Jackson, Shropshire Folk-lore (London, 1883), p. 259. The reason assigned in the text was probably the original one in all cases, though it is not always the one alleged now.

347.

F. S. Krauss, op. cit. p. 16; Montanus, l.c.; Varro, Rerum Rusticarum, i. 37 (see above, note 2). However, the opposite rule is observed in the Upper Vosges, where it is thought that if the sheep are shorn at the new moon the quantity of wool will be much less than if they were shorn in the waning of the moon (L. F. Sauvé, Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges, p. 5). In the Bocage of Normandy, also, wool is clipped during the waning of the moon; otherwise moths would get into it (J. Lecœur, Esquisses du Bocage Normand, Condé-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887, ii. 12).

348.

Father Lejeune, “Dans la forêt,” Missions Catholiques, xxvii. (1895) p. 272.

349.

S. Johnson, Journey to the Western Islands of Scotland (Baltimore, 1810), p. 183.

350.

J. G. Campbell, Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, p. 306.

351.

Thomas Tusser, Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry, New Edition (London, 1812), p. 107 (under February).

352.

Fairweather, in W. F. Owen's Narrative of Voyages to explore the Shores of Africa, Arabia, and Madagascar (London, 1833), ii. 396 sq.

353.

A. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube,3 § 65, p. 58; J. Lecœur, loc. cit.; E. Meier, Deutsche Sagen, Sitten und Gebräuche aus Schwaben, p. 511, § 422; Th. Siebs, “Das Saterland,” Zeitschrift für Volkskunde, iii. (1893) p. 278; Holzmayer, op. cit. p. 47.

354.

H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States (London, 1875-1876), ii. 719 sq.

355.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 402.

356.

Cato, De agri cultura, 37. 4; Varro, Rerum Rusticarum, i. 37; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xvi. 190; Palladius, De re rustica, ii. 22, xii. 15; Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. iii. 10. 3; Macrobius, Saturn. vii. 16; A. Wuttke, l.c.; Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern, iv. 2, p. 402; W. Kolbe, Hessische Volks-Sitten und Gebräuche2 (Marburg, 1888), p. 58; L. F. Sauvé, Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges, p. 5; F. Chapiseau, Folk-lore de la Beauce et du Perche, i. 291 sq.; M. Martin, “Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in J. Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, iii. 630; J. G. Campbell, Witchcraft and Second Sight in the Highlands and Islands of Scotland, p. 306; G. Amalfi, Tradizioni ed Usi nella peninsola Sorrentina (Palermo, 1890), p. 87; K. von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens (Berlin, 1894), p. 559. Compare F. de Castelnau, Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1851-1852), iii. 438. Pliny, while he says that the period from the twentieth to the thirtieth day of the lunar month was the season generally recommended, adds that the best time of all, according to universal opinion, was the interlunar day, between the old and the new moon, when the planet is invisible through being in conjunction with the sun.

357.

J. Lecœur, Esquisses du Bocage Normand, ii. 11 sq.

358.

Mrs. Leslie Milne, Shans at Home (London, 1910), p. 100.

359.

Letter of Mr. A. S. F. Marshall, dated Hacienda “La Maronna,” Cd. Porfirio Diaz, Coah., Mexico, 2nd October 1908. The writer gives instances confirmatory of this belief. I have to thank Professor A. C. Seward of Cambridge for kindly showing me this letter.

360.

Letter of Mr. Francis S. Schloss to me, dated 58 New Cavendish Street, W., 12th May 1912. Mr. Schloss adds that “as a matter of practical observation, timber, etc., should only be felled when the moon is waning. This has been stated to me not only by natives, but also by English mining engineers of high repute, who have done work in Colombia.”

361.

O. Baumann, Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete (Berlin, 1891), p. 125.

362.

Montanus, Die deutsche Volksfeste, Volksbräuche und deutscher Volksglaube, p. 128.

363.

Plutarch, Quaest. Conviv. iii. 10. 3; Macrobius, Saturn. vii. 16. See further, W. H. Roscher, Über Selene und Verwandtes (Leipsic, 1890), pp. 49 sqq.

364.

Plutarch and Macrobius, ll.cc.; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 223, xx. 1; Aristotle, Problemata, xxiv. 14, p. 937 b, 3 sq. ed. I. Bekker (Berlin).

365.

Macrobius and Plutarch, ll.cc.

366.

L. F. Sauvé, Folk-lore des Hautes-Vosges, p. 5.

367.

Above, p. 136.

368.

M. Martin, “Description of the Western Islands of Scotland,” in J. Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, iii. 630.

369.

E. J. Payne, History of the New World called America, i. (Oxford, 1892) p. 495. In his remarks on the origin of moon-worship this learned and philosophical historian has indicated (op. cit. i. 493 sqq.) the true causes which lead primitive man to trace the growth of plants to the influence of the moon. Compare Sir E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture2 (London, 1873), i. 130. Payne suggests that the custom of naming the months after the principal natural products that ripen in them may have contributed to the same result. The custom is certainly very common among savages, as I hope to show elsewhere, but whether it has contributed to foster the fallacy in question seems doubtful. The Indians of Brazil are said to pay more attention to the moon than to the sun, regarding it as a source both of good and ill. See J. B. von Spix und C. F. von Martius, Reise in Brasilien (Munich, 1823-1831), i. 379. The natives of Mori, a district of Central Celebes, believe that the rice-spirit Omonga lives in the moon and eats up the rice in the granary if he is not treated with due respect. See A. C. Kruijt, “Eenige ethnografische aanteekeningen omtrent de Toboengkoe en de Tomori,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xliv. (1900) p. 231.

370.

E. A. Budge, Nebuchadnezzar, King of Babylon, on recently-discovered inscriptions of this King, pp. 5 sq.; A. H. Sayce, Religion of the Ancient Babylonians, p. 155; M. Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 68 sq., 75 sq.; L. W. King, Babylonian Religion and Mythology (London, 1899), pp. 17 sq. The Ahts of Vancouver Island, a tribe of fishers and hunters, view the moon as the husband of the sun and as a more powerful deity than her (G. M. Sproat, Scenes and Studies of Savage Life, London, 1868, p. 206).

371.

This principle is clearly recognized and well illustrated by J. Grimm (Deutsche Mythologie,4 ii. 594-596).

372.

D. F. A. Hervey, “The Mentra Traditions,” Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, No. 10 (Singapore, 1883), p. 190; W. W. Skeat and C. O. Blagden, Pagan Races of the Malay Peninsula (London, 1906), ii. 337.

373.

Rev. J. Grant (parish minister of Kirkmichael), in Sir John Sinclair's Statistical Account of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1791-1799), xii. 457.

374.

A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, Nord-deutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche (Leipsic, 1848), p. 457, § 419.

375.

Tacitus, Germania, 11.

376.

Caesar, De bello Gallico, i. 50.

377.

Herodotus, vi. 106; Lucian, De astrologia, 25; Pausanias, i. 28. 4.

378.

Thucydides, vii. 50.

379.

Le capitaine Binger, Du Niger au Golfe de Guinée (Paris, 1892), ii. 116.

380.

Mungo Park, Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa5 (London, 1807), pp. 406 sq.

381.

W. Smythe and F. Lowe, Narrative of a Journey from Lima to Para (London, 1836), p. 230.

382.

Father G. Boscana, “Chinig-chinich,” in Life in California, by an American [A. Robinson] (New York, 1846), pp. 298 sq.

383.

Merolla, “Voyage to Congo,” in J. Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, xvi. 273.

384.

H. Schinz, Deutsch-Südwest-Afrika (Oldenburg and Leipsic, n.d.), p. 319.

385.

A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), p. 274.

386.

H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 330.

387.

John H. Weeks, Among Congo Cannibals (London, 1913), p. 142.

388.

J. G. Kohl, Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen (Dresden and Leipsic, 1841), ii. 279. Compare Boecler-Kreutzwald, Der Ehsten abergläubische Gebräuche, Weisen und Gewohnheiten (St. Petersburg, 1854), pp. 142 sq.; J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie,4 ii. 595, note 1. The power of regeneration ascribed to the moon in these customs is sometimes attributed to the sun. Thus it is said that the Chiriguanos Indians of South-Eastern Bolivia often address the sun as follows: “Thou art born and disappearest every day, only to revive always young. Cause that it may be so with me.” See A. Thouar, Explorations dans l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1891), p. 50.

389.

W. Woodville Rockhill, “Notes on some of the Laws, Customs, and Superstitions of Korea,” The American Anthropologist, iv. (Washington, 1891), p. 185.

390.

W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), i. 14 sq.

391.

George Brown, D.D., Melanesians and Polynesians (London, 1910), p. 37.

392.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 58.

393.

Henri A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (Neuchatel, 1912-1913), i. 51.

394.

A. d'Orbigny, Voyage dans l'Amérique Méridionale, iii. 1re Partie (Paris and Strasburg, 1844), p. 24.

395.

F. de Castelnau, Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1850-1851), ii. 31-34.

396.

J. Roscoe, “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda.” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) pp. 63, 76; id., The Baganda (London, 1911) pp. 235 sq. In the former passage the part of the king's person which is treated with this ceremony is said to be the placenta, not the navel-string.

397.

M. Abeghian, Der armenische Volksglaube (Leipsic, 1899), p. 49.

398.

Plutarch, Quaestiones Conviviales, iv. 10. 3. 7.

399.

J. B. von Spix und C. F. Ph. von Martius, Reise in Brasilien (Munich, 1823-1831), i. 381, iii. 1186.

400.

J. Jamieson, Dictionary of the Scottish Language, New Edition edited by J. Longmuir and D. Donaldson (Paisley, 1879-1882), iii. 300 (s.v. “Mone”).

401.

F. Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie (Munich, 1848-1855), ii. 260; P. Drechsler, Sitte, Brauch und Volksglaube in Schlesien, ii. (Leipsic, 1906) p. 131; W. Henderson, Folk-lore of the Northern Counties of England (London, 1879), p. 114; C. S. Burne and G. F. Jackson, Shropshire Folk-lore (London, 1883), p. 257; W. Gregor, Folk-lore of the North-East of Scotland (London, 1881), p. 151.

402.

C. R. Conder, Heth and Moab (London, 1883), p. 286.

403.

P. Sébillot, Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne (Paris, 1882), ii. 355.

404.

A. Kuhn, Märkische Sagen und Märchen (Berlin, 1843), p. 387, § 93.

405.

Die gestriegelte Rockenphilosophie (Chemnitz, 1759), p. 447.

406.

F. Panzer, Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie, ii. 302. Compare J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie,4 ii. 596.

407.

R. F. Kaindl, “Zauberglaube bei den Huzulen,” Globus, lxxvi. (1899) p. 256.

408.

See above, vol. i. pp. 16 sq., 48 sqq., 110, 114, 170 sq., 172 sqq., 176 sqq., 179 sqq., 285 sqq., 288 sqq.

409.

See above, pp. 97 sq., 101 sq.

410.

A. Moret, Du caractère religieux de la royauté Pharaonique (Paris, 1902), pp. 235-238. The festival is discussed at length by M. Moret (op. cit. pp. 235-273). See further R. Lepsius, Die Chronologie der Aegypter, i. 161-165; Miss M. A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, pp. 32-34; W. M. Flinders Petrie, Researches in Sinai (London, 1906), pp. 176-185. In interpreting the festival I follow Professor Flinders Petrie. That the festival occurred, theoretically at least, at intervals of thirty years, appears to be unquestionable; for in the Greek text of the Rosetta Stone Ptolemy V. is called “lord of periods of thirty years,” and though the corresponding part of the hieroglyphic text is lost, the demotic version of the words is “master of the years of the Sed festival.” See R. Lepsius, op. cit. pp. 161 sq.; W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae, No. 90, line 2 (vol. i. p. 142); A. Moret, op. cit. 260. However, the kings appear to have sometimes celebrated the festival at much shorter intervals, so that the dates of its recurrence cannot safely be used for chronological purposes. See Ed. Meyer, Nachträge zur ägyptischen Chronologie (Berlin, 1908), pp. 43 sq. (Abhandlungen der königl. Akademie der Wissenschaften vom Jahre 1907); id., Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. xix. 130.

411.

This was Letronne's theory (R. Lepsius, op. cit. p. 163).

412.

See above, pp. 24 sqq., 34 sqq.

413.

This was in substance the theory of Biot (R. Lepsius, l.c.), and it is the view of Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie (Researches in Sinai, pp. 176 sqq.).

414.

W. M. Flinders Petrie, Researches in Sinai, p. 180.

415.

A. Moret, Du caractère religieux de la royauté Pharaonique, pp. 255 sq.

416.

W. M. Flinders Petrie, Researches in Sinai, p. 181.

417.

A. Moret, op. cit. p. 240; Miss M. A. Murray, The Osireion at Abydos, pp. 33 sq., with the slip inserted at p. 33; W. Flinders Petrie, op. cit. p. 184.

418.

A. Moret, op. cit. p. 242.

419.

Miss M. A. Murray, op. cit., slip inserted at p. 33.

420.

W. M. Flinders Petrie, Researches in Sinai, p. 183.

421.

W. M. Flinders Petrie, l.c. As to the king's name (Khent instead of Zer) see above, p. 20, note 1.

422.

J. Capart, “Bulletin critique des religions de l'Égypte,” Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, liii. (1906) pp. 332-334. I have to thank Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie for calling my attention to this passage.

423.

W. M. Flinders Petrie, Researches in Sinai, p. 185. As to the Coptic mock-king see C. B. Klunzinger, Bilder aus Oberägypten, der Wüste und dem Rothen Meere (Stuttgart, 1877), pp. 180 sq.; The Dying God, pp. 151 sq. For examples of human sacrifices offered to prolong the lives of kings see below, vol. ii. pp. 219 sqq.

424.

A. Moret, Mystères Égyptiens (Paris, 1913), pp. 187-190. For a detailed account of the Egyptian evidence, monumental and inscriptional, on which M. Moret bases his view of the king's rebirth by deputy from the hide of a sacrificed animal, see pp. 16 sqq., 72 sqq. of the same work. Compare his article, “Du sacrifice en Égypte,” Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, lvii. (1908) pp. 93 sqq. In support of the view that the king of Egypt was deemed to be born again at the Sed festival it has been pointed out that on these solemn occasions, as we learn from the monuments, there was carried before the king on a pole an object shaped like a placenta, a part of the human body which many savage or barbarous peoples regard as the twin brother or sister of the new-born child. See C. G. Seligmann and Margaret A. Murray, “Note upon an early Egyptian standard,” Man, xi. (1911) pp. 165-171. The object which these writers take to represent a human placenta is interpreted by M. Alexandre Moret as the likeness of a human embryo. As to the belief that the afterbirth is a twin brother or sister of the infant, see above, vol. i. p. 93, and below, pp. 169 sq.; The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 82 sqq. Professor J. H. Breasted thinks that the Sed festival is probably “the oldest religious feast of which any trace has been preserved in Egypt”; he admits that on these occasions “the king assumed the costume and insignia of Osiris, and undoubtedly impersonated him,” and further that “one of the ceremonies of this feast symbolized the resurrection of Osiris”; but he considers that the significance of the festival is as yet obscure. See J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt (London, 1912), p. 39.

425.

It is maintained by the discoverer of the tomb of Osiris at Abydos, Monsieur E. Amélineau, in his work Le Tombeau d'Osiris (Paris, 1899) and by Dr. E. A. Wallis Budge in his elaborate treatise Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, in which the author pays much attention to analogies drawn from the religion and customs of modern African tribes.

426.

G. Maspero, Histoire ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, i. 43 sqq.; J. H. Breasted, History of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 29 sq.; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 41 sqq. The affinity of the Egyptian language to the Semitic family of speech seems now to be admitted even by historians who maintain the African origin of the Egyptians.

427.

The Dying God, pp. 17 sqq. The information there given was kindly supplied by Dr. C. G. Seligmann, who has since published it with fuller details. See C. G. Seligmann, The Cult of Nyakang and the Divine Kings of the Shilluk (Khartoum, 1911), pp. 216-232 (reprint from Fourth Report of the Wellcome Tropical Research Laboratories, Gordon Memorial College, Khartoum); W. Hofmayr, “Religion der Schilluk,” Anthropos, vi. (1911) pp. 120-131; Diedrich Westermann, The Shilluk People, their Language and Folk-lore (Berlin, preface dated 1912), pp. xxxix. sqq. In what follows I have drawn on all these authorities.

428.

C. G. Seligmann, The Cult of Nyakang, p. 221.

429.

D. Westermann, The Shilluk People, p. xlii.

430.

D. Westermann, l.c.

431.

W. Hofmayr, “Religion der Schilluk,” Anthropos, vi. (1911) pp. 123 sq.; C. G. Seligmann, op. cit. p. 230; D. Westermann, op. cit. p. xliii.

432.

C. G. Seligmann, op. cit. pp. 229 sq.

433.

W. Hofmayr, op. cit. p. 125.

434.

W. Hofmayr, op. cit. p. 123. This writer spells the name of the deified king as Nykang. I have adopted Dr. Seligmann's spelling.

435.

Diederich Westermann, The Shilluk People, their Language and Folklore (Berlin, preface dated 1912), pp. xlii, xliii. Mr. Westermann gives the names of the demi-god and the god as Nyikang and Jwok respectively. For the sake of uniformity I have altered them to Nyakang and Juok, the forms adopted by Dr. C. G. Seligmann.

436.

C. G. Seligmann, The Cult of Nyakang and the Divine Kings of the Shilluk (Khartoum, 1911), p. 220.

437.

C. G. Seligmann, op. cit. p. 231.

438.

W. Hofmayr, op. cit. p. 125. “It must be remembered that the due growth of the crops, i.e. of the most important part of the vegetable world, depends on the well-being of the divine king” (C. G. Seligmann, op. cit. p. 229).

439.

C. G. Seligmann, op. cit. p. 227.

440.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 283.

441.

Rev. J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 113, 282.

442.

Rev. J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 110, 282, 285.

443.

Rev. J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 104, 252 sq.; L. F. Cunningham, Uganda and its People (London, 1905), p. 226.

444.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, pp. 104-107, id., “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. (1901) p. 129; id., “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” ibid., xxxii. (1902) pp. 44 sq. Compare L. F. Cunningham, Uganda and its People (London, 1905), pp. 224, 226.

445.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, pp. 109 sq.

446.

Above, p. 147.

447.

Rev. J. Roscoe, “Kibuka, the War God of the Baganda,” Man, vii. (1907) pp. 164 sq.; id., The Baganda, pp. 235 sq.

448.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, pp. 110-112, 283 sq.

449.

Rev. J. Roscoe, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. (1901) pp. 129 sq.; id., “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” ibid., xxxii. (1902) p. 45.

450.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, p. 283.

451.

Rev. J. Roscoe, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. (1901) p. 130; id., “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” ibid., xxxii. (1902) p. 46; id., The Baganda, pp. 283-285.

452.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, pp. 112, 284.

453.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, p. 112. It may be worth while to quote an early notice of the worship of the Kings of Uganda. See C. T. Wilson and R. W. Felkin, Uganda and the Egyptian Soudan (London, 1882), i. 208: “The former kings of the country appear also to be regarded as demi-gods, and their graves are kept with religious care, and houses are erected over them, which are under the constant supervision of one of the principal chiefs of the country, and where human sacrifices are also occasionally offered.” The graves here spoken of are no doubt the temples in which the jawbones and navel-strings of the dead kings are kept and worshipped.

454.

Hermann Rehse, Kiziba, Land und Leute (Stuttgart, 1910), pp. 4-7, 106 sqq., 121, 125 sqq., 130. Among the totems of the people are the long-tailed monkey (Cercopithecus), a small species of antelope, the locust, the hippopotamus, the buffalo, the otter, dappled cows, and the hearts of all animals. The members of the clan which is charged with the duty of burying the king's body have for their totem the remains of a goat that has been killed by a leopard. See H. Rehse, op. cit. pp. 5 sq.

455.

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, The Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia (London, 1911), pp. 80 sq.

456.

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, The Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia, pp. 82 sq.

457.

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, op. cit. pp. 84 sq.

458.

Rev. James Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, Superstitions, and Religions of South African Tribes,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 286. Compare id., Light in Africa2 (London, 1890), p. 191.

459.

G. McCall Theal, Records of South-Eastern Africa, vii. (1901) pp. 399 sq. With regard to the ghost who controls lightning see Mr. Warner's notes in Col. Maclean's Compendium of Kafir Laws and Customs (Cape Town, 1866), pp. 82 sq.: “The Kafirs have strange notions respecting the lightning. They consider that it is governed by the umshologu, or ghost, of the greatest and most renowned of their departed chiefs; and who is emphatically styled the inkosi; but they are not at all clear as to which of their ancestors is intended by this designation. Hence they allow of no lamentation being made for a person killed by lightning; as they say that it would be a sign of disloyalty to lament for one whom the inkosi had sent for, and whose services he consequently needed; and it would cause him to punish them, by making the lightning again to descend and do them another injury.”

460.

G. McCall Theal, op. cit. vii. 400.

461.

Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (London, 1904), pp. 88-91.

462.

Rev. E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), pp. 248-250.

463.

Henri A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (Neuchâtel, 1912-1913), ii. 347.

464.

H. A. Junod, op. cit. ii. 385.

465.

H. A. Junod, op. cit. ii. 344.

466.

H. A. Junod, op. cit. ii. 385.

467.

H. A. Junod, op. cit. ii. 348 sq.

468.

H. A. Junod, op. cit. ii. 341.

469.

H. A. Junod, op. cit. ii. 346.

470.

A. Merensky, Beiträge zur Kenntnis Süd-Afrikas (Berlin, 1875), p. 130.

471.

Rev. H. Callaway, The Religious System of the Amazulu, i. (Natal, Springvale, etc., 1868) pp. 1 sq.

472.

Rev. Joseph Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country (London, 1857), p. 159.

473.

Rev. J. Shooter, op. cit. p. 161.

474.

Rev. Lewis Grout, Zulu-land, or Life among the Zulu-Kafirs (Philadelphia, n.d.), pp. 137, 143-145.

475.

“That is, they suggest to the Itongo [ancestral spirit, singular of Amatongo], by whose ill-will or want of care they are afflicted, that if they should all die in consequence, and thus his worshippers come to an end, he would have none to worship him; and therefore for his own sake, as well as for theirs, he had better preserve his people, that there may be a village for him to enter, and meat of the sacrifices for him to eat.”

476.

Rev. Henry Callaway, The Religious System of the Amazulu, Part ii., Amatongo or Ancestor Worship as existing among the Amazulu, in their own words, with a translation into English (Natal, Springvale, etc., 1869), pp. 144-146.

477.

Missionar J. Irle, Die Herero, ein Beitrag zur Landes- Volks- und Missionskunde (Gütersloh, 1906), pp. 72 sq.

478.

J. Irle, op. cit. p. 73.

479.

Ovakuru, the plural form of Mukuru.

480.

J. Irle, op. cit. p. 74.

481.

J. Irle, op. cit. p. 75. The writer tells us (l.c.) that the Herero name for the good celestial God, whom they acknowledge but do not worship, is common, in different forms, to almost all the Bantu tribes. Among the Ovambo it is Kalunga; among tribes of Loango, the Congo, Angola and Benguela it is Zambi, Njambi, Ambi, Njame, Onjame, Ngambe, Nsambi; in the Cameroons it is Nzambi, etc. Compare John H. Weeks, Among Congo Cannibals (London, 1913), pp. 246 sq.: “We have found a vague knowledge of a Supreme Being, and a belief in Him, very general among those tribes on the Congo with which we have come into contact.... On the Lower Congo He is called Nzambi, or by His fuller title Nzambi a mpungu; no satisfactory root word has yet been found for Nzambi, but for mpungu there are sayings and proverbs that clearly indicate its meaning as, most of all, supreme, highest, and Nzambi a mpungu as the Being most High, or Supreme. On the Upper Congo among the Bobangi folk the word used for the Supreme Being is Nyambe; among the Lulanga people, Nzakomba; among the Boloki, Njambe; among the Bopoto people it is Libanza.... It is interesting to note that the most common name for the Supreme Being on the Congo is also known, in one form or another, over an extensive area of Africa reaching from 6° north of the Equator away to extreme South Africa; as, for example, among the Ashanti it is Onyame, at Gaboon it is Anyambie, and two thousand miles away among the Barotse folk it is Niambe. These are the names that stand for a Being who is endowed with strength, wealth, and wisdom by the natives; and He is also regarded and spoken of by them as the principal Creator of the world, and the Maker of all things.... But the Supreme Being is believed by the natives to have withdrawn Himself to a great distance after performing His creative works; that He has now little or no concern in mundane affairs; and apparently no power over spirits and no control over the lives of men, either to protect them from malignant spirits or to help them by averting danger. They also consider the Supreme Being (Nzambi) as being so good and kind that there is no need to appease Him by rites, ceremonies or sacrifices. Hence they never pray to this Supreme One, they never worship Him, or think of Him as being interested in the doings of the world and its peoples.”

482.

J. Irle, op. cit. p. 77. Mr. Irle's account of the religion of the Herero or Ovaherero is fully borne out by the testimony of earlier missionaries among the tribe. See Rev. G. Viehe, “Some Customs of the Ovaherero” (South African) Folk-lore Journal, i. (Cape Town, 1879) pp. 64 sq.: “The religious customs and ceremonies of the Ovaherero are all rooted in the presumption that the deceased continue to live, and that they have a great influence on earth, and exercise power over the life and death of man. This influence and power is ascribed especially to those who have been great men, and who become Ovakuru after death. The numerous religious customs and ceremonies are a worshipping of the ancestors.” Further, Mr. Viehe reports that “the Ovaherero have a slight idea of another being (Supreme being?) which differs greatly from the Ovakuru, is superior to them, and is supposed never to have been a human being. It is called Karunga.... Karunga does only good; whilst the influence of the Ovakuru is more feared than wished for; and, therefore, it is not thought necessary to bring sacrifices to Karunga to guard against his influence.” He is situated so high, and is so superior to men “that he takes little special notice of them; and so the Ovaherero, on their part, also trouble themselves little about this superior being” (op. cit. p. 67 note 1). Similar evidence is given by another missionary as to the belief of the Herero in a superior god Karunga and their fear and worship of ancestral spirits. See the Rev. H. Beiderbecke, “Some Religious Ideas and Customs of the Ovaherero” (South African) Folk-lore Journal, ii. (Cape Town, 1880) pp. 88 sqq.

483.

Hermann Tönjes, Ovamboland, Land, Leute, Mission (Berlin, 1911), pp. 193-197.

484.

E. Nigmann, Die Wahehe (Berlin, 1908), pp. 22 sq. The writer does not describe the Wahehe as a Bantu tribe, but from the characteristic prefixes which they employ to designate the tribe, individual tribesmen, the country, and so forth (op. cit. p. 124) we may infer that the people belong to the Bantu stock.

485.

E. Nigmann, Die Wahehe, pp. 23 sq.

486.

E. Nigmann, op. cit. p. 35.

487.

E. Nigmann, op. cit. p. 39.

488.

E. Nigmann, op. cit. pp. 24 sqq., 35 sqq.

489.

Rev. J. Roscoe, “The Bahima, a Cow Tribe of Enkole,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxvii. (1907) pp. 108 sq. The supreme god Lugaba is no doubt the same with the supreme god Rugaba worshipped by the Bahimas in Kiziba. See above, p. 173. With regard to the religion of the Baganda the same authority tells us that “the last, and possibly the most venerated, class of religious objects were the ghosts of departed relatives. The power of ghosts for good or evil was incalculable” (The Baganda, p. 273).

490.

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, The Great Plateau of Northern Rhodesia, p. 83.

491.

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, op. cit. p. 11.

492.

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, op. cit. p. 292.

493.

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, op. cit. pp. 294 sq.

494.

J. H. West Sheane, “Wemba Warpaths,” Journal of the African Society, No. xli. (October, 1911) pp. 25 sq.

495.

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, The Great Plateau of Northern Nigeria, p. 83.

496.

C. Gouldsbury and H. Sheane, op. cit. p. 84.

497.

Eugène Béguin, Les Ma-rotsé (Lausanne and Fontaines, 1903), pp. 118 sq.

498.

Eugène Béguin, Les Ba-rotsé, pp. 120-123. Compare Totemism and Exogamy, iv. 306 sq.

499.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 271.

500.

Rev. J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 290, 291. In the worship of Mukasa “the principal ceremony was the annual festival, when the king sent his presents to the god, to secure a blessing on the crops and on the people for the year.” (J. Roscoe, op. cit. p. 298).

501.

Rev. J. Roscoe, “Kibuka, the War God of the Baganda,” Man, vii. (1907) pp. 161-166; id., The Baganda, pp. 301-308. Among the personal relics of Kibuka kept in his temple were his genital organs; these also were rescued when the Mohammedans burned down his temple in the civil wars of 1887-1890. They are now with the rest of the god's, or rather the man's, remains at Cambridge.

502.

This consideration is rightly urged by H. Schäfer as a strong argument in favour of the antiquity of the tradition which associated the grave of Osiris with the grave of King Khent. See H. Schäfer, Die Mysterien des Osiris in Abydos (Leipsic, 1904), pp. 28 sq.

503.

One of the commonest and oldest titles of Osiris was Chent (Khent)-Ament or Chenti (Khenti)-Amenti, as the name is also written. It means “Chief of those who are in the West” and refers to the Egyptian belief that the souls of the dead go westward. See R. V. Lanzone, Dizionario di Mitologia Egizia, p. 727; H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter, p. 617; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 23, 103 sq.; J. H. Breasted, Development of Religion and Thought in Ancient Egypt, pp. 38, 143 (who spells the name Khenti-Amentiu); E. A. Wallis Budge, Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection, i. 31 sq., 67. “Khenti-Amenti was one of the oldest gods of Abydos, and was certainly connected with the dead, being probably the ancient local god of the dead of Abydos and its neighbourhood. Now, in the Pyramid Texts, which were written under the VIth dynasty, there are several mentions of Khenti-Amenti, and in a large number of instances the name is preceded by that of Osiris. It is quite clear, therefore, that the chief attributes of the one god must have resembled those of the other, and that Osiris Khenti-Amenti was assumed to have absorbed the powers of Khenti-Amenti. In the representations of the two gods which are found at Abydos there is usually no difference, at least not under the XVIIIth and XIXth dynasties” (E. A. Wallis Budge, op. cit. i. 31). However, it would be unsafe to infer that the resemblance between the name of the god and the name of the king is more than accidental.

504.

W. E. H. Lecky, History of European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne, Third Edition (London, 1877), ii. 271.

505.

I have adopted the terms “mother-kin” and “father-kin” as less ambiguous than the terms “mother-right” and “father-right,” which I formerly employed in the same sense.

506.

The Khasis, by Major P. R. T. Gurdon, I.A., Deputy Commissioner Eastern Bengal and Assam Commission, and Superintendent of Ethnography in Assam (London, 1907).

507.

“The Khasi saying is, ‘long jaid na ka kynthei’ (from the woman sprang the clan). The Khasis, when reckoning descent, count from the mother only; they speak of a family of brothers and sisters, who are the great grandchildren of one great grandmother, as shi kpoh, which, being literally translated, is one womb, i.e. the issue of one womb. The man is nobody” (P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis, p. 82). “All land acquired by inheritance must follow the Khasi law of entail, by which property descends from the mother to the youngest daughter, and again from the latter to her youngest daughter. Ancestral landed property must therefore be always owned by women. The male members of the family may cultivate such lands, but they must carry all the produce to the house of their mother, who will divide it amongst the members of the family” (op. cit. p. 88). “The rule amongst the Khasis is that the youngest daughter ‘holds’ the religion, ‘ka bat ka niam.’ Her house is called, ‘ka iing seng,’ and it is here that the members of the family assemble to witness her performance of the family ceremonies. Hers is, therefore, the largest share of the family property, because it is she whose duty it is to perform the family ceremonies, and propitiate the family ancestors” (op. cit. p. 83).

508.

Sir C. J. Lyall, in his Introduction to The Khasis, by Major P. R. T. Gurdon, pp. xxiii. sq. Sir C. J. Lyall himself lived for many years among the Khasis and studied their customs. For the details of the evidence on which his summary is based see especially pp. 63 sqq., 68 sq., 76, 82 sqq., 88, 106 sqq., 109 sqq., 112 sq., 121, 150, of Major Gurdon's book. As to the Khasi priestesses, see above, vol. i. p. 46.

509.

J. Kubary, Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer (Berlin, 1885), pp. 35 sq. The writer calls one of these kins indifferently a Familie or a Stamm.

510.

J. S. Kubary, “Die Todtenbestattung auf den Pelau-Inseln,” Original-Mittheilungen aus der ethnologischen Abtheilung der königlichen Museen zu Berlin, i. (Berlin, 1885) p. 7.

511.

J. Kubary, Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer, p. 40.

512.

J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian's Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde (Berlin, 1888), i. 20-22. The writer says that the family or clan gods of the Pelew Islanders are too many to be enumerated, but he gives as a specimen a list of the family deities of one particular district (Ngarupesang). Having done so he observes that they are all goddesses, and he adds that “this is explained by the importance of the woman for the clan. The deity of the mother is inherited, that of the father is not” (op. cit. p. 22). As he says nothing to indicate that the family deities of this particular district are exceptional, we may infer, as I have done, that the deities of all the families or clans are goddesses. Yet a few pages previously (pp. 16 sq.) he tells us that a village which contains twenty families will have at least forty deities, if not more, “for some houses may have two kalids [deities], and every house has also a goddess.” This seems to imply that the families or clans have gods as well as goddesses. The seeming discrepancy is perhaps to be explained by another statement of the writer that “in the family only the kalids [deities] of the women count” (“sich geltend machen,” J. Kubary, Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer, p. 38).

513.

J. Kubary, Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer, pp. 33 sq., 63; id., “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian's Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde, i. 16.

514.

J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian's Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde, i. 15-17, 22, 25-27.

515.

From the passages cited in the preceding note it appears that this was Kubary's opinion, though he has not stated it explicitly.

516.

J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian's Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde, i. 28 sq.

517.

J. Kubary, Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer, p. 38. See also above, p. 204, note 4.

518.

J. Kubary, l.c.

519.

See the statement of Kubary quoted in the next paragraph.

520.

J. Kubary, Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer, p. 39.

521.

See the statement of Kubary quoted in the next paragraph.

522.

J. S. Kubary, Ethnographische Beiträge zur Kenntniss des Karolinen Archipels (Leyden, 1895), p. 159. On the importance of the taro or sweet potato as the staple food of the people, see ib. pp. 156 sq.

523.

J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian's Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde, i. 34.

524.

J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian's Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde, i. 30-35. The author wrote thus in the year 1883, and his account of the Pelew religion was published in 1888. Compare his work Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer, p. 81. Great changes have probably taken place in the islands since Kubary wrote.

525.

For some other parallels between the state of society and religion in these two regions, see Note IV. at the end of the volume.

526.

Compare E. Stephan und F. Graebner, Neu-Mecklenburg (Berlin, 1907), p. 107 note 1: “It is necessary always to repeat emphatically that the terms father-right and mother-right indicate simply and solely the group-membership of the individual and the systems of relationship which that membership implies, but that they have nothing at all to do with the higher or lower position of women. Rather the opposite might be affirmed, namely, that woman is generally more highly esteemed in places where father-right prevails than in places where mother-right is the rule.”

527.

Major P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis, pp. 66-71. The rule of succession is as follows. A Siem, or king, “is succeeded by the eldest of his uterine brothers; failing such brothers, by the eldest of his sisters' sons; failing such nephews, by the eldest of the sons of his sisters' daughters; failing such grand-nephews, by the eldest of the sons of his mother's sisters; and, failing such first cousins, by the eldest of his male cousins on the female side, other than first cousins, those nearest in degree of relationship having prior claim. If there were no heirs male, as above, he would be succeeded by the eldest of his uterine sisters; in the absence of such sisters, by the eldest of his sisters' daughters; failing such nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his sisters' daughters; failing such grand-nieces, by the eldest of the daughters of his mother's sisters; and failing such first cousins, by the eldest of his female cousins on the female side, other than first cousins, those nearest in degree of relationship having prior claim. A female Siem would be succeeded by her eldest son, and so on” (op. cit. p. 71). The rule illustrates the logical precision with which the system of mother-kin is carried out by these people even when the intention is actually to exclude women from power.

528.

J. Kubary, Die socialen Einrichtungen der Pelauer, pp. 35, 39 sq., 73-83. See also above, pp. 204 sq.

529.

R. H. Codrington, The Melanesians (Oxford, 1891), p. 34.

530.

See A. H. Post, Afrikanische Jurisprudenz (Oldenburg and Leipsic, 1887), i. 140 sq. Captain W. Gill reports that the Su-Mu, a Man-Tzŭ tribe in Southern China numbering some three and a half millions, is always ruled by a queen (The River of Golden Sand, London, 1880, i. 365). But Capt. Gill was not nearer to the tribe than a six days' journey; and even if his report is correct we may suppose that the real power is exercised by men, just as it is in the solitary Khasi tribe which is nominally governed by a woman.

531.

The theory, or at all events the latter part of it, has been carefully examined by Dr. L. R. Farnell; and if, as I apprehend, he rejects it, I agree with him. See his article “Sociological Hypotheses concerning the position of Women in Ancient Religion,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, vii. (1904) pp. 70-94; his Cults of the Greek States (Oxford, 1896-1909), iii. 109 sqq.; and The Hibbert Journal, April 1907, p. 690. But I differ from him, it seems, in thinking that mother-kin is favourable to the growth of mother goddesses.

532.

The Lycians traced their descent through women, not through men; and among them it was the daughters, not the sons, who inherited the family property. See Herodotus, i. 174; Nicolaus Damascenus, in Stobaeus, Florilegium, xliv. 41 (Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 461); Plutarch, De mulierum virtutibus, 9. An ancient historian even asserts that the Lycians were ruled by women (ἐκ παλαιοῦ γυναικοκρατοῦνται, Heraclides Ponticus, Frag. 15, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, ii. 217). Inscriptions found at Dalisandos, in Isauria, seem to prove that it was not unusual there to trace descent through the mother even in the third or the fourth century after Christ. See Sir W. M. Ramsay, “The Permanence of Religion at Holy Places in the East,” The Expositor, November 1906, p. 475. Dr. L. Messerschmidt seems to think that the Lycians were Hittites (The Hittites, p. 20). Scholars are not agreed as to the family of speech to which the Lycian language belongs. Some think that it was an Indo-European tongue; but this view is now abandoned by Professor Ed. Meyer (Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. p. 626).

533.

W. Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia2 (London, 1903), p. 306. The hypothesis of the former existence of mother-kin among the Semites is rejected by Professor Ed. Meyer (Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2, p. 360) and W. W. Graf Baudissin (Adonis und Esmun, pp. 46 sq.).

534.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 27. 1 sq. In spite of this express testimony to the existence of a true gynaecocracy in ancient Egypt, I am of opinion that the alleged superiority of the queen to the king and of the wife to her husband must have been to a great extent only nominal. Certainly we know that it was the king and not the queen who really governed the country; and we can hardly doubt that in like manner it was for the most part the husband and not the wife who really ruled the house, though unquestionably in regard to property the law seems to have granted important rights to women which it denied to men. On the position of women in ancient Egypt see especially the able article of Miss Rachel Evelyn White (Mrs. Wedd), “Women in Ptolemaic Egypt,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xviii. (1898) pp. 238-256.

535.

Herodotus, ii. 35.

536.

Sir Gaston Maspero, quoted by Miss R. E. White, op. cit. p. 244.

537.

J. Nietzold, Die Ehe in Ägypten zur ptolemäisch-römischen Zeit (Leipzic, 1903), p. 12.

538.

A. Erman, Ägypten und ägyptisches Leben im Altertum, pp. 221 sq.; U. Wilcken, “Arsinoitische Steuerprofessionen aus dem Jahre 189 n. Chr.,” Sitzungsberichte der könig. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1883, p. 903; J. Nietzold, Die Ehe in Ägypten zur ptolemäisch-römischen Zeit, pp. 12-14.

539.

J. F. McLennan, Studies in Ancient History (London, 1886), pp. 101 sqq. Among the Kocchs of North-Eastern India “the property of the husband is made over to the wife; when she dies it goes to her daughters, and when he marries he lives with his wife's mother” (R. G. Latham, Descriptive Ethnology, London, 1859, i. 96).

540.

This is in substance the explanation which Miss Rachel Evelyn White (Mrs. Wedd) gives of the Egyptian custom. See her paper, “Women in Ptolemaic Egypt,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xviii. (1898) p. 265. Similarly Mr. J. Nietzold observes that “economical considerations, especially in the case of great landowners, may often have been the occasion of marriages with sisters, the intention being in this way to avoid a division of the property” (Die Ehe in Ägypten, p. 13). The same explanation of the custom has been given by Prof. W. Ridgeway. See his “Supplices of Aeschylus,” in Praelections delivered before the Senate of the University of Cambridge (Cambridge, 1906), pp. 154 sq. I understand from Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie that the theory has been a commonplace with Egyptologists for many years. McLennan explained the marriage of brothers and sisters in royal families as an expedient for shifting the succession from the female to the male line; but he did not extend the theory so as to explain similar marriages among common people in Egypt, perhaps because he was not aware of the facts. See J. F. McLennan, The Patriarchal Theory, edited and completed by D. McLennan (London, 1885), p. 95.

541.

Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, i. 18 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxvii. 121). The learned Valesius, in his note on this passage, informs us that the cubit was again transferred by the Emperor Julian to the Serapeum, where it was left in peace till the destruction of that temple.

542.

Athanasius, Oratio contra Gentes, 10 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xxv. 24).

543.

Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, v. 16 sq. (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxvii. 604 sq.); Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, vii. 15 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxvii. 1152 sq.). These events took place under the Emperor Theodosius in the year 391 a.d.

544.

See above, vol. i. pp. 17 sqq.

545.

The Dying God, pp. 168 sqq.; G. F. Moore, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Molech.” The phrase translated “make pass through the fire to Molech” (2 Kings xxiii. 10) means properly, Professor Kennett tells me, “make to pass over by means of fire to Molech,” where the verb has the sense of “make over to,” “dedicate,” “devote,” as appears from its use in Exodus xiii. 12 (“set apart,” English Version) and Ezekiel xx. 26. That the children were not made simply to pass through the fire, but were burned in it, is shown by a comparison of 2 Kings xvi. 3, xxiii. 10, Jeremiah xxxii. 35, with 2 Chronicles xxviii. 3, Jeremiah vii. 31, xix. 5. As to the use of the verb העכיר in the sense of “dedicate,” “devote,” see G. F. Moore, s.v. “Molech,” Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. 3184; F. Brown, S. R. Driver, and C. A. Briggs, Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford, 1906), p. 718. “The testimony of both the prophets and the laws is abundant and unambiguous that the victims were slain and burnt as a holocaust” (G. F. Moore, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. 3184). Similarly Principal J. Skinner translates the phrase in 2 Kings xvi. 3 by “dedicated his son by fire,” and remarks that the expression, “whatever its primary sense may be, undoubtedly denoted actual burning” (commentary on Kings in The Century Bible). The practice would seem to have been very ancient at Jerusalem, for tradition placed the attempted burnt-sacrifice of Isaac by his father Abraham on Mount Moriah, which was no other than Mount Zion, the site of the king's palace and of the temple of Jehovah. See Genesis xxii. 1-18; 2 Chronicles iii. 1; J. Benzinger, Hebräische Archäologie (Freiburg i. Baden and Leipsic, 1894), pp. 45, 233; T. K. Cheyne, s.v. “Moriah,” Encyclopaedia Biblica, iii. 3200 sq.

546.

Leviticus xviii. 21, xx. 2-5; 1 Kings xi. 7; 2 Kings xxiii. 10; Jeremiah xxxii. 35.

547.

W. Robertson Smith, The Religion of the Semites,2 p. 372, note 1.

548.

“It is plain, from various passages of the prophets, that the sacrifices of children among the Jews before the captivity, which are commonly known as sacrifices to Moloch, were regarded by the worshippers as oblations to Jehovah, under the title of king” (W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 p. 372, referring to Jeremiah vii. 31, xix. 5, xxxii. 35; Ezekiel xxiii. 39; Micah vi. 7). The same view is taken by Prof. G. F. Moore, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Molech,” vol. iii. 3187 sq.

549.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 366 sq.

550.

“Ynglinga Saga,” 29, in The Heimskringla or Chronicle of the Kings of Norway, translated by S. Laing (London, 1844), i. 239 sq.; H. M. Chadwick, The Cult of Othin (London, 1899), pp. 4, 27; The Dying God, pp. 160 sq. Similarly in Peru, when a person of note was sick, he would sometimes sacrifice his son to the idol in order that his own life might be spared. See A. de Herrera, The General History of the Vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), iv. 347 sq.

551.

Micah vi. 6-8.

552.

Herodotus, vii. 114; Plutarch, De superstitione, 13.

553.

W. Ellis, History of Madagascar (London, n.d.), i. 344 sq.

554.

Major A. G. Leonard, The Lower Niger and its Tribes (London, 1906), p. 457.

555.

D. Leslie, Among the Zulus and Amatongas2 (Edinburgh, 1875), p. 91. This sacrifice may be the one described by J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal (London, 1857), p. 26. The reason for not stabbing the animal is perhaps a wish not to lose any of the blood, but to convey its life intact to the king. The same reason would explain the same rule which the Baganda observed in killing a human victim for the same purpose (see below, p. 224).

556.

J. Dos Santos, Eastern Ethiopia, bk. ii. chap. 16 (G. M'Call Theal's Records of South-Eastern Africa, vii. 289).

557.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), pp. 27 sq.

558.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, p. 200.

559.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, pp. 209 sq.

560.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, pp. 210 sq.

561.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, pp. 211 sq. I have abridged the account of the ceremonies.

562.

Rev. J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 213 sq.

563.

From information furnished by my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe. Compare his book, The Baganda, pp. 331 sqq.

564.

See The Dying God, pp. 166 sqq.

565.

See above, vol. i. p. 45.

566.

The Hibbert Journal, April 1907, p. 689.

567.

Lucian, De dea Syria, 53.

568.

G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 vol. ii. pp. 725 sqq., Nos. 877, 878.

569.

G. Dittenberger, op. cit. vol. ii. pp. 429 sq., No. 633.

570.

Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, ed. Aug. Boeckh, etc. (Berlin, 1828-1877), vol. ii. pp. 481 sqq., No. 2715, οὔσης ἐξουσίας το[ῖς παισίν, ἐά]ν τινες αὐτῶν μὴ ὦσιν ὑγιεῖς ἤ πένθει οἰκείῳ κατέχωνται, where I understand ἐξουσία to mean “leave of absence.”

571.

W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas (London, 1906), pp. 99 sq.

572.

Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 24.

573.

Aulus Gellius, l.c.: “funus tamen exequi non est religio.”

574.

Gaius, Instit. i. 112, “quod jus etiam nostris temporibus in usu est: nam flamines majores, id est Diales, Martiales, Quirinales, item reges sacrorum, nisi (qui) ex farreatis nati sunt non leguntur: ac ne ipsi quidem sine confarreatione sacerdotium habere possunt”; Servius on Virgil, Aen. iv. 103, “quae res ad farreatas nuptias pertinet, quibus flaminem et flaminicam jure pontificio in matrimonium necesse est convenire.” For a fuller description of the rite see Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iv. 374. From the testimony of Gaius it appears that not only the Flamen Dialis but all the other principal Flamens were bound to be married. However, the text of Gaius in this passage is somewhat uncertain. I have quoted it from P. E. Huschke's third edition (Leipsic, 1878).

575.

W. H. R. Rivers, The Todas, p. 99. According to an old account, there was an important exception to the rule, but Dr. Rivers was not able to verify it; he understood that during the tenure of his office the dairyman is really celibate.

576.

Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 23, “Matrimonium flaminis nisi morte dirimi jus non est”; Festus, p. 89, ed. C. O. Müller, s.v. “Flammeo”; Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 50. Plutarch mentions as an illegal exception that in his own time the Emperor Domitian allowed a Flamen to divorce his wife, but the ceremony of the divorce was attended by “many awful, strange, and gloomy rites” performed by the priests.

577.

Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 50. That the wives of Roman priests aided their husbands in the performance of sacred rites is mentioned by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who attributes the institution of these joint priesthoods to Romulus (Antiquit. Rom. ii. 22).

578.

The epithet Dialis, which was applied to the Flaminica as well as to the Flamen (Aulus Gellius, x. 15. 26; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. iv. 137), would of itself prove that husband and wife served the same god or pair of gods; and while the word was doubtfully derived by Varro from Jove (De lingua Latina, v. 84), we are expressly told that the Flamen was the priest and the Flaminica the priestess of that god (Plutarch, Quaest. Rom. 109; Festus, p. 92, ed. C. O. Müller, s.v. “Flammeo”). There is therefore every reason to accept the statement of Plutarch (Quaest. Rom. 86) that the Flaminica was reputed to be sacred to Juno, the divine partner of Jupiter, in spite of the objections raised by Mr. W. Warde Fowler (“Was the Flaminica Dialis priestess of Juno?” Classical Review, ix. (1895) pp. 474 sqq.).

579.

E. Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India (Madras, 1909), iv. 10.

580.

Leviticus, xxi. 1-3; Ezekiel, xliv. 25.

581.

The Hibbert Journal, iv. (1906) p. 932.

582.

Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 67, “Quod Jovis Juno conjux et is caelum.”

583.

Augustine, De civitate Dei, iv. 32, “Dicit etiam [scil. Varro] de generationibus deorum magis ad poetas quam ad physicos fuisse populos inclinatos, et ideo et sexum et generationes deorum majores suos, id est veteres credidisse Romanos et eorum constituisse conjugia.”

584.

Seneca, quoted by Augustine, De civitate Dei, vi. 10, “Quid quod et matrimonia, inquit, deorum jungimus, et ne pie quidem, fratrum ac sororum? Bellonam Marti conlocamus, Vulcano Venerem, Neptuno Salaciam. Quosdam tamen caelibes relinquimus, quasi condicio defecerit, praesertim cum quaedam viduae sint, ut Populonia vel Fulgora et diva Rumina; quibus non miror petitorem defuisse.” In this passage the marriage of Venus to Vulcan is probably Greek; all the rest is pure Roman.

585.

Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 344, “Aliud est sacrum, aliud nuptias Cereri celebrare, in quibus re vera vinum adhiberi nefas fuerat, quae Orci nuptiae dicebantur, quas praesentia sua pontifices ingenti solemnitate celebrabant.”

586.

Servius, on Virgil, Georg. i. 344, and on Aen. iv. 58. As to the prohibition of wine, compare Macrobius, Saturn. iii. 11. There seems to be no doubt that Orcus was a genuine old Italian god of death and the dead. See the evidence collected by R. Peter, s.v. “Orcus,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iii. 940 sqq., who says that “Orcus was obviously one of those old Roman gods who occupied the thoughts of the people in the most lively manner.” On the other hand, Prof. G. Wissowa supposes that Orcus is merely a borrowed form of the Greek Horkos (Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 p. 310). But Horkos was not a god of death and the dead; he was simply a personified oath (ὅρκος; see Hesiod, Works and Days, 804 Ὅρκον γεινόμενον, τὸν Ἔρις τέκε πῆμ᾽ ἐπιόρκοις), an abstract idea which makes no figure in Greek mythology and religion. That such a rare and thin Greek abstraction should through a gross misunderstanding be transformed into a highly popular Roman god of death, who not only passed muster with the people but was admitted by the pontiffs themselves to the national pantheon and honoured by them with a solemn ritual, is in the last degree improbable.

587.

Aulus Gellius, xiii. 23 (22), 1 sq., “Conprecationes deum inmortalium, quae ritu Romano fiunt, expositae sunt in libris sacerdotum populi Romani et in plerisque antiquis orationibus. In his scribtum est: Luam Saturni, Salaciam Neptuni, Horam Quirini, Virites Quirini, Maiam Volcani, Heriem Junonis, Moles Martis Nerienemque Martis.” As to this list see Mr. W. Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic (London, 1899), pp. 60-62; id., The Religious Experience of the Roman People (London, 1911), pp. 150 sqq., 481 sqq. He holds (p. 485) that the feminine names Salacia, etc., do not designate goddesses, the wives of the gods, but that they “indicate functions or attributes of the male deity to whom they are attached.”

588.

Aulus Gellius, xiii. 23 (22), 11-16.

589.

Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 18, “Cingius mensem [Maium] nominatum putat a Maia, quam Vulcani dicit uxorem, argumentoque utitur quod flamen Vulcanalis Kalendis Maiis huic deae rem divinam facit: sed Piso uxorem Vulcani Majestam, non Maiam, dicit vocari.” The work of Cincius (Cingius) is mentioned by Macrobius in the same chapter (§ 12, “Cingius in eo libro quem de fastis reliquit”). As to the life and writings of this old annalist and antiquary see M. Schanz, Geschichte der römischen Litteratur,2 i. (Munich, 1898), p. 128; G. Wissowa, Münzer, and Cichorius, s.v. “Cincius,” in Pauly-Wissowa's Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, iii. 2555 sqq. All these writers distinguish the old annalist from the antiquary, whom they take to have been a later writer of the same name. But the distinction appears to be purely arbitrary and destitute of any ancient authority.

590.

Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 18. See the preceding note.

591.

Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 18. See the passage cited above, p. 232, note 3.

592.

Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 72, “Salacia Neptuni a salo.” This was probably one of the cases which Varro had in his mind when he stated that the ancient Roman gods were married.

593.

Augustine, De civitate Dei, vii. 22, “Jam utique habebat Salaciam Neptunus uxorem”; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. x. 76, “Sane hanc Veniliam quidam Salaciam accipiunt, Neptuni uxorem.” As for Seneca's evidence see above, p. 231, note 3.

594.

Nonius Marcellus, De compendiosa doctrina, p. 125, ed. L. Quicherat (Paris, 1872), “Hora juventutis dea. Ennius Annali[um] lib. i. [Teque,] Quirine pater, veneror, Horamque Quirini.”

595.

Livy, viii. 1. 6, xlv. 33. 2.

596.

Festus, p. 186, ed. C. O. Müller, “Opima spolia dicuntur originem quidem trahentia ab Ope Saturni uxore”; id., p. 187, “Opis dicta est conjux Saturni”; Macrobius, Saturnal. i. 10. 19, “Hanc autem deam Opem Saturni conjugem crediderunt, et ideo hoc mense Saturnalia itemque Opalia celebrari, quod Saturnus ejusque uxor tam frugum quam fructuum repertores esse creduntur.” Varro couples Saturn and Ops together (De lingua Latina, v. 57, “Principes in Latio Saturnus et Ops”; compare id., v. 64), but without expressly affirming them to be husband and wife. Professor G. Wissowa, however, argues that the male partner (he would not say husband) of Ops was not Saturn but Consus. See G. Wissowa, “De feriis anni Romanorum vetustissimi observationes selectae,” reprinted in his Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur römischen Religions- und Stadtgeschichte (Munich, 1904), pp. 156 sqq. His view is accepted by Mr. W. Warde Fowler (Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic, p. 212; The Religious Experience of the Roman People, p. 482).

597.

Lactantius, Divin. Instit. iv. 3, “Itaque et Jupiter a precantibus pater vocatur, et Saturnus, et Janus, et Liber, et ceteri deinceps, quod Lucilius in deorum consilio irridet: Ut nemo sit nostrum, quin aut pater optimus divum Ut Neptunus pater, Liber, Saturnus pater, Mars, Janus, Quirinus pater nomen dicatur ad unum.” Compare Aulus Gellius, v. 12. 5; Servius, on Virgil, Georg. ii. 4. Roman goddesses who received the title of Mother were Vesta, Earth, Ops, Matuta, and Lua. As to Mother Vesta see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 229; as to Mother Earth see H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos. 3950-3955, 3960; as to Mother Ops see Varro, De lingua Latina, v. 64; as to Mother Matuta see L. Preller, Römische Mythologie,3 i. 322 sqq.; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 pp. 110 sqq.; id., s.v. “Mater Matuta,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 2462 sqq. I cite these passages only to prove that the Romans commonly applied the titles “father” and “mother” to their deities. The inference that these titles implied paternity or maternity is my own, but in the text I have given some reasons for thinking that the Romans themselves accepted the implication. Mr. W. Warde Fowler, on the other hand, prefers to suppose that the titles were employed in a merely figurative sense to “imply the dependence of the human citizen upon his divine protector”; but he admits that what exactly the Romans understood by pater and mater applied to deities is not easy to determine (The Religious Experience of the Roman People, pp. 155-157). He makes at the same time the important observation that the Romans never, so far as he is aware, applied the terms Father and Mother to foreign gods, but “always to di indigetes, those on whom the original Roman stock looked as their fellow-citizens and guardians.” The limitation is significant and seems more naturally explicable on my hypothesis than on that of my learned friend.

598.

See Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiv. Nos. 2862, 2863; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos. 3684, 3685; R. Peter, s.v. “Fortuna,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie, i. 1542; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 p. 259. I have to thank my learned and candid friend Mr. W. Warde Fowler for referring me to this good evidence of Jupiter's paternal character.

599.

L. Preller, Römische Mythologie3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), i. 379.

600.

The epithet Inuus applied to Faunus was so understood by the ancients, and this suffices to prove the conception they had of the god's virility, whether the etymology was right or wrong. See Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vi. 775, “Dicitur autem Inuus ab ineundo passim cum omnibus animalibus.” As to the title see G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 p. 211, who, however, rejects the ancient etymology and the identification of Inuus with Faunus.

601.

Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 21-24; Lactantius, Divin. Instit. i. 22; Servius, on Virgil, Aen. viii. 314; Plutarch, Caesar, 9; id., Quaest. Roman. 20. According to Varro, the goddess was the daughter of Faunus (Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 27); according to Sextus Clodius she was his wife (Lactantius, l.c.; compare Arnobius, Adversus nationes, v. 18).

602.

Livy, i. 4. 2; Plutarch, Romulus, 4; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Roman. i. 77.

603.

See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 195 sq.

604.

Plutarch, Romulus, 2. Plutarch's authority was Promathion in his history of Italy. See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 196.

605.

Servius, on Virgil, Aen. vii. 678.

606.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 230 sq.

607.

Such, for example, as the loves of Vertumnus for Pomona (Ovid, Metam. xiv. 623 sqq.), of Jupiter for Juturna (Ovid, Fasti, ii. 585 sqq.), and of Janus for Carna (Ovid, Fasti, vi. 101 sqq.) and for Camasene (Servius, on Virgil, Aen. viii. 330). The water-nymph Juturna beloved by Jupiter is said to have been the daughter of the river Vulturnus, the wife of Janus, and the mother of Fontus (Arnobius, Adversus nationes, iii. 29). Janus in particular would seem to have been the theme of many myths, and his claim to be a genuine Italian god has never been disputed.

608.

The marriage of the Roman gods has been denied by E. Aust (Die Religion der Römer, Münster i. W. 1899, pp. 19 sq.) and Professor G. Wissowa (Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 pp. 26 sq.), as well as by Mr. W. Warde Fowler. On the other hand, the evidence for it has been clearly and concisely stated by L. Preller, Römische Mythologie,3 i. 55-57. It is with sincere diffidence that I venture to differ on a point of Roman religion from the eminent scholars I have named. But without for a moment pitting my superficial acquaintance with Roman religion against their deep learning, I cannot but think that the single positive testimony of Varro on a matter about which he could scarcely be ignorant ought to outweigh the opinion of any modern scholar, however learned and able.

609.

The Hibbert Journal, April 1907, p. 689. Such a boy was called a παῖς ἀμφιθαλής, “a boy blooming on both sides,” the metaphor being drawn from a tree which sends out branches on both sides. See Plato, Laws, xi. 8, p. 927 d; Julius Pollux, iii. 25; Hesychius and Suidas, s.v. ἀμφιθαλής.

610.

Festus, p. 93, ed. C. O. Müller, s.vv. “Flaminius” and “Flaminia.” That certain Roman rites had to be performed by the children of living parents is mentioned in general terms by Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Antiquit. Rom. ii. 22).

611.

Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 50.

612.

Proclus, in Photius, Bibliotheca, p. 322 a, ed. I. Bekker (Berlin, 1824); Athenaeus, xi. 92, pp. 495 sq.; Scholiast on Nicander, Alexipharmaca, 109. Only the last of these writers mentions that the boys had to be ἀμφιθαλεῖς. As to this and the following custom see A. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen im Altertum (Leipsic, 1898), pp. 278 sqq.; W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 214 sqq.

613.

Eustathius, on Homer, Iliad, xxii. 495, p. 1283; Etymologicum Magnum, p. 303. 18 sqq., s.v. Εἰρεσιώνη; Plutarch, Theseus, 22. According to a scholiast on Aristophanes (Plutus, 1054) the branch might be either of olive or laurel.

614.

Scholiast on Aristophanes, Plutus, 1054.

615.

O. Kern, Die Inschriften von Magnesia am Maeander (Berlin, 1900), No. 98; G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 vol. ii. pp. 246 sqq., No. 553. This inscription has been well expounded by Prof. M. P. Nilsson (Griechische Feste, Leipsic, 1906, pp. 23-27). I follow him and Dittenberger in regarding the month of Artemision, when the bull was sacrificed, as the harvest month corresponding to the Attic Thargelion.

616.

J. H. Neumann, “Iets over den landbouw bij de Karo-Bataks,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xlvi. (1902) p. 381.

617.

G. Henzen, Acta Fratrum Arvalium (Berlin, 1874), pp. vi. sq., cix. cx. cxix. cliii. clix. clxxxvii. 12, 13, 15. As to the evergreen oaks and laurels of the grove, see ib., pp. 137, 138; as to the wreaths of corn-ears, see ib., pp. 26, 28; Aulus Gellius, vii. 7. 8. That the rites performed by the Arval Brothers were intended to make the fields bear corn is expressly stated by Varro (De lingua Latina, v. 85, “Fratres Arvales dicti sunt, qui sacra publica faciunt propterea ut fruges ferant arva”). On the Arval Brothers and their rites see also L. Preller, Römische Mythologie,3 ii. 29 sqq.; J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) pp. 447-462; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 pp. 561 sqq.; J. B. Carter, s.v. “Arval Brothers,” in J. Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ii. (Edinburgh, 1909) pp. 7 sqq.

618.

Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. iii. 60.

619.

Pausanias, v. 15. 3.

620.

Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, 12; id., De defectu oraculorum, 15; Aelian, Varia Historia, iii. 1; Strabo, ix. 3. 12, p. 422. In a note on Pausanias (ii. 7. 7, vol. iii. pp. 53 sqq.) I have described the festival more fully and adduced savage parallels. As to the Vale of Tempe see W. M. Leake, Travels in Northern Greece (London, 1835), iii. 390 sqq. The rhetoric of Livy (xliv. 6. 8) has lashed the smooth and silent current of the Peneus into a roaring torrent.

621.

Proclus, in Photius, Bibliotheca, ed. I. Bekker, p. 321.

622.

O. Crusius, s.v. “Kadmos,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 830, 838, 839. On an Etruscan mirror the scene of Cadmus's combat with the dragon is surrounded with a wreath of laurel (O. Crusius, op. cit. ii. 862). My learned friend Mr. A. B. Cook was the first to call attention to these vase-paintings in confirmation of my view that the Festival of the Laurel-bearing celebrated the destruction of the dragon by Cadmus. See A. B. Cook, “The European Sky-God,” Folk-lore, xv. (1904) p. 411, note 224; and my note on Pausanias, ix. 10. 4 (vol. v. pp. 41 sqq.).

623.

I have examined both festivals more closely in a former part of this work (The Dying God, pp. 78 sqq.), and have shown grounds for holding that the old octennial cycle in Greece, based on an attempt to harmonize solar and lunar time, gave rise to an octennial festival at which the mythical marriage of the sun and moon was celebrated by the dramatic marriage of human actors, who appear sometimes to have been the king and queen. In the Laurel-bearing at Thebes a clear reference to the astronomical character of the festival is contained in the emblems of the sun, moon, stars, and days of the year which were carried in procession (Proclus, l.c.); and another reference to it may be detected in the legendary marriage of Cadmus and Harmonia. Dr. L. R. Farnell supposes that the festival of the Laurel-bearing “belongs to the maypole processions, universal in the peasant-religion of Europe, of which the object is to quicken the vitalizing powers of the year in the middle of spring or at the beginning of summer” (The Cults of the Greek States, iv. 285). But this explanation appears to be inconsistent with the octennial period of the festival.

624.

We may conjecture that the Olympic, like the Delphic and the Theban, festival was at first octennial, though in historical times it was quadrennial. Certainly it seems to have been based on an octennial cycle. See the Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. iii. 35 (20); Aug. Boeckh on Pindar, Explicationes (Leipsic, 1821), p. 138; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 366 sq.; G. F. Unger, “Zeitrechnung der Griechen und Römer,” in Iwan Müller's Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, i. (Nördlingen, 1886) pp. 605 sq.; K. O. Müller, Die Dorier2 (Breslau, 1844), ii. 483. The Pythian games, which appear to have been at first identical with the Delphic Festival of Crowning, were held originally at intervals of eight instead of four years. See the Scholiast on Pindar, Pyth. Argum. p. 298, ed. A. Boeckh (Leipsic, 1819); Censorinus, De die natali, xviii. 6; compare Eustathius on Homer, Od. iii. 267, p. 1466. 29. As to the original identity of the Pythian games and the Festival of Crowning see Th. Schreiber, Apollon Pythoktonos (Leipsic, 1879), pp. 37 sq.; A. B. Cook, “The European Sky-God,” Folk-lore, xv. (1904) pp. 404 sq.

625.

Antonin Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab (Paris, 1908), p. 382.

626.

R. Parkinson, Dreissig Jahre in der Südsee (Stuttgart, 1907), pp. 150-152.

627.

On the use of crowns and wreaths in classical antiquity see W. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities,3 i. 545 sqq., s.v. “Corona”; E. Saglio, s.v. “Corona,” in Ch. Daremberg et E. Saglio's Dictionnaire des Antiquités Grecques et Romaines, iii. 1520 sqq. In time of mourning the ancients laid aside crowns (Athenaeus, xv. 16, p. 675 A); and so did the king at Athens when he tried a homicide (Aristotle, Constitution of Athens, 57). I mention these cases because they seem to conflict with the theory in the text, in accordance with which crowns might be regarded as amulets to protect the wearer against ghosts and the pollution of blood.

628.

Heliodorus, Aethiopica, i. 22.

629.

Aulus Gellius, i. 12. 2.

630.

Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 67; Plutarch, Numa, 10. We read of a Vestal who held office for fifty-seven years (Tacitus, Annals, ii. 86). It is unlikely that the parents of this venerable lady were both alive at the date of her decease.

631.

Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 71.

632.

Macrobius, Sat. iii. 14. 14. That the rule as to their parents being both alive applied to the Vestals and Salii only at the time of their entrance on office is recognized by Marquardt (Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii.2 228, note 1).

633.

Cicero, De haruspicum responso, 11.

634.

Livy, xxxvii. 3; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 6. 13 sq.; Vopiscus, Aurelianus, 19 (where the words “patrimis matrimisque pueris carmen indicite” are omitted from the text by H. Peter).

635.

Tacitus, Histor. iv. 53. For the sack and conflagration of the Capitol see id. iii. 71-75.

636.

Flowing water in Hebrew is called “living water” (מים היים).

637.

Festus, De verborum significatione, ed. C. O. Müller (Leipsic, 1839), pp. 244, 245, s.v. “Patrimi et matrimi pueri.”

638.

Ovid, Fasti, vi. 129 sq., 165-168.

639.

Zenobius, Proverb. iii. 98; Plutarch, Proverb. i. 16; Apostolius, Proverb. viii. 16 (Paroemiographi Graeci, ed. Leutsch et Schneidewin, i. 82, 323 sq., ii. 429); Eustathius, on Homer, Od. xii. 357, p. 1726; Photius, Lexicon, s.v. ἔφυγον κακόν.

640.

C. Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechenland im neuen (Bonn, 1864), pp. 83-85, 86, 87, 100 sq.

641.

J. G. von Hahn, Albanesische Studien (Jena, 1854), i. 144, 146.

642.

F. S. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Süd-Slaven (Vienna, 1885), pp. 438, 441.

643.

Captain J. S. King, “Notes on the Folk-lore and some Social Customs of the Western Somali Tribes,” The Folk-lore Journal, vi. (1888) p. 124. Compare Ph. Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas, die materielle Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl (Berlin, 1893), p. 200.

644.

The Grihya-Sûtras, translated by H. Oldenberg, Part ii. (Oxford, 1892) p. 50 (The Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxx.).

645.

Rev. William Ellis, History of Madagascar (London, n.d.), i. 151 sq.

646.

Rev. W. Ellis, op. cit. i. 180.

647.

J. Pearse, “Customs connected with Death and Burial among the Sihanaka,” The Antananarivo Annual and Madagascar Magazine, vol. ii. (a reprint of the second four numbers, 1881-1884) (Antananarivo, 1896) p. 152.

648.

A. C. Hollis, The Masai (Oxford, 1905), p. 299.

649.

Lucian, Hermotimus, 57.

650.

A fragmentary list of these youths is preserved in an Athenian inscription of the year 91 or 90 b.c. See Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, Supplément, i. (Paris, 1912) p. 104, No. 1544.

651.

Aelius Lampridius, Antoninus Heliogabalus, viii. 1 sq. The historian thinks that the monster chose these victims merely for the pleasure of rending the hearts of both the parents.

652.

See above, vol. i. p. 184.

653.

Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes on the Totemism of the Becwana,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxv. (1905) pp. 303 sq.

654.

For more evidence of the sanctity of cattle among the Bechuanas see the Rev. W. C. Willoughby, op. cit. pp. 301 sqq.

655.

T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, Voyage d'Exploration au Nord-est de la Colonie du Cap de Bonne-Espérance (Paris, 1842), p. 49.

656.

Virgil, Aen. i. 367 sq., with the commentary of Servius; Justin, xviii. 5. 9. Thongs cut from the hide of the ox sacrificed to the four-handed Apollo were given as prizes. See Hesychius, s.v. κυνακίας; compare id., πυρώλοφοι. Whether the Greek custom was related to those discussed in the text seems doubtful. I have to thank my colleague and friend Professor R. C. Bosanquet for calling my attention to these passages of Hesychius.

657.

Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica, ix. vol. i. pp. 462 sq. ed. P. E. Müller (Copenhagen, 1839-1858) (where the hide employed is that of a horse); J. Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer3 (Göttingen, 1881), pp. 90 sq. Compare R. Köhler, “Sage von Landerwerbung durch zerschnittene Häute,” Orient und Occident, iii. 185-187.

658.

Lieutenant-Colonel James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajast'han, ii. (London, 1832) p. 235; W. Radloff, Proben der Volkslitteratur der türkischen Stämme Süd-Sibiriens, iv. (St. Petersburg, 1872) p. 179; A. Bastian, Die Voelker des oestlichen Asien (Berlin, 1884-1889), i. 25, iv. 367 sq.; T. Stamford Raffles, History of Java (London, 1817), ii. 153 sq.; R. van Eck, “Schetsen van het eiland Bali,” Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch-Indië, Feb. 1880, p. 117. The substance of all these stories, except the first, was given by me in a note on “Hide-measured Lands,” The Classical Review, ii. (1888) p. 322.

659.

J. Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, pp. 538 sq.

660.

Rev. W. C. Willoughby, “Notes on the Totemism of the Becwana,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxv. (1905) p. 304.

661.

Rev. E. Gottschling, “The Bawenda, a Sketch of their History and Customs,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxv. (1905) pp. 368 sq.

662.

T. Arbousset et F. Daumas, Relation d'un Voyage d'Exploration, pp. 561-565.

663.

Above, pp. 204 sqq.

664.

J. Kubary, “Die Religion der Pelauer,” in A. Bastian's Allerlei aus Volks- und Menschenkunde (Berlin, 1888), i. 35.

665.

C. A. L. M. Schwaner, Borneo (Amsterdam, 1853), i. 186; M. T. H. Perelaer, Ethnographische Beschrijving der Dajaks (Zalt-Bommel, 1870), pp. 32-35; Captain Rodney Mundy, Narrative of Events in Borneo and Celebes from the Journals of James Brooke, Esq., Rajah of Sarawak (London, 1848), ii. 65 sq.; Charles Brooke, Ten Years in Sarawak (London, 1866), ii. 280; H. Low, Sarawak (London, 1848), pp. 174-177; The Bishop of Labuan, “On the Wild Tribes of the North-West Coast of Borneo,” Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S. ii. (1863) pp. 31 sq.; Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East2 (London, 1863), i. 73. In Sarawak these men are called manangs, in Dutch Borneo they are called bazirs or bassirs.

666.

Captain R. Mundy, op. cit. i. 82 sq.; B. F. Matthes, Over de Bissoes of heidensche Priesters en Priesteressen der Boeginezen (Amsterdam, 1872), pp. 1 sq.

667.

Th. Falkner, Description of Patagonia (Hereford, 1774), p. 117; J. Hutchinson, “The Tehuelche Indians of Patagonia,” Transactions of the Ethnological Society of London, N.S. vii. (1869) p. 323. Among the Guaycurus of Southern Brazil there is a class of men who dress as women and do only women's work, such as spinning, weaving, and making pottery. But so far as I know, they are not said to be sorcerers or priests. See C. F. Ph. v. Martius, Zur Ethnographie Amerikas zumal Brasiliens (Leipsic, 1867), pp. 74 sq.

668.

G. H. von Langsdorff, Reise um die Welt (Frankfort, 1812), ii. 43; H. J. Holmberg, “Über die Völker des Russischen Amerika,” Acta Societatis Scientiarum Fennicae, iv. (Helsingfors, 1856) pp. 400 sq.; W. H. Dall, Alaska (London, 1870), pp. 402 sq.; Ross Cox, The Columbia River2 (London, 1832), i. 327 sqq.; Father G. Boscana, “Chinigchinich,” in [A. Robinson's] Life in California (New York, 1846), pp. 283 sq.; S. Powers, Tribes of California (Washington, 1877), pp. 132 sq.; H. H. Bancroft, Native Races of the Pacific States (London, 1875-1876), i. 82, 92, 415, 585, 774; Hontan, Mémoires de l'Amérique Septentrionale (Amsterdam, 1705), p. 144; J. F. Lafitau, Mœurs des Sauvages Amériquains (Paris, 1724), i. 52-54; Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1744), vi. 4 sq.; W. H. Keating, Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River (London, 1825), i. 227 sq., 436; George Catlin, North American Indians4 (London, 1844), ii. 214 sq.; Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, Reise in das innere Nord-America (Coblentz, 1839-1841), ii. 132 sq.; D. G. Brinton, The Lenâpé and their Legends (Philadelphia, 1885), pp. 109 sq.; J. G. Müller, Geschichte der amerikanischen Urreligionen2 (Bâle, 167), pp. 44 sq., 418. Among the tribes which permitted the custom were the Illinois, Mandans, Dacotas (Sioux), Sauks, and Foxes, to the east of the Rocky Mountains, the Yukis, Pomos, and Pitt River Indians of California, and the Koniags of Alaska.

669.

Lieut. W. Foley, “Journal of a Tour through the Island of Rambree,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, iv. (Calcutta, 1835) p. 199.

670.

Monier Williams, Religious Life and Thought in India (London, 1883), p. 136. Compare J. A. Dubois, Mœurs, Institutions, et Cérémonies des Peuples de l'Inde (Paris, 1825), i. 439.

671.

O. Dapper, Description de l'Afrique (Amsterdam, 1686), p. 467.

672.

J. B. Labat, Relation historique de l'Éthiopie Occidentale (Paris, 1732), ii. 195-199. Wherever men regularly dress as women, we may suspect that a superstitious motive underlies the custom even though our authorities do not mention it. The custom is thus reported among the Italmenes of Kamtschatka (G. W. Steller, Beschreibung von dem Lande Kamtschatka, Frankfort and Leipsic, 1774, pp. 350 sq.), the Lhoosais of South-Eastern India (Capt. T. H. Lewin, Wild Races of South-Eastern India, London, 1870, p. 255), and the Nogay or Mongutay of the Caucasus (J. Reinegg, Beschreibung des Kaukasus, St. Petersburg, Gotha, and Hildesheim, 1796-1797, i. 270). Among the Lhoosais or Lushais not only do men sometimes dress like women and consort and work with them (T. H. Lewin, l.c.), but, on the other hand, women sometimes dress and live like men, adopting masculine habits in all respects. When one of these unsexed women was asked her reasons for adopting a masculine mode of life, she at first denied that she was a woman, but finally confessed “that her khuavang was not good, and so she became a man.” See the extract from the Pioneer Mail of May 1890, quoted in The Indian Antiquary, xxxii. (1903) p. 413. The permanent transformation of women into men seems to be much rarer than the converse change of men into women.

673.

Maximilian Prinz zu Wied, Reise in das innere Nord-America, ii. 133.

674.

W. H. Keating, Expedition to the Source of St. Peter's River, i. 227 sq.

675.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, “A Study of Siouan Cults,” Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology (Washington, 1894), p. 378.

676.

E. H. Gomes, Seventeen Years among the Sea Dyaks of Borneo (London, 1911), p. 179; Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo (London, 1912), ii. 116.

677.

Waldemar Bogoras, The Chukchee (Leyden and New York, 1904-1909), pp. 448-453 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, vol. vii.; Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History).

678.

Rev. A. L. Kitching, On the Backwaters of the Nile (London, 1912), p. 239, with the plate.

679.

For this information I have to thank my friend the Rev. J. Roscoe. He tells me that according to tradition Mukasa used to give his oracles by the mouth of a man, not of a woman. To wear two bark cloths, one on each shoulder, is a privilege of royalty and of priests. The ordinary man wears a single bark cloth knotted on one shoulder only. With the single exception mentioned in the text, women in Uganda never wear bark cloths fastened over the shoulders.

680.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), p. 297.