Introductory material (continued 2)

It is well known that the oldest inhabitants of our country came from the East. They, doubtless, were acquainted with the art of shipbuilding and they must have adapted their types to the necessities forced upon them by the state of the navigable highways of our low-lying lands.

It can be assumed that the cradle of the naval architecture of the Netherlands was in the Baltic Sea. So, let us turn our eyes first in that direction where, from the most distant times, the art of shipbuilding must have reached a high degree of perfection. This follows not only from the vessels of the time of the Vikings which have been found, but also from the researches made in late years. These researches have authorized the conclusion that, even in ancient times, the peoples of the North seem to have crossed the North Sea. The Swedish archeologist Montelius even assumes that there were already continuous relations between the West coast of Sweden and the East coast of England at the close of the age of stone.

Long before the expeditions, properly so called, made toward the South by the Vikings, the latter crossed the sea, and it is settled beyond question that they were given to navigation at the beginning of our era. Tacitus speaks of the powerful fleets of the Swedes which, in his time, did not use sails but only oars. The author of the work Vesterlandenes indflyelse poa Nordboenes og saerlig Nordmaennenes ydze kulture leveesat og simfundfs Jorhold i Vickingetiden af ALEXANDER BUGGE[6] 1905, seems authorized, under these conditions, in saying that the navigation of the North owes its origin to the Suevi and the Goths settled on the shores of the Baltic, whence it passed later to the Norsemen and the Danes. It may also be added, we believe, that the same was the case with regard to the Netherlands, Great Britain, Belgium and a part of the North of France.

The celebrated German philologist and archeologist, Professor H. Zimmer, supposes that the Norsemen visited the Shetland Islands between the years 590 and 644. This supposition has been confirmed by the researches of Dr. Jacob Jacobsen, who lived for a long time in these islands in order to study there the Norse names of the villages and to pick up still other traces of the Norse language. This savant also concluded that the Norsemen must have already visited the Shetland Islands about the year 700.

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If these facts be compared with what used to be done on the Mediterranean, where the endeavor was always made to land at night, it is impossible to repress a sentiment of admiration for the Norsemen who crossed the sea fearlessly as far as Iceland and Greenland. Their naval architecture must even then have reached an extraordinary degree of perfection, full proof of which is found in the construction of the superb ships “Oxberg” and “Gokstad”, found in the neighborhood of Sandefijord (Christiania Museum of Antiquities).

Hence it is scarcely probable that the peoples of the North should have learned anything at all about shipbuilding during their expeditions across Western Europe. On the contrary, this part of Europe, including the Netherlands, must have borrowed the art of shipbuilding from them. It was also only very much later that a navy and fleet were spoken of in England. (See HOLMES, Ancient and Modern Ships, 1900.)

Afterwards, the Norsemen extended their excursions more and more toward the South; they settled in Normandy and took possession of England. It was in the course of these expeditions that they became acquainted with the naval architecture of the Mediterranean. It is needless to say that they must then have appreciated the perfection which the latter had reached. Furthermore their interest demanded it. They borrowed, in particular from the nations of Southern Europe the anchor which these, in their turn, had learned from the Greeks. The Norse word “akkeri”, which means anchor, seems to be borrowed from the Anglo-Saxon “ancor” which owes its origin to the Latin word “ancora”. The word “forkr”, meaning a boathook, is also of foreign origin; it comes from the Anglo-Saxon “forca” and from the Latin “furca”.

The types of the Norse vessels have, however, not been changed as the result of contact with the South. The extraordinary life of the Vikings and their continual piracies justify the conclusion that the merchant ship was not improved among them, but rather among the peoples engaged in a more regular trade. There is really, in my opinion, no cause for astonishment that this development should have taken place in the North-Western part of Europe. There are some even who claim that the vessel “busse”, generally in use during the Middle Ages, came to us from Normandy and dates from the beginning of the XIth century. In order to support this claim, they take their stand on the fact that the word “busse” appears first at about this time in the Chronicles.

J. Steenslup has called attention to a people of seamen called the “Butsecarlas” (mentioned in the old Anglo-Saxon Chronicles of the year 1066 and in the book of Florent Wigorniensis, dating from 1052), who occupied the coasts of Hasting and Yorkshire. This writer also calls attention to the second part of the word, which belongs to the Norse tongue, while the word “buza” occurs frequently in the Old Norse and the Old Swedish, near the XIIIth century, and means a boat of sharply curved form. This word, however, is of Romana origin: it corresponds, so it said, to the Old French buse or buce (dating from about 1080); hence it is considered that the vessel “buce” is originally from Normandy.

This, however, does not seem to be so sure. It has been shown, as a matter of fact, that the same shapes of ships have been preserved for ages even though under other names.

The fact that the word buse is used for the first time about the year 1050 is, therefore, no proof that the type of vessel in question only appeared at this time. I am rather inclined to think that the type under consideration was already in existence, but that it was named buse or buze in Normandy only toward 1050 and, probably, after having undergone a few unimportant changes.

Shipbuilding was imported from the Baltic into the Netherlands by the most ancient inhabitants of this country, the Frisians and the Saxons, who then developed it aside from any foreign influence.

In this respect, the quotation from Witsen, which appears on page 47 of his well known work, becomes really important: De Vriezen komt de lof toe van de herstelde scheepsbouw in Nederland, zoo de meeste schryvers willen[7]. The question is, indeed, that of a development of its own in the North-Western part of Europe; the special and identical forms, still found to-day, to a great extent, from Denmark to Belgium, are sufficient proof of the fact.

This is why the Baltic may be spoken of broadly as the Northern centre, in opposition to the Mediterranean Sea as the Southern centre. The development of shipbuilding had this Northern centre as its starting point and finally reached its highest mark in the Netherlands. France and England came later.

The art of shipbuilding spread gradually through the Netherlands, which continued to go forward until the time when France dominated all by the continental blockade.

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Let us return now to the types of ships. It has been said, that several boats of the Vikings have been found. One, especially, was discovered at Haugen in 1867, and another at Gokstad in 1880. Before that, in 1865, three had already been found in Jutland three specimens which seemed to date from the Vth century. The largest of these was 70 feet long.

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A Viking vessel was also discovered at Charbuw, near Pommeren. The last discovery was made in the suburbs of Oxenberg, near Christianiafjord, Norway, in 1904.

All these boats are for oars; still sails could be used, they being attached to the mast put up in the centre of the vessel. Considering their beam, these ships are not so long as the vessels for oars of the Mediterranean; in fact, their breadth is to their length as 1:5. They are full near the middle and become narrower at the bow and stern. The stem and the sternpost, which are both curved, rise very high above the water. An oar attached to the stern was used as a rudder.

Their construction differed also from that of the Mediterranean vessels; here, only ships having smooth sides are met with, whereas the Viking boats are clinker built.

The “Gokstad” is one of the most beautiful specimens of this type. HOLMES has described it in detail, in his fine work Ancient and Modern Ships, pp. 55 et seq. This vessel is 77 feet and 11 inches long, 16 feet and 7 inches broad and 5 feet and 9 inches deep; it is also clinker built and rivetted.

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Turning now toward Norway, let the fishing boats still in use there to-day be considered; the resemblance of these boats to the Viking ship will be found striking both in shape and structure. It is this which makes HOLMES say (p. 60): “Such an instance of persistency in type is without parallel in the history of shipbuilding”.

It has been seen that this fact occurs not only in Norway but among all nations. There is nothing to cause astonishment in again finding the most ancient models in fishing boats. No class is more conservative than are fishermen, who build their barks as their forefathers did and on whom necessity alone can force new forms.

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Aside from the specimens discovered in the North, little is left of the oldest types of ships. There is nothing left of them save a few vague descriptions and imperfect reproductions. In this order of ideas, the coat of arms of the city of Amsterdam is the best known document which the Netherlands supplies. WITSEN’s work contains, on page 362, several reproductions of these arms dating from different epochs.

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HOLMES reproduces, besides, the ships which figure on an old Bayeux tapestry (1066), as well as the “Sandwich Seal” of 1238, the “Dover Seal” of 1284 and the “Pool Seal” of 1325 (pp. 67 and 68). These three seals agree with the oldest of the arms of Amsterdam and the ship which they carry is, in every respect, similar to that of the said city. Too much importance cannot be attached, however, to this detail, because, just as the lion of heraldry is very little like a real lion, it is to be supposed that the heraldic ship is not a faithful reproduction of the real type.

The old illustrated Bible of 1200-1220, preserved in the Royal Library of The Hague, and which seems to have come from Northern France, contains also a remarkable reproduction; the type of boat which it gives is also like the preceding ones.

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The identity of all these figures allows it to be supposed that a single type of ship ruled in Western Europe; while the clearly pointed out timbers of the planking shows clinker built work.

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The reproduction of the Bayeux tapestry shows, besides, that the sail was very early in use; the pilot of one of the ships shown there holds the sheet in his hand. Besides—and this fact is worthy of notice—these vessels all have sensibly vertical stems and sternposts, just as they are still found in our times on a few Norwegian fishing boats.

The “cog”, the vessel in the arms of Amsterdam, is a very well known mediæval type, of which the importance becomes marked in Western and Central Europe from and after the XIIIth century, when the Hanse towns and the Frisians improved it greatly.

This ship, which was very broad for its length, was hard to board, whence its usefulness in time of war.

The “cog” seems to date back further than the institution of the Hanseatic league (1250) judging by the fact that its name was known well before this date. Thus, the inhabitants of the Netherlands had to equip several cogs wherewith to fight the invasions of the Norsemen (810-1010). It was the application of the feudal system to navigation. (See LA CROIX, p. 88.) It is known that this policy was finally established under Charlemagne who subjugated the Frisians in 785 and the Saxons in 804. (Mr. J. C. DE JONGE, History of the Navy of the Netherlands, Vol. 1, p. 6.)

It is needless to say that everything was soon put to work to escape it. A charter of the Roman King Otho I (936-973) calls for a tenth of a “cog” (Kogschult) of which the product came to the bishop of Utrecht. It was the commutation for the obligation to serve the prince with cogs. This obligation seems, in principle, to have struck more especially the countries lying along the present Zuyder Zee. (Mr. DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 7.)

The “cog” only appears for the first time in Germany in 1211, when the Emperor Otho IV allowed the inhabitants of Wismar to maintain two “cogs” (Cogken), and as many small vessels as they desired.

There are some who claim that the word cog, “Kuggr” in old Norse, comes from the Italian “cocca”, the Spanish “coca” or the old French “coche” and, consequently, they believe that the word is of Romance origin. This does not seem likely; the “cog” is a type of vessel copied from the old Viking boat and adapted to the special conditions of the navigable highways in the low lands of the North-West of Europe. Hence it was robust and full to facilitate grounding.

In reality, the “cog” was unknown in the Mediterranean; this follows from what the Florentine historian Villani relates in connection with the battle of Zierikzee. If this vessel had been a Mediterranean type, the author would not have directed especial attention to this form of ship. Hence the “cog” really belongs to Northern Europe and owes its perfecting to the Frisians and most of all to the Flemings.

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The “cog” was generally in use in the XIIIth century and it may be assumed that the Norsemen already knew it in the time of the Vikings. Unfortunately, very little concerning it has come down to us. The oldest reproductions which we possess are those of the seals of Amsterdam and Harderwijk. But the ship which figures in the arms of the former city has undergone many changes in the course of the ages. Witsen says that it is an ill drawn figure and he imputes this defective work to the ignorance of the engravers. (WITSEN, p. 363.)

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The arms of Harderwijk agree with those of Damme (JAL, Gloss. nautique, p. 1051); there is no doubt that the two seals show the same ship (the only difference being that the Damme boat carries two towers). If then the Harderwijk ship represents a “cog”, as is claimed by WITSEN (p. 364, 2d column), the same must be the case with the one of Damme.

In so far as the Amsterdam seals are concerned, Witsen further remarks, that the oldest could not date before the year 1200, as Amsterdam did not rank as a city before that time. He adds that it is clearly seen from these arms “hoe het met de bouwery der Kogschepen oulinx heeft gestaen en hoe haer gestalte steeds is veranderd met den tyt, gelyck men ook hedens-daegs (dus ten tyde van dien schryver) de gestalten der schepen steeds verandern ziet” (bl. 364.)[8].

The cogs were clinker built.

Most of the reproductions show only a rounded bow. It can therefore be deduced that the boat which appears in the arms of Harderwijk is a variation of the ordinary “cog”. It should be noticed that all the old types of Dutch ships show, like the “cog”, a slightly rounded bow with no beak.

II 124 etc.

Although the old Flemish engravings of the XVth century show different types of ships, it is to be remarked that none of these latter is called a “cog”. Still all these engravings show thick-set boats, with a rounded bow, which must certainly have been derived from the “cogs” which have been scarcely changed.

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There is even a reproduction which dates from the beginning of the XVIth century and which shows a Zeeland “cog”. The bow and stern seem there to be identical in shape; it is to be assumed however, judging by the position of the mast which is at about one-third the length of the ship abaft the stem, that the bow was fuller than the stern. The stem is curved as is also the sternpost; the tiller passes through a statie[9]. The mast rakes a great deal, as was required by the use of the old sprits; the vessel is also provided with lee-boards.

The reproduction does not show clearly whether the hull is clinker built. It is very possible that the sides were carvel built, because this style of work was already in use at that time. The boat has no “arcasse”[10]; the hold is covered with convex hatch covers.

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This Zeeland “cog” is derived, doubtless, from the primitive “cog”. Let us suppose this vessel as having a little fuller ends; as having the mast in the middle; as having a steering oar instead of a rudder; the lee-boards suppressed and a clinker-built hull; we shall have an idea of the “cog”. This being so, the cause of the existence of our “bom” becomes more important; this latter boat, as is well known, has been greatly enlarged during the past century and has gained fullness at the ends so as to increase its capacity. This is noticeable when the bow of a “bom” is compared with that of the boat used for catching shrimps. This latter has still the old rounded forms and is not so wide in proportion to its length.

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Let us suppose then that the “bom” is less square at its ends, higher at bow and stern, that is to say: having a little more sheer, like the boats of former times; there will be had a vessel which, with its clinker built sides, will differ little from the old “cog”, still met with as a rarity in our fleet of fishing boats.

Changed in this way, the “bom” no longer differs so much from the “Egmonderpink” reproduced and described by WITSEN (p. 168); it might even be concluded that it descends therefrom. It can be understood from this how it is, even in our days, that the “bommen” are often called “pinken”.

Thus a picture, in the town Museum of The Hague, shows the beach at Schevening covered, not with “bommen” but with “Egmonderpinken”.

This subject will be taken up again in speaking of fishing boats.

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The shrimp fishing boats have been less changed; consequently, aside from the counter which was added later, they differed less from the “Egmonderpink” which, finally, are found again almost complete in the Ostend fishing boats, as LELONG has pointed out in his Encyclopedia of Naval Architecture, p. 17.

The “bommen” were still able in the XIXth century to render good service as coast guards. There is nothing to prove that they existed in Witsen’s time; the contrary is more likely, as this author does not mention them. He merely says that, beside the “Egmonderpinken”, other and much smaller fishing boats were seen on the beach and that they carried only fore and aft sails. If these boats had differed much in shape from the “pinken”, it is to be believed that mention of the fact would have been made. (See WITSEN, p. 168, 2d column.)

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The artist who reproduced the Zeeland “cog” has left also the drawing of a “Doghboot” which also came from Zeeland (WITSEN, p. 170, 2d col.) and which resembled very much this “cog”. The stem is a little longer, the “statie” is not closed and the vessel has no convex hatch covers. The rig only differs entirely from that of the “pink” and everything leads to the belief that this kind of boat came from the South.

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The same artist gives a figure of a “Heude” or “Heu” from Brabant, which might be called a small Zeeland “cog”. Still, there appear to have been larger “Heudes”, judging by the Brussels “Heu” which was a vessel carrying two pieces of artillery, but of which the reproduction does not give the means for determining the shape of the ship.

It will be well to note here that great circumspection should be used in the matter of these different names adopted to designate such or such vessel. These names have been the cause of much confusion, an example of which is offered by the famous discussion which took place at Groningen, in 1902-1903, as to the question of knowing what a “pram” was.

The crusades, which began in 1096, contributed largely toward perfecting the ship. It was the same with the invention of the compass in the first half of the XIIIth century (HOLMES, p. 66). Commerce and navigation rose higher and higher. Already in the course of the XIIIth century, Damme became the ware house of Northern Europe. Italy, Spain and France brought their products there.

The old maritime customs of Damme served later as the basis of maritime law in Holland, Northern Germany (M. KOENEN, p. 50), Sweden and Denmark.

The XIIIth century saw commercial treaties concluded with the Hanseatic cities and, in 1252, tariffs were fixed (M. KOENEN). “Losbogen, scharpoise, eenvaren” (boats with high sides) and “hekbooten” are in question in these tariffs; and these names are also found in an act made between the Lords of Kuyck and of Dordrecht to settle a difficulty concerning the city duties at the former of these towns.

Among the “losbogen”, are found the boats which were unloaded at the bow or “booge”, as is still done with vessels which carry wood.

The boats used on the Scarp, a tributary of the Scheldt, are placed among the “scharpoises or exarpoises”.

The “eenvaren” were boats handled by a single boatman, and the “hekbooten” were boats which had a square stern.

These few denominations suffice to prove that, even at so early a period, there were different kinds of boats and that alongside of the “cog” there were other vessels of smaller size.

In the beginning, the “cog” was guided by oars, as were other ships; this method was abandoned gradually in the XIIIth century and the steering oar gave place to the rudder.

It is not possible to determine, for Holland, the time when this change occurred; the various coats of arms of Amsterdam can throw no light on this subject. The ship, on many of them, has no rudder, symbolical, doubtless of the fact that people could sail for all parts of the globe (WITSEN, p. 634), and that vessels started from Amsterdam bound to all the countries upon earth.

It is to be assumed, nevertheless, that it was also in the XIIIth century that the rudder was introduced into Holland. Some persons have tried to make out that there was a certain connection between the adoption of the compass and that of the rudder; this latter became forced, they say, when, thanks to the compass, more and more distant expeditions could be undertaken.

For my part, I do not think that there can be the slightest connection between the two events; the Norsemen, in fact, crossed the North Sea before the rudder was known.

The oldest reproductions of the “cog”, however primitive they may be, have a mast with the sails and rigging of the boat at the centre. I know of no reproduction showing oars. Hence it can be deduced that the sails and rigging formed the main outfit and that the oars, of which the number, even on the largest “cogs”, was limited to a maximum of 32, or 16 on each side, were used only in calm weather. This is what is done at the present time for vessels of less importance, such as the “hoys”.

Hence the oars were only an accessory, the reverse of what was seen for the galleys, where the oars were the main feature and the sails and rigging were secondary. That is why, contrary to what is seen for the “cog”, no reproduction of a galley without oars has been met with.

It is therefore wrong that the name of galleys should be given sometimes to “cogs”. The former were never implanted in the Netherlands, Mr. de Jonge has already pointed out the inaccuracy of the passage of the Annexes of Wagenaar, vol. 3, p. 50, where that author relates that the eleven hundred ships sent against Antwerp by Count William III were almost exclusively galleys.

However, there is a question of galleys in the history of the Netherlands; but it is not a question of the Mediterranean type. Their number was limited and they were used only on rivers.

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An engraving which dates from about the year 1600, and shows the Scheldt in front of Antwerp, as well as a view of Gouda, shows boats of this kind.

These galleys were only large rowboats, a little longer than the ordinary ones (DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 80) and carried only 32 oars at the most. The largest Netherlands galley belonged to the guard of Amsterdam and was called the Terror of the Zuyder zee. Those which were used in naval battles come from the South.

Any one who knows the national character of the Dutch will not be astonished at seeing that the galley had no success in Holland. The trade of the galley slave was considered too vile and no volunteer rowers were to be found; furthermore slavery did not exist and serfdom had been early suppressed. (WITSEN, p. 194, col. 1.)

However, the cogs did not confine themselves to the simple forms which have been sketched. The constant wars, which brought out the fortified castles of the Middle Ages, soon led to the construction on the sea of structures of the same sort, and gradually there were seen to develope among us also the towers which arose at the bow and stern of the ships. The seals of Amsterdam give a striking illustration of this.

Military tactics were not without their influence on this way of building vessels. The crusades and the subsequent relations with the peoples of the Mediterranean, among whom the practice of castles was known, made us familiar with these superelevated constructions. If, in a first encounter, the enemy’s vessel could not be sunk, it was boarded so as to bring about a hand to hand fight. The conqueror was then he who had at hand the most robust ships and who could place himself sufficiently high up to let fly his arrows at the enemy. Nothing was more natural, then, than to imitate on ships the fortified castles with their crenelated towers. If the enemy succeeded in boarding the ship, the defense withdrew to the castles. There should be no cause for astonishment therefore at finding the old tops on the masts and at learning that even the boats were hoisted there in order more surely to crush the adversary under a shower of arrows and stones (Mr. DE JONGE, p. 20).

It can be conceived that the movable castles should not have answered to expectations and, therefore, that an arrangement was soon reached to make but a single body of the castle and the ship, and thence to raise the bow and the stern.

Portugal and Spain, imitating the Mediterranean, had the start of us in constructing castles.

Thus the vessel of the XVIth century is seen to develope gradually and we can understand how the intermediate low part between the forward and after castles should persist.

In the beginning, the deck did not exist in the central part. Then, in order to protect this last against stones and other projectiles, it was covered with a wooden lattice (See, among others, WITSEN, p. 51, col. 2), while its sides were furnished with loopholes covered with pewter, to make it more difficult to scale in case of boarding.

The English seals, more finely and more artistically engraved than ours, give an excellent idea of the progressive development of the castles. Five of them show the sides of the ships as clinker built, while the seal of the city of Poole makes the rivets really visible. The castles are so clearly shown in their successive phases of development, that any explanation is unnecessary. The steering oar, which is seen on the oldest seal, is replaced by a rudder on the others. The Boston seal shows a well turned out three-masted vessel with smooth sides.

All the seals, save this last, show the forms of “cogs”, which proves once more the identity of the types of ships of the North-West of Europe. (Holmes states, on page 70 of his work, that the Poole seal gives the oldest English reproduction of a ship with a rudder, 1325.)

As has been said already, the adoption of the compass was the signal for cutting loose from the coast and for undertaking more distant voyages. We learn, especially in the Reygersbergh Chronijk van Zeelant (published by Boschhorn) Vol. II, p. 212, that about 1440, when the use of the compass had scarcely become general, the Zeelanders worked more and more toward the South, making toward Portugal and Spain.

Before then, these countries seemed so far away that, when starting on a voyage thither, the seamen went to confession and the Holy Sacraments were received.

At the same time with the invention of the compass, another event came to produce a great influence on shipbuilding; it was the invention of gunpowder, with the consequent adoption of artillery.

The history of the Netherlands speaks for the first time of the use of artillery in connection with the expedition of Duke Albert against the Frisians in 1396. It seems, however, to have been used at the siege of the castle of Rozenburg-lez-Voorschoten, in 1351 (M. DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 28).

Cannon were not used either at the battle of the Sluis or in the maritime expeditions of King Richard III. But they were in general use on board ship in the XIVth century. (HOLMES, p. 71.) The Genoese and the Venetians in the South, and the Hanseatic cities in the North, who were the masters of all peoples in commerce and navigation, were the first to adopt them. (M. DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 29.)

It was natural that artillery should modify war tactics and it can be said that the military value of ships depended on the number of guns which they carried. Finally, ships were built exclusively for war, and the practice of the Middle Ages, which was to utilize merchantmen for this purpose, must needs be abandoned.

The United Provinces did not decide at once to build special ships. Hence the dimensions of existing types had to be increased, in order that a larger number of guns could be mounted. The difference between sea-going ships and inland vessels became more and more marked. The war ship was evidently the one which departed the most from the old forms, for the reason that it had to undergo every change which had been advantageously adopted by the enemy.

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The earliest guns were not greatly to be feared. The proof of this is found in the fact that the coverings of staterooms and castles were sloped, like roofs, so as to make the bombs thrown by the foe roll off more easily.

The name of cog disappears as ships increase in size. The vessels met with are generally called “Hulken” and “Baertzen” toward the end of the XIVth and during the XVth centuries; and, after all, says Witsen, they are only types of ships formerly in use in our country. The “Hulk”, he adds, the larger of the two, used to sail for distant lands; its capacity was as great, sometimes, as 200 lasts. (WITSEN, p. 494, col. 2.)

The “Baertze” was a ship equipped as much for coast defense as for war at sea. In 1518, there were built a very large number of them which ran under sail, but which could be moved by oars in calm weather. (WITSEN, p. 483, col. 1.)

Hence these two types were merchantmen, the “Baertze” especially being used for war. Their equipment included oars too, which were used when the wind failed.

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Nor did the XVth century, itself, see any ships built exclusively for war. This century has left us some very beautiful reproductions of Flemish origin (See, Der Meister W. A. of MAX LEHR, 1895, p. 1), on three of which appear the names of “Baertze”, “Barge” and “Kraeck”.

The ships shown there have the same characteristics and differ from each other only in their rig. It is seen that they are bluff-bowed and that their bow is rounded as is also their stern.

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Aside from the “Kraeck” none of these vessels carries artillery: all have, however, a castle, still of quite simple construction, at bow and stern. The “Kraeck” alone was supplied later with windows in the stern above the gallery.

Then too, in these reproductions, all the castles, except those of the “Kraeck”, have no roof. This last vessel is the largest, beyond doubt; its very name brings at once to mind a type of ship of which the size and the strong construction seem to find their origin in the Spanish “Carack”, whence the name of “Kraeck”.

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The form of this vessel scarcely differs, however, from that of the others; the bow especially approaches rather the Dutch type than the type of the Spanish carack or of the galleon (compare the figure reproduced in VAN YK’s work, p. 9). Hence it may be supposed that the “Kraeck” should have differed from other vessels only by larger castles, stronger rig and increased size.

The “Barge” and the “Baertze” give, with vessels shown on other reproductions, an idea of the Dutch ship of the XVth century. No “Hulken” are met with among these vessels; they were clinker built (WITSEN, p. 496, col. 1, Caravelle), while all the reproductions under consideration show only ships with smooth sides.

Besides the “Hulken”, there were “Razeilers” and “Krayers” which had also clinker built sides. Here, then, is found the old way of building “cogs”, and it may be stated that we are in the presence of vessels which owe their origin to this type of ship, and only have a different name because of certain changes of detail in the matter of their rig or the construction of their castles.

A Flemish miniature of the XVth century gives a very remarkable reproduction of a vessel of the time. A “cog” with overlapping planks is seen here. In accordance with the custom of the Middle Ages, this ship has three masts with tops, a castle at bow and stern, and guns; there are no gun-ports.

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The “cogs” which were in use in the XIIIth century, were replaced in the XIVth by the “Krayers” and “Hulken” which had to give way, in their turn in the XVth century, to the “Barges”, “Baertzen” etc. The clinker built sides of large ships only disappeared in this last century, to give room to the smooth sides, a mode of construction which took root with us as the result of our relations with the peoples of the Mediterranean.

An old Record of Hoorn, written by D. Velius, relates that the carvel built side was first applied by “Juliaan” at Zierikzee, and adopted at Hoorn in 1460. The ships built in this way were called “Karviel”, “Kraweel” or “Karveel” (WITSEN, p. 496, col. 1) and their type, according to this author, would seem to have been copied from the Latin vessel “Carabus”. M. DE JONGE, on his side (vol. I, p. 79, note) remarks that “Juliaan” might well have been an Italian.

Witsen gives of these “Karviel” a description which is well worthy of attention: these vessels were rather narrow at the bow, broader at the stern, thus having the shape of a chisel. In other words, their lines were finer, wherein they differed from the types of ships used in Holland.

Hence we seem to have before us not only a given mode of construction, but also a well determined type which has come from the Mediterranean. JAL, in his Glossaire Nautique, pp. 419-420, tells us, as to that, that caravels were already to be found on the Mediterranean in 1307; their dimensions were, however, smaller than those of the ships used by Vasco da Gama and Columbus. Here is what this author says about this style of vessel: “The caravel was a small ship of the family of round-stern vessels but with finer lines than the nefs of its time and more slender forward. It was also faster, more handy and better fitted for all expeditions where speed in going ahead and great quickness in coming about were required.”

These caravels dit not remain in use to act as “Kraecks”; but with this vessel we reach the time when the reciprocal influence of the two centres begins to be felt.

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Two existing Flemish miniatures show clearly the difference which existed between the Dutch type and the foreign type; they date from 1482 and 1488 respectively. The first is the picture of the true type of the Dutch vessel; the second shows a foreign ship. On the first, the vessel is represented with smooth sides; therefore this system of construction was adopted among us in the XVth century.

The vessels are not yet made with a square stern, however; their stern being still round in accordance with the ancient way. As a general rule, they were of small size, and our present sea “hoys” could have been compared with them in this respect. They had a capacity of 160, 180 and 200 tonnes, or 80, 90 and 100 “lasts”. Nevertheless, there were also some of 220, 230 and 240 tonnes, or, 110, 115 and 120 lasts. (M. DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 80.)

The “Karvielen” and the “Kraecken” disappear in the XVIIth century and, at this time, no more types which differ from the ordinary Holland type are met with. Hence it can be maintained that the “Karvielen” and “Kraecken” did not succeed in taking root with us. It will be seen, on the contrary that the full-bowed vessels came more and more into use.

The name of “cog” was, therefore, no longer in use in the XVth century. Nevertheless this type of vessel continued to exist. The “cog” gave birth to the “Hulken” and these latter to the “Baertzen”. Although modified, the first form, that of the full-bowed ship, remained in use. One single characteristic disappeared: that of the slender bows and sterns of the old “Viking” boat which are found in all the reproductions known in the North-West of Europe, from Denmark to and including England and the North of France.

The rigging developed in its turn: the single mast was replaced by three pole masts, each having a top and a single large sail. The ropes were made stronger and channels appeared near the end of the XVth century. The steering oar of the old “cog” had long since given place to the rudder.

It would be incorrect to call “cogs” the vessels represented by Master W. A., as Arenhold has done in his work: Die allmähl. Entwickelung des Segelschiffes von der Römerzeit bis zur Zeit der Dampfer, p. 650—(Jahrbuch der Schiffbautechnischen Gesellschaft, 1906). They are, however, forms which issue from the “cog” but not new forms developed alongside of ancient forms. If history be consulted, there will be no cause for surprise at seeing the effects of the contact of the two Centres appear exactly in the XVth century.

The Crusades (1096-1291), which brought the nations very much together, had come to an end. The alliance of the Hanseatic cities, concluded in 1250, had caused a prodigious growth of our trade in the Baltic Sea. The Frisians, especially, had devoted themselves to the art of shipbuilding, but the Flemings would not let themselves be distanced.

In 1339, there broke out between France and England the Hundred Years’ war, which led the latter to take up shipbuilding much more actively than in the past.

One of the most famous actions of this period was the battle of the Sluis (1340), at which the English fleet of two hundred ships, under the command of King Edward III, completely defeated the Franco-Genoese fleet. This latter, 190 vessels strong, was composed of bluff-bowed vessels, galleys, barges and a large number of small vessels. Certain chroniclers claim that it included four hundred units. (HOLMES, p. 71.)

The English lost four thousand men in this battle, and the French and Genoese twenty-five thousand, which leads to the assumption that the latter had a large number of galleys at their disposal.

In 1345, Edward III came again to France at the head of a fleet of 1000 to 1100 ships and, in 1347, a third expedition, having to do with the siege of Calais, was sent against this country.

HOLMES relates (p. 72) that, for this expedition, the greater part of the fleet, which counted 745 units and 15,895 men, came from England; the other vessels were furnished by the Flanders and Spain.

The size of the crews, which reduces to 21 men per vessel shows sufficiently that the boats of the fleet were relatively small. Under these conditions, a pretty exact idea can be had of this fleet by giving a glance at old engravings which show a flotilla of fishing boats, including some busses and a few “Noordvaarders”, putting out to sea.

The castles which ships carried at this time were small and not set up as a permanence.

The medal struck as a commemoration of the battle of the Sluis also shows a “Cog”, or at least a vessel which is exactly like it by its clinker built sides. It may be supposed that the type of vessel shown in this reproduction was the one most widely used at this period; so, once more is shown the great affinity which existed among the northern nations.

Military tactics had forced the peoples of the Mediterranean and, later, Spain and Portugal, their imitators, to increase the height of their ships. This is confirmed by HOLMES in the following quotation relating to the battle fought by Edward III, near Winchelsea, against forty Spanish ships: “The tactics of the English consisted chiefly of boarding, while the Spaniards, whose vessels were much the higher, attacked with crossbows and heavy stones; the latter they hurled from their fighting tops into their adversaries’ ships”.

The history of the Netherlands also mentions this fact.

England first made use of artillery at sea in 1372; the Mediterranean saw it used by the Genoese in 1377.

Shipbuilding was only developed much later in France. Nevertheless, there is proof that ships were already built there in the XIVth century and it appears that they had cannons on board even in 1339. Still, it was only on the shores of the Mediterranean that shipbuilding was regularly carried on, under the impulse, it appears, of Jean de Vienne, who was made admiral in 1373. (Le Musée de Marine du Louvre.)

It was under the rule of Henri the Navigator (1417) that shipbuilding reached its height in Portugal, a country which was entirely under the influence of the Mediterranean.

Meanwhile, the relations of the Netherlands with the southern countries had developed rapidly.

The closing of the old route to the Indies, which led through the Mediterranean and Asia Minor, brought about a complete upsetting of the commerce of the world. New explorations must needs be undertaken and it is thus that we read in history that after having pushed as far as Guinea with six caravels, in 1446, the Cape Verde Islands were reached soon afterwards.

In 1449, it was the turn of the Azore Islands and, in 1486, Bartholomeo Diaz reached the Cape of Good Hope. Eleven years later, this navigator turned the Cape and landed at the Indies with three vessels, the San Gabriel, the San Raphael and the Bonio. According to existing data, the first of these ships must have had a capacity of 400 tons or 250 to 300 registered tons. (HOLMES, p. 86.)

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It is useless to dwell longer on these episodes of which the history is sufficiently well known and of which the last act was the discovery of America by Christopher Columbus in 1492. This latter had at his disposal but three small ships, although Spain was already using, at this time, larger vessels. The best known and the largest of the three was the “Santa-Maria”. This ship had a length of keel of 60.68 feet and a length over all of 128.25 feet with a total breadth of 25.71 feet. The Chicago Exposition of 1893 exhibited a model of this vessel of which HOLMES’s work gives a reproduction on p. 85.

The discovery of America gave rise to the thirst for gold, drove the nations of North-Western Europe to venture on the high seas and obliged them to go actively into shipbuilding. The rise of the Netherlands then was important; the size of their ships grew greatly, and as far back as the XVIth century, vessels of 300, 400, 500 and 600 tons were found.

However, smaller vessels continued to be used, in preference, for war because they were more easily handled. (See, among others, DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 81.)

After 1500, our shipbuilding became so developed that our country was called the shipyard of Europe. Different from Portugal, where nothing has been preserved, the Netherlands possess a whole series of drawings of the XVIth, XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries, which enable us to form a very exact idea of the progressive development of the ship.

In the old reproductions aforementioned of Maître W. A., as well as in the Flemish miniatures at hand, the forward castle projected beyond the bow, but it already forms, however, a component part of the ship and is fastened to a beam let into the stem and resting on a bracket fastened thereto. This construction gives to the stem the appearance of starting upward and then of falling back in the shape of an S. This is evidently only an illusion.

The vessels after 1500 become larger and the castles gain in importance. The projection of the forward castle, however, diminishes gradually and this castle reached only as far as the stem, by the middle of the XVIth century.

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WITSEN, in the appendix of his remarkable work (pp. 8 and 10), gives a fine model of a ship at the end of the XVth century. It is a question of the reproduction of a vessel which, in his time, decorated the arch of the church at Diemer-lez-Amsterdam, built in the year 1500. The rigging of this vessel, as well as the pole mast supplied with tops and carrying large square sails, brings us back to the Middle Ages. The forward castle, which projects beyond the stem, and the after castle are higher than usual. These are no bends such as were used later; several heavy pieces of wood supported on brackets take their place. The sides are evidently smooth and, according to the constant practice of the period, the ship carried on the bow and on the sides pieces of wood for protection.

The stern alone is not clearly shown; there is no rudder to be seen, and this gives the impression that the drawing is at fault.

This vessel had no upper stern, in all probability, for our ships did not yet know this addition. There is a proof of it in the Noah’s Ark, reproduced in the Nürenberger Chronik, folio XI, of 1494, as well as in that of the ship which appears in the Ecclesiastical Painting of the Middle Ages in Holland, 1518-1525, n^o 14, and which shows Jonah in the water.

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This last picture especially gives a magnificent type of boat of the beginning of the XVIth century. It is not so old as the ship of the Church at Diemer, as to which the rig furnishes proof: the pole of the mast passes through the top and, another characteristic, the forward castle does not project beyond the stem. The ram has been broken off near the frame. Besides, the human figures, as compared with the ship, are exaggerated. The sides of the vessel are smooth. It brings admirably to mind the Flemish miniature of 1482.

These reproductions are most interesting in view of the development of the ship; we see in them the forms of the castle become more precise, the rigging improve and increase and the vessel itself gain in size.

Attention is called to the fact that the ships in all these drawings carry a bowsprit which was used at first only to hoist the anchor, as is the practice still on the large river lakes.

Let us now turn our eyes to Breugel’s pictures of which F. Huis has left some superb engravings.

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A close examination of these reproductions brings out different types of ships. Several of them show us important vessels which, by their great rams, their high castles and their broad sterns, differ notably from the old Holland ship.

Van Yk’s work also shows, on page 9, a reproduction of those big vessels which the author calls Spanish “Caracks” or galleons, two types of ships which arose under the influence of the Mediterranean.

But, alongside of these “caracks” are also found smaller Dutch vessels. An engraving of 1564, of a Breugel picture, shows particularly an Amsterdam merchantman. It has a round stern. It can be compared advantageously with an old Flemish engraving, dating from 1480 or 1490, which shows a “Kraeck” without escutcheon, and of which the castles differ completely in form and size from those carried by the ships seen in the engravings of Maître W. A. These castles agree with the Mediterranean types.

The boat with the square stern had been adopted in Holland, therefore, as far back as the end of the XVIth century.

Square sterns remained in use there, for large vessels up to the end of the XVIIIth century; at that time a return was made to the old structure, in imitation of England which used the square stern for only a short time, seeing that William Pitt (HOLMES, p. 40) introduced the rounded forms there in the XVIIth century. Hence Mr. de Jonge is in error when he says in his work that the vessel with the square stern only appeared in Holland in 1651.

The adoption of the square stern, nevertheless, did not cause the old round-stern, full-bow vessel to disappear; this is an established fact.

Another word about ports. The old reproductions of the XVIth century show ports; some are even found on a miniature of 1428. In any event, their general use dates back to the end of the XVth century; they seem to have been invented by a Frenchman from Brest, named Descharges. (DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 85.)

The masts and rigging also underwent important changes. At the beginning of the Eighty Years War (1590), an inhabitant of Enkhuizen, “Kryn Wouterez” by name, according to Brandt (History of Enkhuizen, Vol. I, p. 139), invented a process for making masts in several sections (DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 390). The masts, made first of two pieces, were, by means of this new invention, soon made in three parts each carrying a square sail. From this time, the old medieval rig of one large sail begins to disappear.

In order to facilitate the evolutions of the ship, a square sail was placed on the bowsprit.

Finally, the guns are placed more rationally and, imitating the practice on the Spanish caracks, some were located in the forward and after castles so as to command the deck. This arrangement recalls the practice of the Middle Ages, in accordance with which, in case of boarding, the crew retired into the castles whence a charge was made on the invaders.

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The vessel represented on the engraving of 1594, therefore, arose gradually from the old forms, but not without having felt the influence of the Mediterranean; this evolution leads us to the “Pinnace” of the XVIIth century. The ship was then richly ornamented and bedecked, and its sails, in accordance with use, carried handsome paintings. This custom disappeared insensibly during the century named, but the custom of decorating ships continued, none the less, for still a long time afterwards.

According to WITSEN, fixed rules governed the construction of vessels from the XVIth century on. One strict rule, among others, did not allow the stem to project more than 7/6, or less than 5/6 of its height, nor could the sternpost project more than a fifth or a fourth of its height. The author mentioned pretends that the stem was made with a marked slope, for the reason that it was believed that, under such conditions, the ships would glide more easily over the water (p. 47, column 2 at the end).

At about one-third of the length of the keel from the stem, were placed from one to four main frames; the ship narrowed aft to such a degree that the wing transom was equal in length to half the greatest beam of the ship. The bow was full, which allowed the water to be thrown more easily aside. (WITSEN, pp. 49 and 50.)

The seams were calked and, in accordance with an old custom, covered with lead plates.

The forward castle had been reduced in height while the after castle, on the contrary, had been raised. A fourth mast was placed in the stern to facilitate the manœuvring of the ship; this mast disappeared later on, when the bowsprit was adopted in the course of the XVIIth century. (WITSEN, p. 139, 2d column.)

The XVIth century was a memorable period for the Netherlands; it was during this century that was laid the foundation of that navy to which, as says Mr. DE JONGE, Holland was to owe later her liberty, her greatness and her prosperity. This navy united within itself everything which could concur to bring forth a force able to defend the country, to protect commerce, navigation and the fisheries and to bring to Holland glory and power.

Our marine, in general, and our shipbuilding, in particular, then developed steadily. A long period of struggles began and many battles were fought both before and after the Eighty Years War (1568-1648).

According to the old custom, the ships which took part in actions were only merchantmen fitted out for the purpose. (DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 180.) These vessels, which were called “Vliebooten” or “Vlietbooten” (flyboats), had a small capacity varying from 40 to 140 tons and carried six, eight, ten or twenty guns. The size of the crew was proportioned generally to capacity; a vessel of 50 tons carried 50 men. (DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 101.)

The “Heuden”, already mentioned above, as well as “Boeiers” (tenders), also called “Kromstevens”, and other flat-bottomed craft were used on the rivers.

The navy of Zeeland included, in addition to a number of small boats, a few vessels of more respectable size. “Hulken” were used at the siege of Middleburg; one of them, called the big “Hulk”, must have had a capacity of 600 lasts, or 1200 tons, and a crew of at least 500 to 600 men. (VAN METEREN, fol. 81 and 102.)

As a general rule, the vessels of North Holland were larger than those of Zeeland. Their capacity was 50 to 125 last, or 100 to 250 tons and a crew of 50 to 150 sailors and soldiers. The largest vessels carried thirty-two guns. (DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 187.)

Bor relates (Guerres de Hollande, Vol. I, p. 650) that thirteen vessels of this latter category were fitted out in 1575, and that this fleet was filled out by “Kraveelschepen”, “Yachten”, “Waterschepen” and “Booten”, while according to DE JONGE (Vol. I, p. 187), a few galleys were still in service on the Zuyder Zee.

In order to be able to form a more exact idea of the importance of our naval power at this time, the following table, of which the original is preserved in the Archives of the State (DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 586), has been inserted here to show the navy of the province of Holland in 1587.

NUMBER OF VESSELS LASTS GUNS CREW REMARKS

1 100 16 95 1 Last = 2 tons.

1 — 14 70

1 27 14 32 Small calibre.

10 30–90 12 45–76

35 17–70 8–11 29–75 the largest: 50 to 60 men.

4 Y — — 36–50 Y stands for Yachts.

25 8–40 4–7 11–70 the largest: 30 to 40 men.

6 — 1–2 7–11

1 G — 1 16 G stands for galley.

In addition to the “Vliebooten”, there were vessels of less importance called “Kromstevens”, “Kraveelen”, “Heuden” or freight vessels, “Krapschuiten”, “Potten“, “Yachten”, “Boeiers“. The largest vessels were still, however, only of modest dimensions. According to the decisions of the Government, dated June 1, 1588, three of the largest vessels were to be equipped for war and it was stipulated that their capacity was to be 200 lasts. (DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 201, note.)

There are some who claim that only small boats were used at the beginning of our war for independence, because the battles were fought only on rivers and because, furthermore, the financial situation was very bad. (DE JONGE, Vol. I, pp. 203-204.) I consider, for my part, that the latter reason was the main one. Later on, complaints were again made about the unsatisfactory state of the fleet by reason of lack of funds.

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Returning new to the shapes of the ships. The “Hulk” has been seen to appear after the “Cog”, only to be replaced, itself, by the “Baertze”. The “Kraeck” arose alongside of this last type which was followed finally by the “Spiegelschip” under the form of a pinnace and a war vessel.

The full bow lasted, however, in boats of little importance and so the “Vlieboot” or “Vlietboot” was seen to follow the “Baertze”. It is the old type of the “Baertze” of which the topsides tumbled in appreciably.

Hence no new type of boat was characterized by this new denomination which was given in the second half of the XVIth century; it is the old form which, slightly modified, appears under another name. This is a fact which will be met with more than once further on. A comparison between the “Vlieboot”, (flyboat), the “Baertze”, etc., brings out the analogy between these vessels; the same holds good for the “Buss”. All these forms are derived from the “Cog”.

The “Flyboat” originated on the Zuider Zee. Its name seems to have come from the “Vlie” which was frequented by boats of this kind. These latter, as has been said, had reentering topsides, that is, convex in shape, hence it was more difficult to board them under these conditions and, consequently, their defense needed but a limited number of men; this was a matter of importance for merchant vessels.

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Besides having a respectable cargo capacity, the “Flyboats” were also very handy. There is no doubt that they were the forerunners of the flutes, the merchant vessels par excellence of the XVIIth and XVIIIth centuries, which England and France borrowed from us.

There is in existence a beautiful reproduction of the “Flyboat” dating from 1647. It shows a relatively large vessel; judging by the beakhead shown which was not carried by our small merchant vessels. The beak had been adopted first in the Mediterranean; it is not, therefore, of Dutch origin. None of the old Dutch types had it, whereas those of the Mediterranean and, even those of the times of the Phœnicians already had them. (See, among others, VAN YK, p. 103.)

Toward the end of the XVIth century the name of “Baertze” gave way to that of “Vlieboot” (flyboat), and at the beginning of the XVIIth century, arose the vessels called “Galioot” (galliot), “Noordvaerder”, “Kof” (kuff), “Smakschip” (smack), “Boeier” (tender), together with the flutes and square stern vessels. Still—and this cannot be too often repeated—the primitive forms do not disappear under these different names. The forms have been enlarged and a few exterior characteristics, as well as the rigging, have been modified. The different types just mentioned above have, therefore, as their main and fundamental character the old rounded bow. The vessels of the period under consideration could be divided into three principal groups: a) the square-stern ships; b) the flutes in the broadest acceptation of the word; and c) the “Kof en Smakschepen” (kuffs and smacks).

It is unnecessary to add that the vessels of groups b and c were round at the stern. Hence, the purest old Dutch types will be found in these two groups.

The XVIIth century is now reached, that century of glory and prosperity for our country, especially from the point of view of shipbuilding. However, before beginning on this period, let us look a little into what was the situation of shipbuilding abroad.

Let us begin with Spain, which was mixed up in our war for independence.

The Spanish naval architecture, which flourished after that of Portugal, felt undoubtedly and intensely the influence of the Mediterranean. The Spanish galleons and caracks recall the Genoese “nefs” and caracks, of which only a few old reproductions have been preserved, and which came up under the influence of relations with Northern nations.

In addition to the galleons, the galleys and the galliasses held an important place in the Spanish navy. The frequent use of vessels with oars made hand to hand fights quite rare and led to less frequent boarding among the nations of the South, this being the reverse of the practise among the Northern races.

The pictures of the Mediterranean vessels can be consulted to advantage in order to obtain an idea of the Spanish ships.

The sea power of Spain disappeared, as is known, with the Invincible Armada, in 1588. A summary description of this fleet will give an idea of the importance of the ships which composed it. It was made up of one-hundred-and-thirty-two vessels, of which (HOLMES, p. 92) four were galleys, four galliasses, thirty vessels of less than 100 tons and ninety-four ships of 130 to 1550 tons. The round-stern ships had a total capacity of 59,120 tons. There were 2761 pieces of artillery and the ships companies contained 7862 seamen and 20,671 soldiers.

The English fleet had one-hundred-and-ninety-seven vessels, of which only thirty-four belonged to the royal navy, all the rest were merchantmen hastily equipped for war.

The largest English ship was the Triumph, built in 1561, of 1000 to 1100 tons burden and carrying three hundred sailors, forty gunners and one-hundred-and-sixty soldiers. It mounted forty-six guns. Besides the “Triumph”, the English fleet had but seven vessels of 600 to 1000 tons whereas the Spanish fleet had forty-five vessels of this size. The total of all hands of the English fleet amounted to 15,551 souls.

In this struggle Holland was with England; it was she that kept the Duke of Parma shut up at Dunkerque. The largest vessels of the Netherlands fleet were of 400 tons. Both in England and with us, merchant ships, which did duty temporarily as men of war, were leased for the war. This old custom of the Middle Ages still survived. Besides, it was all the simpler, at this latter period, to equip merchantmen for war, as artillery was still in its infancy or even unknown.

The following figures (HOLMES, p. 95) show how much larger the vessels of the Southern States were than ours, as a rule. In 1592, the English captured a Portuguese carack of 1600 tons, 165 feet between perpendiculars and showing seven decks.

In 1594, it was the turn of a Spanish carack with 1100 men on board. When Cadiz was taken in 1596, two Spanish galliasses fell into the enemy’s hands; they were vessels of 1200 tons; the flagship “San-Felipo”, which was blown up measured 1500 tons.

A Portuguese carack of 1600 tons, called the San-Valentino, valued with her guns at a million ducats, was captured at Cezimbra in 1602.

Following our example, it is said, and as the result of “Kryn Wouterszoon’s” invention, the movable top-mast was adopted by the English during the reign of Queen Elizabeth (1588-1603). (HOLMES, p. 86).

Up to this point, the ports were not only irregularly arranged, but the lower row was generally so low that those in this tier had to be kept closed if the sea were at all rough. In England, however, the tendency was to raise the lowest tier (HOLMES, p. 96) and this example was soon generally followed.

France, whose ships so far had not yet appeared on the Mediterranean, began in the XVIIth century, under Richelieu (1624-1692), to develope her navy. Colbert continued this work with ardor.

It has been stated already, in speaking of the Mediterranean, that the older French ships were, in principle just like those of Genoa; until about 1650, galleys were more numerous than other vessels. The North of France and Normandy belonged only—and the old pictures show it—to the Northern Centre. This is by no means surprising, if the Norse invasion be remembered. Even now, boats resembling those of Flanders and of our own country are still found in the North of France.

Let us return now to the Netherlands.

After the discovery by Vasco da Gama, in 1498, of the route to the Indies and when Portugal had secured for herself the monopoly of trade in those lands, Lisbon became the centre of traffic of the world.

In those days, the Dutch sought in Portuguese ports the products of the Indies; but, in 1580, the Duke of Alba took possession of Portugal and annexed it to Spain. Nevertheless, we were allowed to continue our commerce with the former of these countries until 1585, when all our ships were confiscated.

Hence Holland was reduced to finding for herself a route to the Indies, and it was believed at first that this result could be found by way of the North. Four ships were fitted out for this purpose in 1594, two by Holland and two by Amsterdam. This undertaking failed as did also that of 1595 which was followed by the famous expedition of Heemskerk, Barends and van Rijp, which latter was also fruitless.

Meanwhile a route was sought by way of the South and the Cape of Good Hope. A fleet of four ships, under the command of Keijzers and Houtman started in 1595 and was gone for two years and a half. After a voyage of 446 days, the ships reached Bantam and visited Bali. The return required 168 days. This fleet carried a crew of 248 men.

The results of this expedition, while not brilliant, had, nevertheless, as a consequence, the formation, in 1602, of the East India Company which played such an important part in our history.

It is useless to add that these events had a decisive influence on the development of our naval architecture.

Up to the beginning of the XVIIth century, there was as yet no question of a war fleet properly so-called. Merchant ships were still hired and converted into men-of-war to meet contingencies. Our fleet was made up at that time of all kinds of types of vessels. Among them the square sterned vessels, called pinnaces, the “Vliebooten” or flyboats and the flutes were the most important. There were also some “Hekkebooten” and small “smaks”. So the three kinds of vessels already mentioned above are again found: viz: the square-stern ships, the flyboats and the smacks.

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The old Zierikzee model gives an exact idea of the transition from the square-stern ship of the XVIth century to the one of the XVIIth. Although erring, like all the old reproductions, in regard to proportions, this model cannot fail to attract our attention to the marked slope of the stem. It was generally admitted at this time that the ship should draw the least water possible and have the stem strongly sloping, with an overhanging bow, so as to displace the water more easily or, as it was then said, to carry the water underneath and not around the hull. It was believed that the water was drawn under the sides (VAN YK, p. 353) and that the strongly raking stem allowed the boat to slide more easily over the water. (WITSEN, p. 47, column 2 in fine.)

Later, opinion changed and then it was seen that the stem was brought more and more nearly upright until the XIXth century; the vessel thus gains in fullness.

Fürtenbach reproduces for us a Dutch vessel of the beginning of the XVIIth century; the counter, probably to avoid difficulties of drawing, is only sketched in by a few lines. It is seen that the after castle has increased in proportions, and that the part which separates the forward and after castles still remains uncovered. This kind of construction, due to the progressive development of the castles of the Middle Ages, only disappears at the end of the XVIIIth century, when vessels with two and three decks come on the scene.

The forward and after castles, in these last ships, are of the same height; in a word, they are strongly connected to each other and are formed of several superposed decks.

The rigging, too, has undergone new changes, by reason, no doubt, of the raising of the stern. The fourth small mast put up at this point gives way, especially, to a mast carrying a square sail and fixed at the end of the bowsprit. This mast was used only for steering the ship.

The vessels gained in size and the armament was improved by a more rational distribution of the guns. The following figures give the proof of this.

In 1596, a 200-last ship carried only 24 guns; one of 150 lasts carried 17 and one of 100 lasts had only 16 on board.

In 1616, 36 guns were mounted on a ship of 200 lasts; 28 on a ship of 120 lasts, then, in 1628, mention is made of a ship of 200 lasts armed with 39 cannon. (DE JONGE, Vol. II, p. 396.)

Aside from the better arrangement for the guns, the increase of the artillery itself necessitated arming the forecastle and the poop. About 1639, the iron guns were replaced, to a great extent, by others of bronze, which allowed a greater number of pieces to be taken on board (DE JONGE, Vol. I, p. 400), but these pieces were lacking in unity of calibre and volume. The later adoption of guns of more nearly equal calibre greatly increased the fighting value of the ships.

However great the progress made by our fleet may have been, it was still always inferior to the part imposed on it by a naval war. Hence it became finally a necessity to build war vessels properly so called and to give up fitting out merchant ships. Sixty new war ships were laid down in 1653. This first war fleet constructed in our country set sail in 1658. So the old mediæval custom, which consisted in appropriating merchant vessels to make them serve as men of war, became a thing of the past.

But this fleet was not sufficient by itself, and merchantmen had to do duty as transports. This is why these latter kept guns on board for their own defence.

II 146

The war ships mentioned above were called pinnaces and were made with a square stern as well as a large beakhead. Tromp’s flagship, the Aemelia was a pinnace model.

III 8 III 9 II 150

The fleet was increased in a very short time, in 1664, by sixty new square-stern vessels. (DE JONGE, Vol. II, p. 25.) The main point in view in building these ships (DE JONGE, Vol. II, p. 27) was to provide our navy with vessels which, so far as our passes and ports would allow, should be at least as large and as powerful as those of the enemy. By reason of the depth of water in the passes, the number of their guns was placed at 60 to 80. Among these vessels, which were launched in 1665, was Van Ruyter’s well known ship De Zeven Provinciën.

For economical reasons, most of the ships carried iron as well as bronze guns; but Van Ruyter’s flagship had all bronze guns.

The following figures will give some idea of the increasing dimensions of ships.

In 1654, the largest ship measured 150 feet in length, 38 feet beam and 15 feet depth; it carried 58 guns. The next in size was 146 feet long, 26 feet beam and 14 feet deep; it carried 60 guns.

At the beginning of the second war with England, the two largest ships were 169 to 171 feet long. De Zeven Provinciën 163 feet long, 43 feet broad and 15 feet deep. The next in size was 150 to 160 feet in length, 40 to 42½ feet in breadth and 15 feet in depth, etc.

So the length and breadth increased but the greatest depth of 15 feet did not change, as the depth of our passes was against any increase of the draft.

When later, the direction toward larger sizes was continued abroad, and the necessity of following this example was felt among us, the question of the draught of water became a problem which, more and more, called for the attention of our shipbuilders. The larger the ship became and the greater its capacity had to be, the draught of water being limited, put us in a position of inferiority in regard to the vessels of foreign countries which ran more easily under sail. No account had to be taken of shallow passes in those countries, consequently ships of finer form could be built there. (VAN YK, 1697, p. 353.)

When in 1682 the vessels which composed our fleet were divided into classes or “charters”, a depth of 16 to 17 feet only is given as the first “charter”. The first three-deck ships built in our country belonged later to this last class. Hence it is not a matter of astonishment that, in the long run, our war vessels had to yield before those of other nations which were steadily becoming larger. This state of affairs did not arise from any inferiority on the part of our shipbuilders but had its causes solely in the condition of our passes.

III 13

The difference of draught of water appears clearly if the dimensions of the largest French and English ships be compared with those of our largest vessel at the end of the XVIIth and beginning of the XVIIIth centuries. Their dimensions were as follows:

LENGTH BREADTH DEPTH

m m m

for the Dutch ship 49.28 12.88 4.86

” ” English ” 49.41 14.33 5.64

” ” French ” 59.91 14.29 6.61

By depth was understood the inside height of the ship measured up to the load-water line. (WITSEN, p. 74, sub 9.) (See also Fig. XXXII, p. 56 of the same work, etc.)

A ship having a depth of 4 m. 86 required, with the height of the keel etc. included, a depth of water of at least 5 metres. Now, it is known that the depth of water over the “Pampus”, near Amsterdam, had already become sensibly less at the end of the XVIIth century. Large ships only succeeded in reaching that city at the cost of serious difficulties.

II 238

It was under these circumstances that a certain Meeuwis Meindertz Bakker, a native of Amsterdam, invented the “sea camels” in 1691, and by them vessels could be raised from 5 to 6 feet (VAN YK, p. 360.) These “camels” were straight up and down on one side, the other being fitted to the shape of the ship. Placed on each side of the vessel they inclosed it and formed a sort of floating dock.

Held between two camels which were securely fastened together, the ship was raised as they were emptied of the water which they contained.

These camels are very well shown in VAN YK’s work, folio 360, as well as in “Figures de navires et embarcations”, 1831, pl. 35, by P. LE COMTE.

Small boats towed the vessel thus raised across the Pampus. As to the depth of water which existed at this place, Le Comte says, p. 38, that, at high tide there were 10½ feet (2.97 ells of the Netherlands) on the Pampus or “Muiderzand” and 9 feet (2.55 ells) at low tide. It was only at extraordinary high tide that a depth of 13 feet (3.68 ells) was to be had.

Later, ships drawing 19 feet (5 m. 38) could be brought to Amsterdam by means of camels.

But the situation was no better at Rotterdam. Here, indeed, is what is related by the builder VAN YK, in his work of 1697, p. 14: “En waarlyk de wytheid der schepen is wel het voornaamste en beste middel om het ondiepgaan derselve te bevorderen, een saak die wy hier te Lande wegens de droogte of ondieptheid onzer zeegaten, ten hoogste dienen te betrachten; want (volgens ’t getuigenis van ervaarne en de diepte dezer zeegaten zeer wel bepeild hebbende loodsen) soo konnen met een gemeen geleide uit het Goereesche gat niet meer dan 20, uit Texel, omtrent ook soo veel en uit de Maas niet meer als 13 voeten diepgaande schepen worden uitgelootst. Waarom dan ook somtyds wel is komen te gebeuren, dat eenige, van ’s Lands oorlogs-schepen, soo nauw gemaakt en om zeilvoerens wil soo diep geballast zynde, met een dood getyde en Wind, tot Staats groot nadeel, niet konden ’t zee geraken, of daar al in synde, haar onderste geschut, omdat te naby ’t water lag, niet bruikbaar werd bevonden”[11]. And further on, at page 360, the same author says also: “Want soo heeft men al voor veele jaren, om onze groote en diepgaande schepen in zee te brengen, wegens de ondiepheid onzer rivieren en zeegaten, getragt, waar ’t mogelyk, door ledig vatwerk, so pypen, als voedervaten, op te ligten en te doen ryzen. Dog was dit werk, om het byeen schikken der vaten, een ellendige talmerij en veel arbeids onderworpen”.[12]

According to the Reports of Proceedings of the Batavian Association at Rotterdam, 1850, pp. 94 et seq., the Briel pass was practicable only for vessels drawing from 3 metres to 3 m. 50 and larger ships had to go by the “Goereesche Gat” to reach Rotterdam, using successively the “Hollandsche Diep” and the “Dortsche Kil”. There was at these places, even at high tide, only a depth sufficient for a maximum draught of 5 m. 70. (See Dr. BLINK, “Nederland en zijne Bewoners”, Vol. I, p. 447.) Navigation along this route, furthermore, was difficult on account of the narrowness of the channel. It was this condition which made necessary the digging of the canal by way of Voorne (1827-1829). But in spite of this new navigable highway, the maximum draught of water continued to depend, none the less, on the depths to be found, at ordinary high tide in the “Goereesche Gat” and the “Stellegat”. These depths were respectively 5 m. 70 and 5 m. 20 (W. F. LEEMANS: “De Nieuwe Waterweg”, etc. Gedenkboek K. Inst. Ing. p. 13 and p. 130.)

II 140 III 14

The situation became more critical for the Netherlands navy as ships abroad increased their size, and meanwhile, foreign activity was redoubled! England gave to her navy four-fifths of the revenues of the Crown in 1656-1657, two thirds in 1657-1658, and nearly three-fifths in 1658-1659. (HOLMES, p. 108.)

Four of the the largest vessels built during this period had a capacity greater than one thousand tons. In 1673, was launched The Royal Charles, a ship well known to us, which was taken later by the Dutch.

The largest number of English war ships still belonged, at this period, to the third class. The classification was stated as follows in 1666:

CLASS LENGTH OF KEEL BEAM DEPTH TONNAGE GUNS

1 128–146 40–48 17.9–19.8 1100–1740 90–100

2 121–143 37–45 17–19.8 1000–1500 82–90

3 115–140 34–40 14.2–18.3 750–1174 60–74

4 88–108 27–34 11.2–15.6 12.8–17.8 32–54

5 72–81 23.6–27 9.9–11 11.6–13.2 26–32

Dimensions are in English feet. 1 foot = 0 m. 3048

The year 1646 saw the first frigate built in England and in 1679 the bomb-ketch, built according to the model invented by the French builder Bernard Renan, was adopted.

After 1700, English naval architecture fell completely under the influence of that of France.

“It may truly be said”, writes HOLMES (p. 114) “that during the whole of the eighteenth century, the majority of the improvements introduced in the forms and proportions of vessels of the Royal Navy, were copied from French prizes”.

Scarcely was a French vessel taken ere it was copied, but generally on a larger scale (HOLMES, p. 114). Shipbuilding, in the mean time, had become wonderfully perfected, especially under the Ministry of Colbert (1661), after the first foundations had been laid by Cardinal Richelieu in 1630. Save for a few changes in detail, the rules laid down by Colbert were followed until the XIXth century.

In 1668, the French fleet numbered already 176 vessels, of which one of the most beautiful and famous specimens was the Soleil Royal. This fleet was organized on the same footing as that of Holland (DE JONGE, Vol. III, part I, p. 114). Besides, there existed at this time but little difference between the French and Dutch types.

Dimensions increased greatly at the end of the XVIIth century, under the reign of Louis XIV. This can be seen in the following table, prepared by Barras de la Penne (1698).

RANK AND ORDER Number of Guns CALIBRE AND MATERIAL OF THE GUNS LENGTH BEAM DEPTH NUMBER OF BATTERIES

1st rank, 1st order Soleil Royal 112 1st battery, 8 of 48 the rest, 36 2d battery, 24 3d battery, 18 poop and top­gallant forecastle, 12 and 18 M. 56.01 between perpen­ diculars 51.54 M. 15.64 M. 7.64 Three covered batteries, poop, and forward castle. Ships of the line.

1st rank, 2nd order 70 to 100 bronze guns 51.91 14.29 6.61 Three covered bat­teries, castle forward and aft.

2d rank, 1st order 60 to 70 bronze guns 48.72 13.47 6.17 idem.

3d rank, 1st order 56 to 66 ⅔ bronze ⅓ iron 47.47 12.34 6.68 Two covered decks, poop and forward castle.

3d rank, 2d order 40 to 50 ½ bronze ½ iron 34.22 12.01 5.41 idem.

4th rank 30 to 40 ⅓ bronze ⅔ iron 38.98 10.55 4.71 idem. Do not come into line.

5th rank 18 to 30 ¼ bronze ¾ iron 35.73 8.66 4.55 Two small castles, or onle one aft.

Frigates 8 to 16 — — — — —

II 166 II 169 II 15

The progress made in naval architecture under the reign of Louis XIV is noted as follows in the work: Le Musée de Marine du Louvre. “The rake of the bow is less exaggerated, the after castle is lowered, the artillery is well distributed; the masts are better proportioned and the spread of canvas is much greater, as well as more handy, making the motion more rapid and the manœuvres more easy. The profusion and elegance of the ornaments have reached their highest point; they had the kind of poetry of the old chivalry. Everything in this navy already caused the perfection, which the ship reached quickly under the next two reigns, to be anticipated.”

Naval architecture took a great start. Many works were published, of which those of Bernouilli (1738) and of Euler (1749), treating of the stability of ships, are the best known.

The dimensions of vessels continue steadily to increase. Ships mounting 70 guns which, in 1715, were rated in the first class were passed to the sixth class in 1765.

The French fleet in 1750, according to the Musée de Marine du Louvre, was composed as follows:

NUMBER OF GUNS Length between perpendic­ulars Beam at main frame Moulded depth BATTERIES Crew Calibres of guns

THREE DECKERS

M. M. M. Men 30 pdrs in lower tier

120 56.84 to 60.42 14.61 to 16.24 7.47 to 8.12 3 covered batteries with forecastles and poops. 1000 to 1200 18 ” middle ”

110(1) 54.57 to 57.82 14.94 to 15.59 7.31 to 7.80 1000 to 1100 12 ” upper ”

100 53.27 to 57.49 14.61 to 15.26 7.47 to 7.63 900 to 1000 6 ” on forecastle

90 51.97 to 55.22 14.29 to 14.91 6.81 to 7.46 850 to 900 4 ” on poop deck

DOUBLE DECKERS

80 50.67 to 54.57 13.96 to 14.61 6.66 to 6.98 2 covered batteries with forecastle and poop 750 to 800 36 pdrs in lower tier

18 ” upper ”

8 ” on forecastle

4 ” on poop

74 48.72 to 53.27 13.64 to 13.96 6.50 to 6.98 2 covered batteries with forecastle and poop 650 to 700 36 or 24 pdrs in lower tier

8 pdrs in upper tier

8 or 6 pdrs on fore­castle

4 pdrs on poop

64(2) 46.04 to 48.72 12.66 to 12.99 6.00 to 6.50 2 batteries and forecastle 450 to 500 18 or 12 pdrs in lower tier

24 or 18 pdrs in upper tier

6 pdrs on fore­castle

50 43.84 to 45.17 11.36 to 12.01 5.50 to 5.85 2 batteries and forecastle 300 to 660 12 or 8 pdrs in lower tier

18 or 12 pdrs in upper tier

6 or 4 pdrs on fore­castle

FRIGATES

40 38.98 to 42.22 10.71 to 11.04 5.19 to 5.53 Single battery with fore­castle 280 to 300 12 pdrs in battery 6 or 4 pdrs on fore­castle

30 35.07 to 38.98 9.74 to 10.39 4.55 to 5.20 do. 200 to 230

10 33.13 to 35.73 8.77 to 9.10 4.22 to 4.55 do. 130 to 150

CORVETTES

12 19.49 to 22.74 7.85 to 8.30 2.92 to 3.23 Single battery without fore­castle. 70 to 80 4 pdrs in barbette battery.

(1) There were a few intermediate types classified with those of this list which they approached nearest.

(2) This ship was the smallest of those which could enter the line of battle.

France also exercised a great influence on the design of ships. (HOLMES, p. 114, ab initio.) The most beautiful vessel of this time was the Sans Pareil.

The work mentioned above, Le Musée de Marine du Louvre, contains a passage relating to the time of Louis XVI (1744-1793) which is well worthy of our attention (Chapter VII): “It was the moment when the science of shipbuilding, born in Holland, really passed into France”. This does not alter the fact that, even at the end of the XVIIIth century, people still went to Holland to study this art, in spite of the high degree of perfection which it had reached in France. Here indeed is what the above mentioned work says: “People went at the end of the last (XVIIIth) century to take lessons in Holland and, on this subject, the library at Brest has a manuscript of one of the celebrated engineers, Olivier, who had been sent there, about 1780, to study construction.”

Hence the shipbuilding of the Netherlands was still highly appreciated at that time.

The increase in dimensions of the French fleet found its echo in the English fleet; the following are the characteristics of the latter fleet in 1706:

NUMBER OF GUNS 90 80 70 60 50 40

ft. in. ft. in. ft. in. ft. in. ft. in. ft. in.

Length of gundeck 192 — 136 — 130 — 144 — 130 — 118 —

Breadth at midship frame 47 — 43 — 41 — 38 — 35 — 32 —

Depth of hold 18 6 17 8 17 4 13 8 14 — 13 6

Tonnage 1552 1283 1069 914 705 532

Here is what HOLMES writes, p. 115: “The subject of the superiority in size of the French ships was constantly coming to the front and, in 1719, a new establishment was made for the dimensions of ships in our Royal Navy, according to the following scale:

NUMBER OF GUNS 90 80 70 60 50 40

Increase of:

Length 2 ft. 2 ft. 1 ft. 0 4 ft. 6 ft.

Breadth 2 in. 1 ft. 6 in. 1 ft. 1 ft. 1 ft. 2 in.

Tonnage 15 67 59 37 51 63

In 1765, vessels were already met with carrying 100 guns, measuring 2047 tons and having already 21 ft. 6 in. depth of hold. HOLMES writes on this subject (pp. 124-128): “During the whole of our naval history down to comparatively recent times, improvements in the dimensions and forms of our ships were only carried out after they had been originally adopted by the French, or Spaniards, or more recently by the people of the United States of America.”

In 1719, the process which consisted of heating timbers at an open fire in order to bend them was adopted in England and, in 1736, they were smoked. (HOLMES, p. 115.) Ventilation was improved in 1753 (HOLMES, p. 117) and, in 1761 (HOLMES, p. 121), followed the invention of the process which consisted in covering ships with copper plates. Before this period, lead was used exceptionally for this purpose. Nearly one hundred years earlier, several vessels in Holland were covered in part or wholly with copper plates, as is shown by a passage from VAN YK’s work, De Nederlandsche Scheepsbouwkunst opengesteld, in which he says, p. 121: “Dat het schip on de zuid of west bestieren sal, heeft zy om den houtknagenden worm daarvan te keeren, stevenswaarts met koper doen bekleeden”[13].

Everything which precedes shows sufficiently how far superior the French and English fleets were to our own, about the middle of the XVIIIth century, in the size of their ships. But experience had demonstrated that the power of a fleet did not lie in numbers alone, but also in the intrinsic value of each ship (DE JONGE, Vol. IV, p. 86), just as Martin Harpertszoon Tromp had also, himself, declared some time before.

In order to give an idea of the extraordinary energy displayed by the United Provinces, it will be mentioned that from 1682 to 1700, hence in eighteen years, there were built 15 three-deckers of 90 to 96 guns each, 2 of 80 to 86, 2 of 70 to 74, 29 of 60 to 68, and 26 of 50 to 56 pieces of artillery, together with 2 frigates of 22 guns, 3 fire ships and 9 ketches, in all 107 vessels. Of this number, seven only were built outside of the provinces of Holland and Zeeland. (DE JONGE, Vol. II, pp. 72 to 75.)

Outside of this fleet of which the cost was defrayed by means of extraordinary credits, there were built during the same period, with ordinary credits, 65 other vessels, of which 7 were of 50 to 52 guns, 18 of 40 to 46, 17 of 30 to 38, 13 of 20 to 26, and 10 of 16 guns at least.

Or, for a period of eighteen years, a total of 107 + 65 = 172 new ships. This increase of the fleet was an absolute necessity. It was necessary, in fact, to make up the losses caused by storms and other misfortunes, and amounting, during the years 1688-1698, to 3 units of 70, 5 of 60, 6 of 50, 8 of 40 to 46 guns, in addition to a few vessels of 30 guns and less, 36 ships in all.

All these works evidently cost large sums. During the period 1682-1702, the expenditures for new ships were about 81,197,000 florins and about 69,954,800 florins for equipment.

Maintenance, equipment, etc. came to about 5,829,000 florins, and in 1697, the costs rose to 7,732,000 florins. (DE JONGE, Vol. II, pp. 80 and 81.) In order to form any exact idea of the importance of this sum, it must be remembered that, at the time under consideration, salaries, etc. were far lower than those of our day. (DE JONGE, Vol. IV, Chap. I, p. 80, note.)

Besides the war ships just mentioned, a large number of merchant ships, vessels of less importance for inland service, and fishing boats were built, so that, if the old writers are to be believed, “there were places where there were counted more boats than houses”.

At the time when Hugo de Groot lived, two thousand vessels were built annually. (KOENEN, Geschiedenis van Scheepbouw en Zeevaart, p. 87.) No Hollanders were met with who did not possess a certain amount of knowledge relating to shipbuilding. (Idem, p. 85.)

II 154

In order to display such a large amount of energy, shipbuilding must have developed with us in an extraordinary way. The proof of this is found in the works of Nicolas Witsen (1671) and of Van Yk (1697). Hence our naval architecture enjoyed an unheard of prosperity at the beginning of the XVIIIth century.

II 155 II 156

In order to form an idea of the perfection of design which our naval architecture had reached toward the middle of the same century, it is enough to consult, in our album, the photographic reproductions of a few drawings made by M. Van Gent in 1750, 1751, 1752, the originals of which belong to the remarkable collection of engravings of M. S. Van Gyn, at Dordrecht, as well as the copy of a war ship of 1770 which appears in the collection of colored drawings.

These documents reproduce faithfully the ships with their water lines. But what attracts attention most particularly is the following inscription which is very legible in the drawing of the war ship of 1750: Property of Admiral Schryver. This admiral is the one who wrote in 1753 that the shipbuilders, and especially those who built the ships of war of the State during the period extending from 1683 to 1753, were scarcely more than ordinary ship carpenters; that they had no theoretical knowledge, were guided only by experience and, in certain respects, were on the same level as the master carpenters of Zaandam who, in the face of a failure, had offered as an excuse that “the boat had not let itself be shaped otherwise with an axe”.

Admiral Schryver refers, in support of what he says, to various war vessels which were less successful, and among them he mentions, in the first place, five three-deck ships built between 1683 and 1689, the first, it should be said, which our builders had turned out.

No one can be surprised that these vessels did come fully up to what was expected! And if later, better ones were built, it merely proves that our builders had succeeded in solving the great problem of turning out strong ships of which the draught had to be limited, on account of the depth in our passes and rivers.