APPENDICES.

I. EMIGRANT’S ITINERARY,

Showing the distances between camping-places, the several mail-stations where mules are changed, the hours of travel, the character of the roads, and the facilities for obtaining water, wood, and grass on the route along the southern bank of the Platte River, from St. Joseph, Mo., viâ Great Salt Lake City, to Carson Valley. From a Diary kept between the 7th of August and the 19th of October, 1860.

No. of Mail. Miles. Start. Arrival. Date.

1. Leave St. Joseph, Missouri, in N. lat. 39° 40′, and W. long. 94° 50′. Cross Missouri River by steam ferry. Five miles of bottom land, bend in river and settlements. Over rolling prairie 2000 feet above sea level. After 6 miles, Troy, capital of Doniphan Co., Kansas Territory, about a dozen shanties. Dine and change mules at Cold Spring—good water and grass. 20-24 A.M. 9 30 P.M. 3 Aug. 7

Road from Fort Leavenworth (N. lat. 39° 21′ 14″, and W. long. 94° 44′) falls in at Cold Spring, distant 15 miles.

From St. Jo to Cold Spring there are two routes, one lying north of the other, the former 20, the latter 24 miles in length.

2. After 10 miles, Valley Home, a whitewashed shanty. At Small Branch on Wolf River, 12 miles from Cold Spring, is a fiumara on the north of the road, with water, wood, and grass. Here the road from Fort Atchinson falls in. Kennekuk Station, 44 miles from St. Joseph. Sup and change mules. 22-23 P.M. 4 P.M. 8 Aug. 7

3. Two miles beyond Kennekuk is the first of the three Grasshopper Creeks, flowing after rain to the Kansas River. Road rough and stony; water, wood, and grass. Four miles beyond the First Grasshopper is Whitehead, a young settlement on Big Grasshopper; water in pools, wood, and grass. Five and a half miles beyond is Walnut Creek, in Kickapoo Co.: pass over corduroy bridge; roadside dotted with shanties. Thence to Locknan’s, or Big Muddy Station. 25 P.M. 9 A.M. 1 Aug. 7, 8

4. Seventeen miles beyond Walnut Creek, the Third Grasshopper, also falling into the Kansas River. Good camping-ground. Ten miles beyond lies Richland, deserted site. Thence to Seneca, capital of Nemehaw Co. A few shanties on the N. bank of Big Nemehaw Creek, a tributary of the Missouri River, which affords water, wood, and grass. 18 A.M. 3 A.M. 6 Aug. 8

5. Cross Wildcat Creek and other nullahs. Seven miles beyond Seneca lies Ash Point, a few wooden huts, thence to “Uncle John’s Grocery,” where liquor and stores are procurable. Eleven miles from Big Nemehaw, water, wood, and grass are found at certain seasons near the head of a ravine. Thence to Vermilion Creek, which heads to the N.E., and enters the Big Blue 20 miles above its mouth. The ford is miry after rain, and the banks are thickly wooded. Water is found in wells 40-43 feet deep. Guittard’s Station. 20 A.M. 8 NOON. 12 Aug. 8

6. Fourteen miles from Guittard’s, Marysville, capital of Washington Co., affords supplies and a blacksmith. Then ford the Big Blue, tributary to Kansas River, clear and swift stream. Twelve miles W. of Marysville is the frontier line between Kansas and Nebraska. Thence to Cotton-wood Creek, fields in hollow near the stream. 25 P.M. 1 P.M. 6 Aug. 8

7. Store at the crossing very dirty and disorderly. Good water in spring 400 yards N. of the road; wood and grass abundant. Seventeen and a half miles from the Big Blue is Walnut Creek, where emigrants encamp. Thence to West Turkey or Rock Creek in Nebraska Territory, a branch of the Big Blue: its approximate altitude is 1485 feet. 26 P.M. 6 P.M. 11 Aug. 8

8. After 19 miles of rough road and musquetoes, cross Little Sandy, 5 miles E. of Big Sandy; water and trees plentiful. There Big Sandy deep and heavy bed. Big Sandy Station. 23 P.M. 12 A.M. 4 Aug. 9

9. Cross hills forming divide of Little Blue River, ascending valley 60 miles long. Little Blue fine stream of clear water falling into Kansas River; every where good supplies and good camping-ground. Along the left bank to Kiowa. 19 A.M. 6 A.M. 10 Aug. 9

10. Rough road of spurs and gullies runs up a valley 2 miles wide. Well wooded chiefly with cotton-wood, and grass abundant. Ranch at Liberty Farm, on the Little Blue. 25 A.M. 11 P.M. 3 Aug. 9

11. Cross divide between Little Blue and Platte River; rough road, musquetoes troublesome. Approximate altitude of dividing ridge 2025 feet. Station at Thirty-two-Mile Creek, a small wooded and winding stream flowing into the Little Blue. 24 P.M. 4 P.M. 9 Aug. 9

12. After 27 miles strike the Valley of the Platte, along the southern bank of the river, over level ground, good for camping, fodder abundant. After 7 miles Fort Kearney in N. lat. 40° 38′ 45″, and W. long. 98° 58′ 11″: approximate altitude 2500 feet above sea level. Groceries, cloths, provisions, and supplies of all kinds are to be procured from the sutler’s store. Beyond Kearney a rough and bad road leads to “Seventeen-Mile Station”. 34 P.M. 10 30 A.M. 8 Aug. 10

13. Along the south bank of the Platte. Buffalo chips used for fuel. Sign of buffalo appears. Plum-Creek Station on a stream where there is a bad crossing in wet weather. 21 A.M. 9 30 P.M. 1 15 Aug. 10

14. Beyond Plum Creek, Willow-Island Ranch, where supplies are procurable. Road along the Platte, wood scarce, grass plentiful, buffalo abounds; after 20 miles “Cold-Water Ranch.” Halt and change at Midway Station. 25 P.M. 2 30 P.M. 8 Aug. 10

15. Along the Valley of the Platte, road muddy after rain, fuel scarce, grass abundant, camp traces every where. Ranch at Cotton-wood Station, at this season the western limit of buffalo. 27 P.M. 9 A.M. 1 45 Aug. 11

16. Up the Valley of the Platte. No wood; buffalo chips for fuel. Good camping-ground; grass on small branch of the Platte. To Junction-House Ranch, and thence to station at Frémont Springs. 30 A.M. 6 15 A.M. 11 Aug. 11

17. Road passes O’Fallon’s Bluffs. “Half-way House,” a store and ranch, distant 120 miles from Fort Kearney, 400 from St. Joseph, 40 from the Lower Crossing, and 68 from the Upper Crossing of the South Fork (Platte River). The station is called Alkali Lake. 25 NOON. 12 P.M. 5 Aug. 11

18. Road along river; no timber; grass, buffalo chips, and musquetoes. Station at Diamond Springs near Lower Crossing. 25 P.M. 6 P.M. 10 15 Aug. 11

19. Road along river. Last 4 miles very heavy sand, avoided by Lower Crossing. Poor accommodation at Upper Ford or Crossing on the eastern bank, where the mail passes the stream en route to Great Salt Lake City, and the road branches to Denver City and Pike’s Peak. 25 P.M. 11 A.M. 3 15 Aug. 12

20. Ford Platte 600 yards wide, 2·50 feet deep, bed gravelly and solid, easy ford in dry season. Cross divide between North and South Forks, along the bank of Lodge-Pole Creek. Land arid; wild sage for fuel. Lodge-Pole Station. 35 A.M. 6 30 P.M. 12 45 Aug. 12

21. Up Lodge-Pole Creek over a spur of table-land; then, striking over the prairie, finishes the high divide between the Forks. Approximate altitude 3500 feet. On the right is Ash Hollow, where there is plenty of wood and a small spring. The station is Mud Springs, a poor ranch. 25 P.M. 3 P.M. 5 45 Aug. 12

22. Route lies over a rolling divide between the Forks, crossing Omaha, Lawrence, and other creeks, where water and grass are procurable. Cedar is still found in hill-gullies. About half a mile north of Chimney Rock is a ranch where the cattle are changed. 25 A.M. 8 P.M. 12 30 Aug. 13

23. Road along the south bank of North Ford of Platte River. Wild sage the only fuel in the valley: small spring on top of first hill. Rugged labyrinth of paths abreast of Scott’s Bluffs, which lie 5 miles S. of river, in N. lat. 41° 48′ 26″, and W. long. 103° 45′ 02″. Water found in first ravine of Scott’s Bluffs 200 yards below the road, cedars on heights. To station. 24 P.M. 1 30 P.M. 5 30 Aug. 13

24. Road along the river; crosses Little Kiowa Creek, a tributary to Horse Creek, which flows into the Platte. Ford Horse Creek, a clear shallow stream with a sandy bottom. No wood below the hills. 16 P.M. 6 30 P.M. 8 30 Aug. 13

25. Route over sandy, and heavy river bottom and rolling ground, leaving the Platte on the right: cotton-wood and willows on the banks. Ranch at Laramie City kept by M. Badeau, a Canadian, who sells spirits, Indian goods, and outfit. 26 A.M. 6 P.M. 10 20 Aug. 14

26. After 9 miles of rough road cross Laramie Fork and enter Fort Laramie, N. lat. 42° 12′ 38″, and W. long. 104° 31′ 26″. Altitude 4519 feet. Military post, with post-office, sutler’s stores, and other conveniences. Thence To Ward’s Station on the Central Star, small ranch and store. 18 P.M. 12 15 P.M. 4 Aug. 14

27. Rough and bad road. After 14 miles cross Bitter Cotton-wood Creek; water rarely flows; after rain 10 feet wide and 6 inches deep; grass and fuel abundant. Pass Indian shop and store. At Bitter Creek branch of Cotton-wood the road to Salt Lake City forks. Emigrants follow the Upper or South road over spurs of the Black Hills, some way south of the river, to avoid kanyons and to find grass. The station is called Horseshoe Creek. Residence of road-agent, Mr. Slade, and one of the worst places on the line. 25 P.M. 5 P.M. 9 30 Aug. 14

28. Road forks; one line follows the Platte, the other turns to the left, over “cut-off;” highly undulating ridges, crooked and deeply dented with dry beds of rivers; land desolate and desert. No wood nor water till end of stage. La Bonté River and Station; unfinished ranch in valley; water and grass. 25 A.M. 10 45 A.M. 2 45 Aug. 15

29. Road runs 6 miles (wheels often locked) on rugged red land, crosses several dry beds of creeks, and springs with water after melting of snow and frosts in dry season, thence into the Valley of the Platte. After 17 miles it crosses the La Prêle (Rush River), a stream 16 feet wide, where water and wood abound. At Box-Elder Creek Station good ranch and comfortable camping-ground. 25 P.M. 4 P.M. 9 Aug. 15

30. Along the Platte River, now shrunk to 100 yards. After 10 miles, M. Bissonette; at Deer Creek, a post-office, blacksmith’s shop, and store near Indian Agency. Thence a waste of wild sage to Little Muddy, a creek with water. No accommodation nor provisions at station. 20 A.M. 8 30 NOON. 12 Aug. 16

31. After 8 miles cross vile bridge over Snow Creek. Thence up the river valley along the S. bank of the Platte to the lower ferry. To Lower Bridge, old station of troops. To Upper Bridge, where the ferry has now been done away with. 18 P.M. 1 15 P.M. 4 15 Aug. 16

32. Road ascends a hill 7 miles long; land rough, barren, and sandy in dry season. After 10 miles, red spring near the Red Buttes, an old trading-place and post-office. Road then leaves the Platte River and strikes over high, rolling, and barren prairie. After 18 miles, “Devil’s Backbone” Station at Willow Springs; wood, water, and grass; good place for encampment, but no accommodation nor provisions. On this stage mineral and alkaline waters dangerous to cattle abound. 28 A.M. 6 30 P.M. 12 50 Aug. 17

33. After 3 miles, Green Creek, not to be depended upon, and Prospect Hill, a good look-out. Then, at intervals of 3 miles, Harper’s, Woodworth’s, and Greasewood Creeks, followed by heavy sand. At 17 miles, “Saleratus Lake,” on the west of the road. Four miles beyond is “Independence Rock,” Ford Sweetwater, leaving the “Devil’s Gate” on the right. Pass a blacksmith’s shop. Sage the only fuel. Plante or Muddy Station; family of Canadians; no conveniences. 33 P.M. 2 30 P.M. 9 15 Aug. 17

34. Along the winding banks of the Sweetwater. After 4 miles, “Alkali Lake” S. of the road. Land dry and stony; stunted cedars in hills. After 12 miles, the “Devil’s Post-office,” a singular bluff on the left of the road, and opposite a ranch kept by a Canadian. Mail station “Three Crossings,” at Ford No. 3; excellent water, wood, grass, game, and wild currants. 25 A.M. 7 A.M. 11 Aug. 18

35. Up a kanyon of the Sweetwater. Ford the river 5 times, making a total of 8. After 16 miles, “Ice Springs” in a swampy valley, and one quarter of a mile beyond “Warm Springs.” Then rough descent and waterless stretch. Descend by “Lander’s Cut-off” into fertile bottom. “Rocky Ridge Station;” at Muskrat Creek good cold spring, grass, and sage fuel. 35 A.M. 5 45 P.M. 12 45 Aug. 19

36. Up the bed of the creek, and, ascending long hills, leave the Sweetwater. After 4 miles, 3 alkaline ponds S. of the road. Rough path. After 7 miles, “Strawberry Creek,” 6 feet wide; good camping-ground; willows and poplars. One mile beyond is Quaking-Asp Creek, often dry. Three miles beyond lies M‘Achran’s Branch, 33 × 2. Then “Willow Creek,” 10 × 2; good camping-ground. At Ford No. 9 is a Canadian ranch and store. A long table-land leads to “South Pass,” dividing trip between the Atlantic and Pacific, and thence 2 miles to the station at “Pacific Springs;” water, tolerable grass, sage fuel, and musquetoes. 35 A.M. 7 45 P.M. 3 Aug. 20

37. Cross Miry Creek. Road down Pacific Creek; water scarce for 20 miles. After 11 miles, “Dry Sandy Creek;” water scarce and too brackish to drink; grass little; sage and greasewood plentiful. After 16 miles, “Sublette’s Cut-off,” or the “Dry Drive,” turns N.W. to Soda Springs and Fort Hall: the left fork leads to Fort Bridger and Great Salt Lake City. Four miles beyond the junction is “Little Sandy Creek,” 20-25 × 2; grass, timber, and good camping-ground. Eight miles beyond is “Big Sandy Creek,” clear, swift, and with good crossing, 110 × 2. The southern route is the best; along the old road, no water for 49 miles. Big Sandy Creek Station. 33 A.M. 8 P.M. 12 50 Aug. 21

38. Desolate road cuts off the bend of the river; no grass nor water. After 12 miles, “Simpson’s Hollow.” Fall into the Valley of Green River, half a mile wide, water 110 yards broad. After 20¹⁄₂ miles, Upper Ford; Lower Ford 7 miles below Upper. Good camping-ground on bottom; at the station in Green River, grocery, stores, and ferry-boat when there is high water. 32 P.M. 1 45 P.M. 6 30 Aug. 21

39. Diagonal ford over Green River; a good camping-ground in bottom. Follow the valley for 4 miles; grass and fuel. Michel Martin’s store and grocery. The road leaves the river and crosses a waterless divide to Black’s Fork, 100 × 2; grass and fuel. Wretched station at Ham’s Fork. 24 A.M. 8 NOON. 12 Aug. 22

40. Ford Ham’s Fork. After 12 miles the road forks at the 2d striking of Ham’s Fork, both branches leading to Fort Bridger. Mail takes the left-hand path. Then Black’s Fork, 20 × 2, clear and pretty valley, with grass and fuel, cotton-wood and yellow currants. Cross the stream 3 times. After 12 miles, “Church Butte.” Ford Smith’s Fork, 30 feet wide and shallow, a tributary of Black’s Fork. Station at Millersville on Smith’s Fork; large store and good accommodation. 20 P.M. 2 P.M. 5 15 Aug. 22

41. Road runs up the valley of Black’s Fork. After 12 miles, Fort Bridger, in N. lat. 41° 18′ 12″, and W. long. 110° 32′ 23″, on Black’s Fork of Green River. Commands Indian trade, fuel, corn; little grass. Post-office, sutler’s store, grocery, and other conveniences. Thence rough and rolling ground to Muddy Creek Hill; steep and stony descent. Over a fertile bottom to Big Muddy and Little Muddy Creek, which empties into Black’s Fork below Fort Bridger. At Muddy Creek Station there is a Canadian, provisions, excellent milk; no stores. 25 A.M. 8 30 P.M. 12 15 Aug. 23

42. Rough country. The road winds along the ridge to Quaking-Asp Hill, 7900 (8400?) feet above sea level. Steep descent; rough and broken ground. After 18 miles, Sulphur Creek Valley; stagnant stream, flowing after rain; ford bad and muddy. Station in the fertile valley of Bear River, which turns northward and flows into the east side of the lake; wood, grass, and water. Poor accommodations at Bear River Station. 20 NOON. 12 P.M. 5 30 Aug. 23

43. Road runs by Needle Rocks; falls into the Valley of Egan’s Creek. “Cache Cave” on the right hand. Three miles below the Cave is Red Fork in Echo Kanyon; unfinished station at the entrance. Rough road; steep ascents and descents along Red Creek Station on Weber River, which falls into Salt Lake south of Bear River. 36 A.M. 8 15 P.M. 2 30 Aug. 24

44. Road runs down the Valley of the Weber. Ford the river. After 5¹⁄₄ miles is a salt spring, where the road leaves the river to avoid a deep kanyon, and turns to the left into a valley with rough paths, trying to wheels. Then crosses a mountain, and, ascending a long hill, descends to Bauchmin’s Creek, tributary to Weber River. Creek 18 feet wide, swift, pebbly bed, good ford; grass and fuel abundant. The station is called Carson’s House; accommodations of the worst. 22 P.M. 4 30 P.M. 7 45 Aug. 24

45. Ford Bauchmin’s Creek 13 times in 8 miles. After 2 miles along a small water-course ascend Big Mountain, whence first view of Great Salt Lake City, 12 miles distant. After 14 miles, Big Kanyon Creek. Six miles farther the road leaves Big Kanyon Creek, and after a steep ascent and descent makes Emigration Creek. Cross Little Mountain, 2 miles beyond Big Mountain; road rough and dangerous. Five miles from Emigration Kanyon to Great Salt Lake City. Road through “Big Field” 6 miles square. 29 A.M. 7 P.M. 7 15 Aug. 28

Great Salt Lake City, N. lat. 40° 46′ 08″

W. long. 112° 06′ 08″ (G.)

Altitude 4300 feet.

The variation of compass at Temple Block in 1849 was 15° 47′ 23″, and in 1860 it was 15° 54′, a slow progress toward the east. (In the Wind-River Mountains, as laid down by Colonel Frémont in 1842, it was E. 18°.) In Fillmore Valley it is now 18° 15′, and three years ago was about 17° east; the rapid progression to the east is accompanied with extreme irregularity, which the people attribute to the metallic constituents of the soil.

Total of days between St. Jo and Great Salt Lake City. 19

Total stages. 45

Distance in statute miles. 1136

From Fort Leavenworth to Great Salt Lake City. 1168

ITINERARY OF THE MAIL-ROUTE FROM GREAT SALT LAKE CITY TO SAN FRANCISCO.

No. of Mail. Miles. Start. Arrival. Date.

1 and 2. Road through the south of the city, due south along the right bank of the Jordan. Cross many creeks, viz., Kanyon Creek, 4¹⁄₄ miles; Mill Creek, 2¹⁄₂; First or Great Cotton-wood Creek, 2; Second ditto, 4; Fork of road, 1¹⁄₄; Dry Creek, 3¹⁄₂; Willow Creek, 2³⁄₄. 44 10 30 9 30 Sept. 20

After 22-23 miles, hot and cold springs, and half-way house, the brewery under the point of the mountain. Road across Ash-Hollow or Jordan Kanyon, 2 miles. Fords river, knee deep; ascends a rough divide between Utah Valley and Cedar Valley, 10 miles from camp, and finally reaches Cedar Creek and Camp Floyd.

3. Leaves Camp Floyd; 7 miles to the divide of Cedar Valley. Crosses the divide into Rush Valley; after a total of 18·2 miles reaches Meadow Creek; good grass and water. Rush Valley mail station 1 mile beyond; food and accommodation. 20 10 30 9 30 Sept. 27

4. Crosses remains of Rush Valley 7 miles. Up a rough divide called General Johnston’s Pass. Spring, often dry, 200 yards on the right of the road. At Point Look-out leaves Simpson’s Road, which runs south. Cross Skull Valley; bad road. To the bench on the eastern flank of the desert. Station called Egan’s Springs, Simpson’s Springs, or Lost Springs, grass plentiful, water good. 27 A.M. 9 30 4 30 Sept. 28

5. New station; road forks to S.E., and leads, after 5 miles, to grass and water. After 8 miles, river bottom, 1 mile broad. Long line over desert to express station, called Dugway; no grass, and no water. 20 12 P.M. 5 30 Sept. 29

6. Steep road 2¹⁄₂ miles to the summit of Dugway Pass. Descend by a rough incline; 8 miles beyond the road forks to Devil’s Hole, 90 miles from Camp Floyd on Simpson’s route, and 6 miles S. of Fish Springs. Eight miles beyond the fork is Mountain Point; road winds S. and W., and then N. to avoid swamp, and crosses 3 sloughs. Beyond the last is Fish-Spring Station, on the bench—a poor place; water plentiful, but bad. Cattle here drink for the first time after Lost Springs, distant 48 miles. 28 P.M. 6 30 A.M. 3 30 Sept. 29

7. Road passes many pools. Half way forks S. to Pleasant Valley (Simpson’s line). Road again rounds the swamp, crossing S. end of Salt Plain. After 21 miles, “Willow Creek;” water rather brackish. Station “Willow Springs” on the bench below the hills, at W. end of desert; grass and hay plentiful. 22 A.M. 10 3 30 Sept. 30

8. Road ascending the bench, turns N. to find the pass. After 6 miles, Mountain Springs; good water, grass, and fuel. Six miles beyond is Deep-Creek Kanyon, a dangerous ravine 9 miles long. Then descends into a fertile and well-watered valley, and after 7 miles enters Deep-Creek mail station. Indian farm. 28 A.M. 8 P.M. 4 Oct. 1

9. Along Willow Creek. After 8 miles, “Eight-Miles Springs;” water, grass, and sage fuel. Kanyon after 2¹⁄₂ miles, 500 yards long and easy. Then 19 miles through Antelope Valley to the station of the same name, burnt in June, 1860, by Indians. Simpson’s route from Pleasant Valley, distant 12·5 miles, falls into the E. end of Antelope Valley, from Camp Floyd 151 miles. 30 A.M. 8 P.M. 4 Oct. 3, 4

10. Road over the valley for 2 miles to the mouth of Shell-Creek Kanyon, 6 miles long. Rough road; fuel plentiful. Descends into Spring Valley, and then passes over other divides into Shell Creek, where there is a mail station; water, grass, and fuel abundant. 18 A.M. 6 P.M. 11 Oct. 5

11. Descends a rough road. Crosses Steptoe Valley and bridged creek. Road heavy, sand or mud. After 16 miles, Egan’s Kanyon, dangerous for Indians. Station at the W. mouth burned by Indians in October, 1860. 18 P.M. 2 P.M. 6 Oct. 5

12. Pass the divide, fall into Butte Valley, and cross its N. end. Bottom very cold. Mail station half way up a hill; a very small spring; grass on the N. side of the hill. Butte Station. 18 P.M. 8 A.M. 3 Oct. 6

13. Ascend the long divide; 2 steep hills and falls. Cross the N. end of Long Valley, all barren. Ascend the divide, and descend into Ruby Valley; road excellent; water, grass, and bottom; fuel distant. Good mail station. 22 A.M. 8 P.M. 1 45 Oct. 7

14. Long divide; fuel plenty; no grass nor water. After 10 miles the road branches to the right hand to Gravelly Ford of Humboldt River. Cross a dry bottom. Cross Smith’s Fork of Humboldt River in Huntingdon Valley; a little stream; bunch-grass and sage fuel on the W. end. Ascend Chokop’s Pass, Dugway, and hard hill; descend into Moonshine Valley. Station at Diamond Springs; warm water, but good. 23 A.M. 8 P.M. 1 45 Oct. 8, 9

15. Cross Moonshine Valley. After 7 miles a sulphurous spring and grass. Twelve miles beyond ascend the divide; no water; fuel and bunch-grass plentiful. Then a long divide. After 9 miles, the station on Roberts’ Creek, at the E. end of Sheawit, or Roberts’ Springs Valley. 28 A.M. 8 P.M. 1 45 Oct. 10

16. Down the valley to the west; good road; sage small; no fuel. After 12 miles, willows and water-holes; 3 miles beyond there are alkaline wells. Station on the bench; water below in a dry creek; grass must be brought from 15 miles. 35 A.M. 6 30 P.M. 12 30 Oct. 11

17. Cross a long rough divide to Smoky Valley. At the northern end is a creek called “Wanahonop,” or “Netwood,” i. e., trap. Thence a long rough kanyon to Simpson’s Park; grass plentiful; water in wells 10 feet deep. Simpson’s Park in Shoshonee country, and, according to Simpson’s Itinerary, 348 miles from Camp Floyd. 25 A.M. 8 15 P.M. 2 25 Oct. 12

18. Cross Simpson’s Park. Ascend Simpson’s Pass, a long kanyon, with sweet “Sage Springs” on the summit; bunch-grass plentiful. Descend to the fork of the road; right hand to the lower, left hand to the upper ford of Reese’s River. Water perennial and good; food poor. 15 A.M. 10 P.M. 2 Oct. 13

19. Through the remainder of Reese’s River Valley. After a long divide, the Valley of Smith’s Creek; saleratus; no water nor grass. At last, the station, near a kanyon, and hidden from view. The land belongs to the Pa Yutas. 28 A.M. 7 20 P.M. 2 45 Oct. 14

20. Ascend a rough kanyon, and descend to a barren and saleratus plain. Toward the south of the valley over bench-land, rough with rock and pitch-hole. “Cold Springs Station” half built, near stream; fuel scarce. 25 A.M. 8 15 P.M. 4 15 Oct. 15

21. At the west gate, 2 miles from the station, good grass. After 8 miles, water. Two miles beyond is the middle gate; water in fiumara, and grass near. Beyond the gate are 2 basins, long divides, winding road to “Sand Springs Valley;” bad water; little grass. 35 A.M. 9 50 P.M. 2 30 Oct. 16

22. Cross the valley, 10 miles to the summit, over slough inundations and bad road. Summit shifting sand. Descend 5 miles to Carson Lake; water tolerable; tule abundant. Round the S. side of the lake to the sink of Carson River Station; no provisions; pasture good; fuel scarce. 25 A.M. 11 P.M. 9 Oct. 17

23. Cross a long plain. Ascend a very steep divide, and sight Sierra 50 miles distant. Descend to Carson River. Fort Churchill newly built. Sutler’s stores, etc. 25 A.M. 9 30 P.M. 7 15 Oct. 18

24. Carson City 35 11 10 30 Oct. 19

Carson City lies on the eastern foot of the Sierra Nevada, distant 552 statute miles, according to Captain Simpson, from Camp Floyd. The present itinerary reduces it to 544, and, adding 44 miles, to a total of 588 from Great Salt Lake City.

Itinerary of Captain J. H. Simpson’s Wagon-road from Camp Floyd to Genoa, Carson Valley, Utah Territory. Explored by direction of General A. G. Johnston, commanding the Department of Utah, between the 2d of May and the 12th of June, 1859.

Places. Inter- mediate Dis- tances. Miles. From Camp to Camp. Miles. Total from Camp Floyd. Miles. No. of Camp. Wood. Water. Grass.

Camp Floyd, wood and grass in vicinity. W

Meadow Creek. 18·2 18·2 18·2 1

Cross Meadow Creek (Rush Valley), mail station ¹⁄₄ mile. 1

Spring ¹⁄₄ mile to the right of General Johnston’s Pass, just after passing the summit. This spring furnishes but little water, even in the spring, and in the summer would be most probably dry. 8·9 9·9 28·1 2 W W G

Simpson’s Springs, mail station. 16·2 16·2 44·3 3 W W G

Summit, Short-cut Pass. 21·6 Willow

1·6 miles below summit. 1·6 23·2 67·5 4 Sage very little grass

Tolerable grass skirting a low range of rocks on the right of the road. 7·8 G

A little grass; sage in valley. 4·8 S G

Devil’s Hole; water slightly brackish. 6·7 W

Fish Springs, mail station. 5·4 24·7 92·2 5 Ctw W G

Warm Springs. 3·4 GW W G

Grass in considerable quantity of good character. 26·4 29·7 121·9 6 G

Alkaline spring to the right of the road; water not drinkable. 1·

Sulphur springs; water abundant and palatable. 1·5 2·5 125· 7 W,S W G

Spring, Pleasant Valley, mail station. 13·4 13·4 138·4 8 W W G

East side of Antelope Valley. 12·5 150·9 9 W W G

Spring Valley; good grass on the west bench and slopes. 19· 169·9 10 GW W G

Cross a marsh; road takes up a fine stream; grass all along. 3·5

Leave Creek. 3·5 W W G

Spring, copious; grass fine. 2·8 W W G

East side of Steptoe Valley, mail station. 1·3 11·1 181·0 11 W W G

Steptoe Creek; dry in summer. 6·5

Mouth of Egan Kanyon. 6·8 13·3 194·3 12 W W G

Spring; source of Egan Creek. 1·8 W W G

West side of Butte Valley. Mail station; a very small spring, barely sufficient for cooking purposes, near the top of the hill; grass on the N. side of same hill. 16·2 18·1 212·4 13 W W G

Spring 1 mile west side of summit of range. 12· 12· 224·4 14 W W G

Ruby Valley, mail station. 9·2 9·2 233·6 15 GW W G

Smith’s Fork, Humboldt River, Huntingdon’s Creek. 14·4

Small mountain stream. 3·3 17·6 251·2 16 GW W G

Spring left of the road. 1·2 GW W G

Near west foot of Cho-kupe Pass. 5·8 7·1 258·3 17 GW W G

Spring in Pah-hun-nupe Valley. 7·8

Do. west side of Pah-hun-nupe Valley. 5·6 13·3 271·6 18 S,W GW W G

She-a-wi-te (Willow) Creek. 14·9 14·9 286·5 19 S,W W G

Bed of Nash River; water in pools, probably not constant. 11·6

Small spring; grass on mountain side, 2 miles off. 5·9 17·5 304· 20 S,W W G

Wons-in-dam-me, or Antelope Creek. 7· 7· 311· 21 W W G

Creek. 4·3 S,W W G

Creek west side of valley. 9·5 13·7 324·7 22 S,W W G

Wan-a-ho-no-pe (Netwood trap) Creek. 13·6

Wan-a-ho-no-pe (Netwood trap) Creek. 4·6 18·2 342·9 23 S,W W G

Simpson’s Park, according to topographer, Lieutenant Putnam, and guide, Colonel Reese. 4·9 4·9 347·8 24 S,W W G

Small spring in Simpson’s Pass (same authority). 3·

Ford of Reese’s River. 8·2 W G

Reese’s River. 2·6 13·8 361·6 25 W G

Leave Reese’s River. 3·4 W G

Small spring to the left of the road, just before reaching the summit of the Pass. 10·

Lieutenant J. L. Kirby Smith’s Creek. 7·8 21·2 382·8 26 GW W G

Engleman’s Creek. 1·6 W

Lieutenant Putnam’s Creek. 8·6 10·2 393· 27 S,W W G

Lieutenant Putnam’s South Fork. 2·7 W W G

Rock Creek. 3· W W G

Rock Creek. 3·1 8·7 401·7 28 W W G

Rock Creek Sinks. 1·7

Spring-water kegs should be filled for 2 days. Camp from this in alkaline flat. 5·4 W

Gibraltar Gate. 0·6 W

Creek joins Gibraltar Creek. 4·2

Middle-Gate Spring. 3·2 14·7 416·4 29 S,W W G

West Gate. 3·5

Dry wells; alkaline valley; very poor camp; water and grass alkaline, and little of either. Rabbit-bush fuel. 21·0 24·5 440·9 30 Rab. bush W G

Creek connecting the two lakes of Carson. Road can be shortened some eight or ten miles by striking across the head of Alkaline Valley after getting about nine miles from Camp 30, and then proceeding directly to the shore of Carson Lake. It is not necessary to go so far north as the connecting creek referred to. 16·6 457·5 31 Dry rush W R,G

Leave Carson Lake. 9·7 W R,G

Walker’s River. 21·5 31·2 488·7 32 W W G

Walker’s River. 10· 498·7 33 W W G

Walker’s North Bend. 6·3 505· 34 W W G

Small spring, not sufficient for a large command; grass ¹⁄₂ mile south. 14·1 S,W W G

Carson River. 1·9

Carson River. 3·0 19·0 524· 35 W W G

Pleasant Grove; cross Carson River and get into Old Emigrant Road. Mail station. 9·0 9·0 533· 36 W W G

China Town. Gold diggings. 7·4 W

Carson City. East foot of Sierra Nevada. 11·6 19·0 552· 37 W G

Genoa. East foot of Sierra Nevada. 12·9 12·9 564·9 38 W W G

(Signed), J. H. Simpson, Capt. Top. Engineers.

To Brevet Major F. J. Porter, Assist. Adj. Gen., Dept. Utah, Camp Floyd.

II. DESCRIPTION OF THE MORMON TEMPLE. [Extracted from the Deserét News.]

The following is a brief detail of the temple, taken from drawings in my office in Great Salt Lake City.

The Temple Block is 40 rods square, the lines running north and south, east and west, and contains 10 acres. The centre of the temple is 156 feet 6 inches due west from the centre of the east line of the block. The length of said house east and west is 186¹⁄₂ feet, including towers, and the width 99 feet. On the east end there are three towers, as also on the west. Draw a line north and south 118¹⁄₂ feet through the centre of the tower, and you have the north and south extent of ground-plan, including pedestal.

We depress into the earth at the east end to the depth of 16 feet, and enlarge all around beyond the lines of wall 3 feet for a footing. The north and south walls are 8 feet thick clear of pedestal; they stand upon a footing of 16 feet wall on its bearing, which slopes 3 feet on each side to the height of 7¹⁄₂ feet. The footing of the towers rise to the same height as the side, and is one solid piece of masonry of rough ashlars, laid in good lime mortar.

The basement of the main building is divided into many rooms by walls, all having footings. The line of the basement floor is 6 inches above the top of the footing. From the towers on the east to the towers on the west, the face of the earth slopes 6 feet; 4 inches above the earth on the east line begins a promenade walk from 11 to 22 feet wide around the entire building, and approached by stone steps as the earth slopes and requires them. There are four towers on the four corners of the building, each starting from their footing of 26 feet square; these continue 16¹⁄₂ feet high, and come to the line of the base string course, which is 8 feet above the promenade walk. At this point the towers are reduced to 25 feet square; they then continue to the height of 38 feet, or the height of the second string course. At this point they are reduced to 23 feet square; they then continue 38 feet high to the third string course. The string courses continue all around the building, except when separated by buttresses. These string courses are massive mouldings from solid blocks of stone.

The two east towers then rise 25 feet to a string course or cornice. The two west towers rise 19 feet, and come to their string course or cornice. The four towers then rise 9 feet to the top of battlements. These towers are cylindrical, having 17 feet diameter inside, within which stairs ascend around a solid column 4 feet in diameter, allowing landings at the various sections of the building. These towers have each five ornamental windows on two sides above the basement. The two centre towers occupy the centre of the east and west ends of the building, starting from their footings 31 feet square, and break off in sections in line with corner towers, to the height of the third string course. The east centre tower then rises 40 feet to the top of battlements; the west centre tower rises 34 feet to the top of battlements. All these towers have spires; the east centre tower rises 200 feet, while the west centre tower rises 190 feet. All these towers at their corners have octagon turrets, terminated by octagon pinnacles 5 feet diameter at base, 4 feet at first story, and three feet from there up. There are also on each side of these towers two buttresses, except where they come in contact with the body of the main building. The top of these buttresses show forty-eight in number, and stand upon pedestals. The space between the buttresses and turrets is 2 feet at the first story. On the front of the two centre towers are two large windows, each 32 feet high, one above the other, neatly prepared for that place.

On the two west corner towers, and on the west end a few feet below the top of battlements, may be seen in alto-relievo and bold relief the great dipper, or Ursa Major, with the pointers ranging nearly toward the north star. (Moral: the lost may find themselves by the priesthood.)

I will now glance at the main body of the house. I have before stated that the basement was divided into many rooms. The central one is arranged for a baptismal font, and is 59 feet long by 35 feet wide, separated from the main wall by four rooms, two on each side, 19 feet long by 12 feet wide. On the east and west sides of these rooms are four passages 12 feet wide; these lead to and from by outside doors, two on the north and two on the south. Farther east and west from these passages are four more rooms, two at each end, 28 feet wide by 38¹⁄₂ long. These two thin walls occupy the basement. All the walls start off their footings, and rise 16¹⁄₂ feet, and there stop with groin ceiling.

We are now up to the line of the base string course, 8 feet above the promenade or steps rising to the temple, which terminates at the cope of the pedestal, and to the first floor of said house. This room is joined to the outer courts, these courts being the width between towers 16 feet by 9 in the clear. We ascend to the floors of these courts (they being on a line with the first floor of the main house) by four flights of stone steps 9¹⁄₂ feet wide, arranged in the basement work, the first step ranging to the outer line of towers. From these courts doors admit to any part of the building.

The size of the first large room is 120 feet long by 80 feet wide; the height reaches nearly to the second string course. The room is arched over in the centre with an elliptical arch, which drops at its flank 10 feet, and has 38 feet span. The side ceilings have one fourth elliptical arches, which start from the side walls of the main building 16 feet high, and terminate at the capitals of the columns, or foot of centre arch, at the height of 24 feet. The columns obtain their bearings direct from the footings of the said house; these columns extend up to support the floor above. The outside walls of this story are 7 feet thick. The space, from the termination of the foot of the centre arch to the outer wall, is divided into sixteen compartments, eight in each side, making rooms 14 feet by 14, clear of partitions, and 10 feet high, leaving a passage of 6 feet wide next to each flank of the centre arch, which is approached from the ends. These rooms are each lighted by an elliptical or oval window, whose major axis is vertical.

The second large room is one foot wider than the room below; this is in consequence of the wall being but 6 feet thick, falling off 6 inches on the inner and 6 on the outer side. The second string course provides for this on the outer side. The rooms of this story are similar to those below. The side walls have nine buttresses on a side, and have eight tiers of windows, five in each tier.

The foot of the basement windows are 8 inches above the promenade, rise 3 feet perpendicular, and terminate in a semicircular head. The first-story windows have 12 feet long of sash to the top of the semicircular head. The oval windows have 6¹⁄₂ feet length of sash. The windows of the second story are the same as those below. All these frames have 4¹⁄₂ feet width of sash. The pedestals under all the buttresses project at their base 2 feet; above their base, which is 15 inches by 4¹⁄₂ feet wide, on each front is a figure of a globe 3 feet 11 inches across, whose axis corresponds with the axis of the earth.

The base string course forms a cope for those pedestals. Above this cope the buttresses are 3¹⁄₂ feet, and continue to the height of 100 feet. Above the promenade, close under the second string course on each of the buttresses, is the moon, represented in its different phases. Close under the third string course or cornice is the face of the sun. Immediately above is Saturn with his rings. The buttresses terminate with a projected cope.

The only difference between the tower buttresses and the one just described is, instead of Saturn being on them, we have clouds and rays of light descending.

All of these symbols are to be chiseled in bas-relief on solid stone. The side walls continue above the string course or cornice 8¹⁄₂ feet, making the walls 96 feet high, and are formed in battlements interspersed with stars.

This roof is quite flat, rising only 8 feet, and is to be covered with galvanized iron or some other metal. The building is to be otherwise ornamented in many places. The whole structure is designed to symbolize some of the great architectural work above. The basement windows recede in from the face of the outer wall to the sash frame 23 inches, and are relieved by a large cavetto, while on the inside they are approached by stone steps.

Those windows above the base recede from the face of the wall to the sash frame 3 feet, and are surrounded by stone jambs formed in mouldings, and surmounted by labels over each, which terminate at their horizon, excepting the oval windows, whose labels terminate as columns, which extend from an enriched string course at the foot of each window to the centre of the major axis. My chief object in the last paragraph is to show to the judgment of any who may be baffled how those windows can be come at, etc., etc. All the windows in the towers are moulded, and have stone jambs, each being crowned with label mouldings. The whole house covers an area of 21,850 feet.

For farther particulars, wait till the house is done, then come and see it.

(Signed), Truman O. Angell, Architect.

III. THE MARTYRDOM OF JOSEPH SMITH. BY APOSTLE JOHN TAYLOR.

Being requested by George A. Smith and Willford Woodruff, Church historians, to write an account of events that transpired before and took place at the time of the martyrdom of Joseph Smith, in Carthage jail, in Hancock County, State of Illinois, I write the following principally from memory, not having access to any public documents relative thereto farther than a few desultory items contained in Ford’s “History of Illinois.” I must also acknowledge myself considerably indebted to George A. Smith, who was with me when I wrote it, and who, although not there at the time of the bloody transaction, yet from conversing with several persons who were in the capacity of Church historians, and aided by an excellent memory, has rendered me a considerable service. These and the few items contained in the notes at the end of this account is all the aid I have had. I would farther add that the items contained in the letter, in relation to dates especially, may be considered strictly correct.

After having written the whole, I read it over to the Hon. J. M. Bernhisel, who, with one or two slight alterations, pronounced it strictly correct. Brother Bernhisel was present most of the time. I am afraid that, from the length of time that has transpired since the occurrence, and having to rely almost exclusively on my memory, there may be some slight inaccuracies, but I believe that in the general it is strictly correct; as I figured in those transactions from the commencement to the end, they left no slight impression on my mind.

In the year 1844, a very great excitement prevailed in some parts of the counties of Hancock, Brown, and other neighboring counties, in relation to the “Mormons,” and a spirit of vindictive hatred and persecution was exhibited among the people, which was manifested in the most bitter and acrimonious language, as well as by acts of hostility and violence, frequently threatening the destruction of the citizens of Nauvoo and vicinity, and utter annihilation of the “Mormons” and “Mormonism,” and in some instances breaking out in the most violent acts of ruffianly barbarity; persons were kidnapped, whipped, prosecuted, and falsely accused of various crimes; their cattle and houses injured, destroyed, or stolen; vexatious prosecutions were instituted to vex, harass, and annoy. In some remote neighborhoods they were expelled from their homes without redress, and in others violence was threatened to their persons and property, while in others every kind of insult and indignity was heaped upon them, to induce them to abandon their homes, the county, or the state.

These annoyances, prosecutions, and persecutions were instigated through different agencies and by various classes of men, actuated by different motives, but all uniting in the one object, prosecution, persecution, and extermination of the Saints.

There were a number of wicked and corrupt men living in Nauvoo and its vicinity who had belonged to the Church, but whose conduct was incompatible with the Gospel; they were accordingly dealt with by the Church and severed from its communion; some of these had been prominent members, and held official stations either in the city or Church. Among these was John C. Bennett, formerly Mayor; William Law, Councilor to Joseph Smith; Wilson Law, his natural brother, and general in the Nauvoo Legion; Dr. R. D. Foster, a man of some property, but with a very bad reputation; Francis and Chauncey Higbee, the latter a young lawyer, and both sons of a respectable and honored man in the Church, known as Judge Elias Higbee, who died about twelve months before.

Besides these, there were a great many apostates, both in the city and country, of less notoriety, who, for their delinquencies, had been expelled from the Church. John C. Bennett and Francis and Chauncey Higbee were cut off from the Church; the former was also cashiered from his generalship for the most flagrant acts of seduction and adultery; and such was the scandalous nature of the developments in their cases, that the high council before whom they were tried had to sit with closed doors.

William Law, although councilor to Joseph, was found to be his most bitter foe and maligner, and to hold intercourse, contrary to all law, in his own house, with a young lady resident with him, and it was afterward proved that he had conspired with some Missourians to take Joseph Smith’s life, and was only saved by Josiah Arnold, who, being on guard at his house, prevented the assassins from seeing him. Yet, although having murder in his heart, his manners were generally courteous and mild, and he was well calculated to deceive.

General Wilson Law was cut off from the Church for seduction, falsehood, and defamation; both the above were also court-martialed by the Nauvoo Legion and expelled. Foster was also cut off, I believe, for dishonesty, fraud, and falsehood. I know he was eminently guilty of the whole, but whether these were the specific charges or not, I don’t know, but I do know that he was a notoriously wicked and corrupt man.

Besides the above characters and “Mormonic” apostates, there were other three parties. The first of these may be called religionists, the second politicians, and the third counterfeiters, blacklegs, horse-thieves, and cut-throats.

The religious party were chagrined and maddened because “Mormonism” came in contact with their religion, and they could not oppose it from the Scriptures; and thus, like the ancient Jews, when enraged at the exhibition of their follies and hypocrisies by Jesus and his apostles, so these were infuriated against the Mormons because of their discomfiture by them; and instead of owning the truth and rejoicing in it, they were ready to gnash upon them with their teeth, and to persecute the believers in principles which they could not disprove.

The political party were those who were of opposite politics to us. There were always two parties, the Whigs and Democrats, and we could not vote for one without offending the other; and it not unfrequently happened that candidates for office would place the issue of their election upon opposition to the “Mormons,” in order to gain political influence from religious prejudice, in which case the “Mormons” were compelled, in self-defense, to vote against them, which resulted almost invariably against our opponents. This made them angry; and, although it was of their own making, and the “Mormons” could not be expected to do otherwise, yet they raged on account of their discomfiture, and sought to wreak their fury on the “Mormons.” As an instance of the above, when Joseph Duncan was candidate for the office of Governor of Illinois, he pledged himself to his party that, if he could be elected, he would exterminate or drive the “Mormons” from the state.[234] The consequence was that Governor Ford was elected. The Whigs, seeing that they had been outgeneraled by the Democrats in securing the “Mormon” vote, became seriously alarmed, and sought to repair their disaster by raising a kind of crusade against that people. The Whig newspapers teemed with accounts of the wonders and enormities of Nauvoo, and of the awful wickedness of a party which could consent to receive the support of such miscreants. Governor Duncan, who was really a brave, honest man, and who had nothing to do with getting the “Mormon” charters passed through the Legislature, took the stump on this subject in good earnest, and expected to be elected governor almost on this question alone. The third party, composed of counterfeiters, blacklegs, horse-thieves, and cut-throats, were a pack of scoundrels that infested the whole of the Western country at that time. In some districts their influence was so great as to control important state and county offices. On this subject Governor Ford says the following:

“Then, again, the northern part of the state was not destitute of its organized bands of rogues, engaged in murders, robberies, horse-stealing, and in making and passing counterfeit money. These rogues were scattered all over the north, but the most of them were located in the counties of Ogle, Winnebago, Lee, and De Kalb.

“In the county of Ogle they were so numerous, strong, and well organized that they could not be convicted for their crimes. By getting some of their numbers on the juries, by producing a host of witnesses to sustain their defense by perjured evidence, and by changing the venue of one county to another, by continuances from term to term, and by the inability of witnesses to attend from time to time at distant and foreign counties, they most generally managed to be acquitted.”[235]

There was a combination of horse-thieves extending from Galena to Alton. There were counterfeiters engaged in merchandising, trading, and store-keeping in most of the cities and villages, and in some districts, I have been credibly informed by men to whom they have disclosed their secrets, the judges, sheriffs, constables, and jailers, as well as professional men, were more or less associated with them. These had in their employ the most reckless, abandoned wretches, who stood ready to carry into effect the most desperate enterprises, and were careless alike of human life and property. Their object in persecuting the “Mormons” was in part to cover their own rascality, and in part to prevent them from exposing and prosecuting them; but the principal reason was plunder, believing that if they could be removed or driven they would be made fat on Mormon spoils, besides having in the deserted city a good asylum for the prosecution of their diabolical pursuits.

This conglomeration of apostate Mormons, religious bigots, political fanatics, and combination of blacklegs, all united their forces against the “Mormons,” and organized themselves into a party, denominated “anti-Mormons.” Some of them, we have reason to believe, joined the Church in order to cover their nefarious practices, and when they were expelled for their unrighteousness only raged with greater violence. They circulated every kind of falsehood that they could collect or manufacture against the Mormons. They also had a paper to assist them in their propagations called the “Warsaw Signal,” edited by a Mr. Thomas Sharp, a violent and unprincipled man, who shrunk not from any enormity. The anti-Mormons had public meetings, which were very numerously attended, where they passed resolutions of the most violent and inflammatory kind, threatening to drive, expel, and exterminate the “Mormons” from the state, at the same time accusing them of all the vocabulary of crime.

They appointed their meetings in various parts of Hancock, M‘Donough, and other counties, which soon resulted in the organization of armed mobs, under the direction of officers who reported to their head-quarters, and the reports of which were published in the anti-Mormon paper, and circulated through the adjoining counties. We also published in the “Times and Seasons” and the “Nauvoo Neighbor” (two papers published and edited by me at that time) an account, not only of their proceedings, but our own. But such was the hostile feeling, so well arranged their plans, and so desperate and lawless their measures, that it was with the greatest difficulty that we could get our papers circulated; they were destroyed by postmasters and others, and scarcely ever arrived at the place of their destination, so that a great many of the people, who would have been otherwise peaceable, were excited by their misrepresentations, and instigated to join their hostile or predatory bands.

Emboldened by the acts of those outside, the apostate “Mormons,” associated with others, commenced the publication of a libelous paper in Nauvoo, called the “Nauvoo Expositor.” This paper not only reprinted from the others, but put in circulation the most libelous, false, and infamous reports concerning the citizens of Nauvoo, and especially the ladies. It was, however, no sooner put in circulation than the indignation of the whole community was aroused; so much so, that they threatened its annihilation; and I do not believe that in any other city in the United States, if the same charge had been made against the citizens, it would have been permitted to remain one day. As it was among us, under these circumstances, it was thought best to convene the City Council to take into consideration the adoption of some measures for its removal, as it was deemed better that this should be done legally than illegally. Joseph Smith, therefore, who was then mayor, convened the City Council for that purpose; the paper was introduced and read, and the subject examined. All, or nearly all present, expressed their indignation at the course taken by the “Expositor,” which was owned by some of the aforesaid apostates, associated with one or two others: Wilson Law, Dr. Foster, Charles Ivins, and the Higbees before referred to, some lawyers, store-keepers, and others in Nauvoo who were not “Mormons,” together with the “anti-Mormons” outside of the city, sustained it. The calculation was, by false statements, to unsettle the minds of many in the city, and to form combinations there similar to the anti-Mormon associations outside of the city. Various attempts had therefore been made by the party to annoy and irritate the citizens of Nauvoo; false accusations had been made, vexatious lawsuits instituted, threats made, and various devices resorted to to influence the public mind, and, if possible, to induce us to the commission of some overt act that might make us amenable to the law. With a perfect knowledge, therefore, of the designs of these infernal scoundrels who were in our midst, as well as of those who surrounded us, the City Council entered upon an investigation of the matter. They felt that they were in a critical position, and that any move made for the abating of that press would be looked upon, or at least represented, as a direct attack upon the liberty of speech, and that, so far from displeasing our enemies, it would be looked upon by them as one of the best circumstances that could transpire to assist them in their nefarious and bloody designs. Being a member of the City Council, I well remember the feeling of responsibility that seemed to rest upon all present; nor shall I soon forget the bold, manly, independent expressions of Joseph Smith on that occasion in relation to this matter. He exhibited in glowing colors the meanness, corruption, and ultimate designs of the “anti-Mormons;” their despicable characters and ungodly influences, especially of those who were in our midst; he told of the responsibility that rested upon us, as guardians of the public interest, to stand up in the defense of the injured and oppressed, to stem the current of corruption, and, as men and saints, to put a stop to this flagrant outrage upon this people’s rights. He stated that no man was a stronger advocate for the liberty of speech and of the press than himself; yet, when this noble gift is utterly prostituted and abused, as in the present instance, it loses all claim to our respect, and becomes as great an agent for evil as it can possibly be for good; and notwithstanding the apparent advantage we should give our enemies by this act, yet it behooved us, as men, to act independent of all secondary influences, to perform the part of men of enlarged minds, and boldly and fearlessly to discharge the duties devolving upon us by declaring as a nuisance, and removing this filthy, libelous, and seditious sheet from our midst.

The subject was discussed in various forms, and after the remarks made by the mayor, every one seemed to be waiting for some one else to speak. After a considerable pause, I arose and expressed my feelings frankly, as Joseph had done, and numbers of others followed in the same strain; and I think, but am not certain, that I made a motion for the removal of that press as a nuisance. This motion was finally put, and carried by all but one; and he conceded that the measure was just, but abstained through fear.

Several members of the City Council were not in the Church. The following is the bill referred to:

Bill for Removing of the Press of the “Nauvoo Expositor.”[236]

“Resolved by the City Council of the City of Nauvoo, that the printing-office from whence issues the ‘Nauvoo Expositor’ is a public nuisance; and also all of said ‘Nauvoo Expositors’ which may be or exist in said establishment; and the mayor is instructed to cause said establishment and papers to be removed without delay, in such manner as he shall direct.

“Passed June 10th, 1844. Geo. W. Harris, President pro tem.

“W. Richards, Recorder.”

After the passage of the bill, the marshal, John P. Green, was ordered to abate or remove, which he forthwith proceeded to do by summoning a posse of men for that purpose. The press was removed or broken, I don’t remember which, by the marshal, and the types scattered in the street.

This seemed to be one of those extreme cases that require extreme measures, as the press was still proceeding in its inflammatory course. It was feared that, as it was almost universally execrated, should it continue longer, an indignant people might commit some overt act which might lead to serious consequences, and that it was better to use legal than illegal means.

This, as was foreseen, was the very course our enemies wished us to pursue, as it afforded them an opportunity of circulating a very plausible story about the “Mormons” being opposed to the liberty of the press and of free speech, which they were not slow to avail themselves of. Stories were fabricated, and facts perverted; false statements were made, and this act brought in as an example to sustain the whole of their fabrications; and, as if inspired by Satan, they labored with an energy and zeal worthy of a better cause. They had runners to circulate their reports, not only through Hancock Co., but in all the surrounding counties; these reports were communicated to their “anti-Mormon” societies, and these societies circulated them in their several districts. The “anti-Mormon” paper, the “Warsaw Signal,” was filled with inflammatory articles and misrepresentations in relation to us, and especially to this act of destroying the press. We were represented as a horde of lawless ruffians and brigands, anti-American and anti-republican, steeped in crime and iniquity, opposed to freedom of speech and of the press, and all the rights and immunities of a free and enlightened people; that neither persons nor property were secure; that we had designs upon the citizens of Illinois and of the United States, and the people were called upon to rise en masse, and put us down, drive us away, or exterminate us as a pest to society, and alike dangerous to our neighbors, the state, and commonwealth.

These statements were extensively copied and circulated throughout the United States. A true statement of the facts in question was published by us both in the “Times and Seasons” and the “Nauvoo Neighbor,” but it was found impossible to circulate them in the immediate counties, as they were destroyed at the post-offices or otherwise by the agents of the anti-Mormons, and, in order to get the mail to go abroad, I had to send the papers a distance of thirty or forty miles from Nauvoo, and sometimes to St. Louis (upward of two hundred miles), to insure its proceeding on its route, and then one half or two thirds of the papers never reached the place of destination, being intercepted or destroyed by our enemies.

These false reports stirred up the community around, of whom many, on account of religious prejudice, were easily instigated to join the “anti-Mormons,” and embark in any crusade that might be undertaken against the “Mormons;” hence their ranks swelled in numbers, and new organizations were formed, meetings were held, resolutions passed, and men and means volunteered for the extirpation of the “Mormons.”

These also were the active men in blowing up the fury of the people, in hopes that a popular movement might be set on foot, which would result in the expulsion or extermination of the “Mormon” voters. For this purpose public meetings had been called, inflammatory speeches had been made, exaggerated reports had been extensively circulated, committees had been appointed, who rode night and day to spread the reports and solicit the aid of neighboring counties, and at a public meeting at Warsaw resolutions were passed to expel or exterminate the “Mormon” population. This was not, however, a movement which was unanimously concurred in. The county contained a goodly number of inhabitants in favor of peace, or who at least desired to be neutral in such a contest. These were stigmatized by the name of “Jack Mormons,” and there were not a few of the more furious exciters of the people who openly expressed their intention to involve them in the common expulsion or extermination.

A system of excitement and agitation was artfully planned and executed with tact. It consisted in spreading reports and rumors of the most fearful character. As examples: On the morning before my arrival at Carthage I was awakened at an early hour by the frightful report, which was asserted with confidence and apparent consternation, that the “Mormons” had already commenced the work of burning, destruction, and murder, and that every man capable of bearing arms was instantly wanted at Carthage for the protection of the county.

We lost no time in starting; but when we arrived at Carthage we could hear no more concerning this story. Again, during the few days that the militia were encamped at Carthage, frequent applications were made to me to send a force here, and a force there, and a force all about the country, to prevent murders, robberies, and larcenies which, it was said, were threatened by the “Mormons.” No such forces were sent, nor were any such offenses committed at that time, except the stealing of some provisions, and there was never the least proof that this was done by a “Mormon.” Again, on my late visit to Hancock County, I was informed by some of their violent enemies that the larcenies of the “Mormons” had become unusually numerous and insufferable. They admitted that but little had been done in this way in their immediate vicinity, but they insisted that sixteen horses had been stolen by the “Mormons” in one night near Lima, and, upon inquiry, was told that no horses had been stolen in that neighborhood, but that sixteen horses had been stolen in one night in Hancock County. This last informant being told of the Hancock story, again changed the venue to another distant settlement in the northern edge of Adams.[237]

In the mean time legal proceedings were instituted against the members of the City Council of Nauvoo. A writ, here subjoined, was issued upon the affidavit of the Laws, Foster, Higbees, and Ivins, by Mr. Morrison, a justice of the peace in Carthage, the county seat of Hancock, and put into the hands of one David Bettesworth, a constable of the same place.

Writ issued upon affidavit by Thomas Morrison, J. P., State of Illinois, Hancock County, ss.

“The people of the State of Illinois, to all constables, sheriffs, and coroners of said state, greeting:

“Whereas complaint hath been made before me, one of the justices of the peace in and for the County of Hancock aforesaid, upon the oath of Francis M. Higbee, of said county, that Joseph Smith, Samuel Bennett, John Taylor, William W. Phelps, Hyrum Smith, John P. Green, Stephen Perry, Dimick B. Huntington, Jonathan Dunham, Stephen Markham, William Edwards, Jonathan Holmes, Jesse P. Harmon, John Lytle, Joseph W. Coolidge, Harvey D. Redfield, Porter Rockwell, and Levi Richards, of said county, did, on the 10th day of June instant, commit a riot at and within the county aforesaid, wherein they with force and violence broke into the printing-office of the ‘Nauvoo Expositor,’ and unlawfully and with force burned and destroyed the printing-press, type, and fixtures of the same, being the property of William Law, Wilson Law, Charles Ivins, Francis M. Higbee, Chauncey L. Higbee, Robert D. Foster, and Charles A. Foster.

“These are therefore to command you forthwith to apprehend the said Joseph Smith, Samuel Bennett, John Taylor, William W. Phelps, Hyrum Smith, John P. Green, Stephen Perry, Dimick B. Huntington, Jonathan Dunham, Stephen Markham, William Edwards, Jonathan Holmes, Jesse P. Harmon, John Lytle, Joseph W. Coolidge, Harvey D. Redfield, Porter Rockwell, and Levi Richards, and bring them before me, or some other justice of the peace, to answer the premises, and farther to be dealt with according to law.

“Given under my hand and seal at Carthage, in the county aforesaid, this 11th day of June, A.D. 1844. Thomas Morrison, J. P.” (Seal.)[238]

The council refused not to attend to the legal proceedings in the case, but, as the law of Illinois made it the privilege of the persons accused to go “or appear before the issuer of the writ, or any other justice of peace,” they requested to be taken before another magistrate, either in the city of Nauvoo or at any reasonable distance out of it.

This the constable, who was a mobocrat, refused to do; and as this was our legal privilege, we refused to be dragged, contrary to law, a distance of eighteen miles, when at the same time we had reason to believe that an organized band of mobocrats were assembled for the purpose of extermination or murder, and among whom it would not be safe to go without a superior force of armed men. A writ of habeas corpus was called for, and issued by the municipal court of Nauvoo, taking us out of the hands of Bettesworth, and placing us in the charge of the city marshal. We went before the municipal court, and were dismissed. Our refusal to obey this illegal proceeding was by them construed into a refusal to submit to law, and circulated as such, and the people either did believe, or professed to believe, that we were in open rebellion against the laws and the authorities of the state. Hence mobs began to assemble, among which all through the country inflammatory speeches were made, exciting them to mobocracy and violence. Soon they commenced their prosecutions of our outside settlements, kidnapping some, and whipping and otherwise abusing others.

The persons thus abused fled to Nauvoo as soon as practicable, and related their injuries to Joseph Smith, then mayor of the city, and lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Legion; they also went before magistrates, and made affidavits of what they had suffered, seen, and heard. These affidavits, in connection with a copy of all our proceedings, were forwarded by Joseph Smith to Mr. Ford, then Governor of Illinois, with an expression of our desire to abide law, and a request that the governor would instruct him how to proceed in the case of the arrival of an armed mob against the city. The governor sent back instructions to Joseph Smith that, as he was lieutenant general of the Nauvoo Legion, it was his duty to protect the city and surrounding country, and issued orders to that effect. Upon the reception of these orders Joseph Smith assembled the people of the city, and laid before them the governor’s instructions; he also convened the officers of the Nauvoo Legion for the purpose of conferring in relation to the best mode of defense. He also issued orders to the men to hold themselves in readiness in case of being called upon. On the following day General Joseph Smith, with his staff, the leading officers of the Legion, and some prominent strangers who were in our midst, made a survey of the outside boundaries of the city, which was very extensive, being about five miles up and down the river, and about two and a half back in the centre, for the purpose of ascertaining the position of the ground, and the feasibility of defense, and to make all necessary arrangements in case of an attack.

It may be well here to remark that numbers of gentlemen, who were to us strangers, either came on purpose or were passing through Nauvoo, who, upon learning the position of things, expressed their indignation against our enemies, and avowed their readiness to assist us by their council or otherwise; it was some of these who assisted us in reconnoitering the city, and finding out its adaptability for defense, and the best mode of protection against an armed force. The Legion was called together and drilled, and every means made use of for defense; at the call of the officers both old and young men came forward, both denizens from the city and from the outside regions, and I believe at one time they mustered to the number of about five thousand.

In the mean time our enemies were not idle in mustering their forces and committing depredations, nor had they been; it was, in fact, their gathering that called ours into existence; their forces continued to accumulate; they assumed a threatening attitude, and assembled in large bodies, armed and equipped for war, and threatened the destruction and extermination of the “Mormons.” An account of their outrages and assemblages was forwarded to Governor Ford almost daily, accompanied by affidavits furnished by eyewitnesses of their proceedings. Persons were also sent out to the counties around with pacific intentions, to give them an account of the true state of affairs, and to notify them of the feelings and dispositions of the people of Nauvoo, and thus, if possible, quell the excitement. In some of the more distant counties these men were very successful, and produced a salutary influence upon the minds of many intelligent and well-disposed men. In neighboring counties, however, where “anti-Mormon” influence prevailed, they produced little effect. At the same time, guards were stationed around Nauvoo, and picket-guards in the distance. At length opposing forces gathered so near that more active measures were taken; reconnoitering parties were sent out, and the city proclaimed under martial law. Things now assumed a belligerent attitude, and persons passing through the city were questioned as to what they knew of the enemy, while passes were in some instances given to avoid difficulty with the guards. Joseph Smith continued to send on messengers to the governor (Philip B. Lewis and other messengers were sent). Samuel James, then residing at La Harpe, carried a message and dispatches to him, and in a day or two after Bishop Edward Hunter and others went again with fresh dispatches, representations, affidavits, and instructions; but as the weather was excessively wet, the rivers swollen, and the bridges washed away in many places, it was with great difficulty that they proceeded on their journeys. As the mobocracy had at last attracted the governor’s attention, he started in company with some others from Springfield to the scene of trouble, and missed, I believe, both Brothers James and Hunter on the road, and of course did not see their documents. He came to Carthage, and made that place, which was a regular mobocratic den, his head-quarters; as it was the county-seat, however, of Hancock County, that circumstance might, in a measure, justify his staying there.

To avoid the appearance of all hostility on our part, and to fulfill the law in every particular, at the suggestion of Judge Thomas, judge of that judicial district, who had come to Nauvoo at the time, and who stated that we had fulfilled the law, but, in order to satisfy all, he would counsel us to go before Esquire Wells,[239] who was not in our Church, and have a hearing. We did so, and after a full hearing we were again dismissed.

The governor on the road collected forces, some of whom were respectable; but on his arrival in the neighborhood of the difficulties he received as militia all the companies of the mob forces who united with him. After his arrival at Carthage he sent two gentlemen from there to Nauvoo as a committee to wait upon General Joseph Smith, informing him of the arrival of his excellency, with a request that General Smith would send out a committee to wait upon the governor and represent to him the state of affairs in relation to the difficulties that then existed in the county. We met this committee while we were reconnoitering the city, to find out the best mode of defense as aforesaid. Dr. J. M. Bernhisel and myself were appointed as a committee by General Smith to wait upon the governor. Previous to going, however, we were furnished with affidavits and documents in relation both to our proceedings and those of the mob; in addition to the general history of the transaction, we took with us a duplicate of those documents which had been forwarded by Bishop Hunter, Brother James, and others. We started from Carthage in company with the aforesaid gentleman at about 7 o’clock on the evening of the 21st of June, and arrived at Carthage at about 11 P.M. We put up at the same hotel with the governor, kept by a Mr. Hamilton; on our arrival we found the governor in bed, but not so with the other inhabitants. The town was filled with a perfect set of rabble and rowdies, who, under the influence of Bacchus, seemed to be holding a grand saturnalia, whooping, yelling, and vociferating as if Bedlam had broken loose.

On our arrival at the hotel, and while supper was preparing, a man came to me, dressed as a soldier, and told me that a man named David Carn had just been taken prisoner, and was about to be committed to jail, and wanted me to go bail for him. Believing this to be a ruse to get me out alone, and that some violence was intended, after consulting with Dr. Bernhisel, I told the men that I was well acquainted with Mr. Carn, that I knew him to be a gentleman, and did not believe that he had transgressed law, and, moreover, that I considered it a very singular time to be holding courts and calling for security, particularly as the town was full of rowdyism.

I informed him that both Dr. Bernhisel and myself would, if necessary, go bail for him in the morning, but that we did not feel ourselves safe among such a set at that late hour of the night.

After supper, on retiring to our room, we had to pass through another, which was separated from ours only by a board partition, the beds in each room being placed side by side, with the exception of this fragile partition. On the bed that was in the room which we passed through I discovered a man by the name of Jackson, a desperate character, and a reputed, notorious cut-throat and murderer. I hinted to the doctor that things looked rather suspicious, and looked to see that my arms were in order. The doctor and I both occupied one bed. We had scarcely laid down when a knock at the door, accompanied by a voice, announced the approach of Chauncey Higbee, the young lawyer and apostate before referred to.

He addressed himself to the doctor, and stated that the object of his visit was to obtain the release of Daniel Carn; that Carn he believed to be an honest man; that if he had done any thing wrong, it was through improper counsel, and that it was a pity that he should be incarcerated, particularly when he could be so easily released; he urged the doctor, as a friend, not to leave so good a man in such an unpleasant situation; he finally prevailed upon the doctor to go and give bail, assuring him that on his giving bail Carn would be immediately dismissed.

During this conversation I did not say a word. Higbee left the doctor to dress, with the intention of returning and taking him to the court. As soon as Higbee had left, I told the doctor that he had better not go; that I believed this affair was all a ruse to get us separated; that they knew we had documents with us from General Smith to show to the governor; that I believed their object was to get possession of those papers, and, perhaps, when they had separated us, to murder one or both. The doctor, who was actuated by the best of motives in yielding to the assumed solicitude of Higbee, coincided with my views; he then went to Higbee, and told him that he had concluded not to go that night, but that he and I would both wait upon the justice and Mr. Carn in the morning.

That night I lay awake with my pistols under my pillow, waiting for any emergency. Nothing more occurred during the night. In the morning we arose early, and after breakfast sought an interview with the governor, and were told that we could have an audience, I think, at 10 o’clock. In the mean time we called upon Mr. Smith, a Justice of the Peace, who had Mr. Carn in charge. We represented that we had been called upon the night before by two different parties to go bail for a Mr. Daniel Carn, whom we were informed he had in custody, and that, believing Mr. Carn to be an honest man, we had come now for that purpose, and were prepared to enter into recognizances for his appearance, whereupon Mr. Smith, the magistrate, remarked “that, under the present excited state of affairs, he did not think he would be justified in receiving bail from Nauvoo, as it was a matter of doubt whether property would not be rendered valueless there in a few days.”

Knowing the party we had to deal with, we were not much surprised at this singular proceeding; we then remarked that both of us possessed property in farms out of Nauvoo in the country, and referred him to the county records. He then stated that such was the nature of the charge against Mr. Carn that he believed he would not be justified in receiving any bail. We were thus confirmed in our opinion that the night’s proceedings before, in relation to their desire to have us give bail, was a mere ruse to separate us. We were not permitted to speak with Carn, the real charge against whom was that he was traveling in Carthage or its neighborhood; what the fictitious one was, if I then knew, I have since forgotten, as things of this kind were of daily occurrence.

After waiting the governor’s pleasure for some time we had an audience; but such an audience! He was surrounded by some of the vilest and most unprincipled men in creation; some of them had an appearance of respectability, and many of them lacked even that. Wilson, and, I believe, William Law, were there, Foster, Frank and Chauncey Higbee, Mr. Mar, a lawyer from Nauvoo, a mobocratic merchant from Warsaw, the aforesaid Jackson, a number of his associates, among whom was the governor’s secretary, in all some fifteen or twenty persons, most of whom were recreant to virtue, honor, integrity, and every thing that is considered honorable among men. I can well remember the feelings of disgust that I had in seeing the governor surrounded by such an infamous group, and on being introduced to men of so questionable a character; and had I been on private business, I should have turned to depart, and told the governor that if he thought proper to associate with such questionable characters, I should beg leave to be excused; but coming as we did on public business, we could not, of course, consult our private feelings.

We then stated to the governor that, in accordance with his request, General Smith had, in response to his call, sent us to him as a committee of conference; that we were acquainted with most of the circumstances that had transpired in and about Nauvoo lately, and were prepared to give him all information; that, moreover, we had in our possession testimony and affidavits confirmatory of what we should say, which had been forwarded to him by General Joseph Smith; that communications had been forwarded to his excellency by Mr. Hunter, James, and others, some of which had not reached their destination, but of which we had duplicates with us. We then, in brief, related an outline of the difficulties, and the course we had pursued from the commencement of the troubles up to the present, and handing him the documents, respectfully submitted the whole. During our conversation and explanations with the governor we were frequently rudely and impudently contradicted by the fellows he had around him, and of whom he seemed to take no notice.

He opened and read a number of the documents himself, and as he proceeded he was frequently interrupted by “that’s a lie,” “that’s a God damned lie,” “that’s an infernal falsehood,” “that’s a blasted lie,” etc.

These men evidently winced at an exposure of their acts, and thus vulgarly, impudently, and falsely repudiated them. One of their number, Mr. Mar, addressed himself several times to me while in conversation with the governor. I did not notice him until after a frequent repetition of his insolence, when I informed him “that my business at that time was with Governor Ford,” whereupon I continued my conversation with his excellency. During the conversation the governor expressed a desire that Joseph Smith, and all parties concerned in passing or executing the city law in relation to the press, had better come to Carthage; that, however repugnant it might be to our feelings, he thought it would have a tendency to allay public excitement, and prove to the people what we professed, that we wished to be governed by law. We represented to him the course he had taken in relation to this matter, and our willingness to go before another magistrate other than the Municipal Court; the illegal refusal of our request by the constable; our dismissal by the Municipal Court, a legally constituted tribunal; our subsequent trial before Squire Wells at the instance of Judge Thomas (the circuit judge), and our dismissal by him; that we had fulfilled the law in every particular; that it was our enemies who were breaking the law, and, having murderous designs, were only making use of this as a pretext to get us into their power. The governor stated that the people viewed it differently, and that, notwithstanding our opinions, he would recommend that the people should be satisfied. We then remarked to him that, should Joseph Smith comply with his request, it would be extremely unsafe, in the present excited state of the country, to come without an armed force; that we had a sufficiency of men, and were competent to defend ourselves, but that there might be danger of collision should our forces and that of our enemies be brought into such close proximity. He strenuously advised us not to bring any arms, and pledged his faith as governor, and the faith of the state, that we should be protected, and that he would guarantee our perfect safety.

We had at that time about five thousand men under arms, one thousand of which would have been amply sufficient for our protection.

At the termination of our interview, and previous to our withdrawal, after a long conversation and the perusal of the documents which we had brought, the governor informed us that he would prepare a written communication for General Joseph Smith, which he desired us to wait for. We were kept waiting for this instrument some five or six hours.

About 5 o’clock in the afternoon we took our departure with not the most pleasant feelings. The associations of the governor, the spirit that he manifested to compromise with these scoundrels, the length of time that he had kept us waiting, and his general deportment, together with the infernal spirit that we saw exhibited by those whom he had admitted to his councils, made the prospect any thing but promising.

We returned on horseback, and arrived at Nauvoo, I think, at about 8 or 9 o’clock at night, accompanied by Captain Yates in command of a company of mounted men, who came for the purpose of escorting Joseph Smith and the accused in case of their complying with the governor’s request, and going to Carthage. We went directly to Brother Joseph’s, when Captain Yates delivered to him the governor’s communication. A council was called consisting of Joseph’s brother Hyrum, Dr. Richards, Dr. Bernhisel, myself, and one or two others, when the following letter was read from the governor:

Governor Ford’s Letter to the Mayor and Common Council of Nauvoo.

“Head Quarters, Carthage, June 21st, 1844.

“To the Hon. the Mayor and Common Council of the City of Nauvoo:

“Gentlemen,—Having heard of the excitement in this part of the country, and judging that my presence here might be necessary to preserve the peace and enforce the laws, I arrived at this place this morning. Both before and since my arrival, complaints of a grave character have been made to me of certain proceedings of your honorable body. As chief magistrate, it is my duty to see that impartial justice shall be done, uninfluenced by the excitement here or in your city.

“I think, before any decisive measure shall be adopted, that I ought to hear the allegations and defenses of all parties. By adopting this course I have some hope that the evils of war may be averted; and, at any rate, I will be enabled by it to understand the true merits of the present difficulties, and shape my course with reference to law and justice.

“For these reasons, I have to request that you will send out to me, at this place, one or more well-informed and discreet persons, who will be capable of laying before me your version of the matter, and of receiving from me such explanations and resolutions as may be determined on.

“Colonel Elam S. Freeman will present you this note in the character of a herald from the governor. You will respect his character as such, and permit him to pass and repass free from molestation.

“Your messengers are assured of protection in person and property, and will be returned to you in safety.

“I am, gentlemen, with high considerations, most respectfully your obedient servant, Thomas Ford, Governor and Commander-in-Chief.”[240]

We then gave a detail of our interview with the governor. Brother Joseph was very much dissatisfied with the governor’s letter and with his general deportment, and so were the council, and it became a serious question as to the course we should pursue. Various projects were discussed, but nothing definitely decided upon for some time. In the interim two gentlemen arrived; one of them, if not both, sons of John C. Calhoun. They had come to Nauvoo, and were very anxious for an interview with Brother Joseph. These gentlemen detained him for some time; and as our council was held in Dr. Bernhisel’s room in the Mansion House, the doctor lay down; and as it was now between 2 and 3 o’clock in the morning, and I had had no rest on the previous night, I was fatigued, and thinking that Brother Joseph might not return, I left for home and rest.

Being very much fatigued, I slept soundly, and was somewhat surprised in the morning by Mrs. Thompson entering my room about 7 o’clock, and exclaiming in surprise, “What, you here! the brethren have crossed the river some time since.” “What brethren?” I asked. “Brother Joseph, and Hyrum, and Brother Richards.” I immediately arose upon learning that they had crossed the river, and did not intend to go to Carthage. I called together a number of persons in whom I had confidence, and had the type, stereotype plates, and most of the valuable things removed from the printing-office, believing that, should the governor and his force come to Nauvoo, the first thing they would do would be to burn the printing-office, for I knew that they would be exasperated if Brother Joseph went away. We had talked over these matters the night before, but nothing was decided upon. It was Brother Joseph’s opinion that, should we leave for a time, public excitement, which was then so intense, would be allayed; that it would throw on the governor the responsibility of keeping the peace; that, in the event of any outrage, the onus would rest upon the governor, who was amply prepared with troops, and could command all the forces of the state to preserve order; and that the acts of his own men would be an overwhelming proof of their seditious designs, not only to the governor, but to the world. He moreover thought that, in the East, where he intended to go, public opinion would be set right in relation to these matters, and its expression would partially influence the West, and that, after the first ebullition, things would assume a shape that would justify his return. I made arrangements for crossing the river, and Brother Elias Smith and Joseph Cain, who were both employed in the printing-office with me, assisted all that lay in their power, together with Brother Brower and several hands in the printing-office. As we could not find out the exact whereabouts of Joseph and the brethren, I crossed the river in a boat furnished by Brothers Cyrus H. Wheelock and Alfred Bell; and after the removal of the things of the printing-office, Joseph Cain brought the account-books to me, that we might make arrangements for their adjustment; and Brother Elias Smith, cousin to Brother Joseph, went to obtain money for the journey, and also to find out and report to me the location of the brethren. As Cyrus H. Wheelock was an active, enterprising man, and in the event of not finding Brother Joseph I calculated to go to Upper Canada for the time being, and should need a companion, I said to Brother Wheelock, “Can you go with me ten or fifteen hundred miles?” He answered “Yes.” “Can you start in half an hour?” “Yes.” However, I told him that he had better see his family, who lived over the river, and prepare a couple of horses and the necessary equipage for the journey, and that, if we did not find Brother Joseph before, we would start at nightfall. A laughable incident occurred on the eve of my departure. After making all the preparations I could previous to leaving Nauvoo, and having bid adieu to my family, I went to a house adjoining the river owned by Brother Eddy. There I disguised myself so as not to be known, and so effectually was the transformation that those who had come after me with a boat did not know me. I went down to the boat and sat in it. Brother Bell, thinking it was a stranger, watched my moves for some time very impatiently, and then said to Brother Wheelock, “I wish that old gentleman would go away; he has been pottering around the boat for some time, and I am afraid Elder Taylor will be coming.” When he discovered his mistake, he was not a little amused. I was conducted by Brother Bell to a house that was surrounded by timber on the opposite side of the river. There I spent several hours in a chamber with Brother Joseph Cain, adjusting my accounts; and I made arrangements for the stereotype plates of the “Book of Mormon,” and “Doctrine and Covenants,” to be forwarded East, thinking to supply the company with subsistence money through the sale of these books in the East.

My horses were reported ready by Brother Wheelock, and funds on hand by Brother Elias Smith. In about half an hour I should have started, when Brother Elias Smith came to me with word that he had found the brethren; that they had concluded to go to Carthage, and wished me to return to Nauvoo and accompany them. I must confess that I felt a good deal disappointed at this news, but I immediately made preparations to go. Escorted by Brother Elias Smith, I and my party went to the neighborhood of Montrose, where we met Brother Joseph, Hyrum, Brother Richards, and others. Dr. Bernhisel thinks that W. W. Phelps was not with Joseph and Hyrum in the morning, but that he met him, myself, Joseph, and Hyrum, W. Richards, and Brother Calhoun, in the afternoon, near Montrose, returning to Nauvoo. On meeting the brethren I learned that it was not Brother Joseph’s desire to return, but that he came back by request of some of the brethren, and that it coincided more with Brother Hyrum’s feelings than with those of Brother Joseph. In fact, after his return, Brother Hyrum expressed himself as perfectly satisfied with the course taken, and said that he felt much more at ease in his mind than he did before. On our return the calculation was to throw ourselves under the immediate protection of the governor, and to trust to his word and faith for our preservation.