INDIAN LINGUISTIC FAMILIES OF AMERICA NORTH OF MEXICO. (continued 5)
Reading edition
Should an Indian who is not prompted by a dream wish to join the society he expresses to the four chief officiating priests a desire to purchase a mī´gis, which is the sacred symbol of the society and consists of a small white shell, to which reference will be made further on. His application follows the same course as in the preceding instance, and the same course is pursued also when a Jĕs´sakkīd´ or a Wâbĕnō´ wishes to become a Midē´.
MIDĒ´WIWIN.
The Midē´wiwin—Society of the Midē´ or Shamans—consists of an indefinite number of Midē´ of both sexes. The society is graded into four separate and distinct degrees, although there is a general impression prevailing even among certain members that any degree beyond the first is practically a mere repetition. The greater power attained by one in making advancement depends upon the fact of his having submitted to “being shot at with the medicine sacks” in the hands of the officiating priests. This may be the case at this late day in certain localities, but from personal experience it has been learned that there is considerable variation in the dramatization of the ritual. One circumstance presents itself forcibly to the careful observer, and that is that the greater number of repetitions of the phrases chanted by the Midē´ the greater is felt to be the amount of inspiration and power of the performance. This is true also of some of the lectures in which reiteration and prolongation in time of delivery aids very much in forcibly impressing the candidate and other observers with the importance and sacredness of the ceremony.
It has always been customary for the Midē´ priests to preserve birch-bark records, bearing delicate incised lines to represent pictorially the ground plan of the number of degrees to which the owner is entitled. Such records or charts are sacred and are never exposed to the public view, being brought forward for inspection only when
Plate III. Red Lake And Leech Lake Records (key).
Complete Plate
During the year 1887, while at Red Lake, Minnesota, I had the good fortune to discover the existence of an old birch-bark chart, which, according to the assurances of the chief and assistant Midē´ priests, had never before been exhibited to a white man, nor even to an Indian unless he had become a regular candidate. This chart measures 7 feet 1½ inches in length and 18 inches in width, and is made of five pieces of birch bark neatly and securely stitched together by means of thin, flat strands of bass wood. At each end are two thin strips of wood, secured transversely by wrapping and stitching with thin strands of bark, so as to prevent splitting and fraying of the ends of the record. Pl. III A, is a reproduction of the design referred to.
It had been in the keeping of Skwēkŏ´mĭk, to whom it was intrusted at the death of his father-in-law, the latter, in turn, having received it in 1825 from Badâ´san, the Grand Shaman and chief of the Winnibē´goshish Ojibwa.
It is affirmed that Badâ´san had received the original from the Grand Midē´ priest at La Pointe, Wisconsin, where, it is said, the Midē´wiwin was at that time held annually and the ceremonies conducted in strict accordance with ancient and traditional usage.
The present owner of this record has for many years used it in the preliminary instruction of candidates. Its value in this respect is very great, as it presents to the Indian a pictorial résumé of the traditional history of the origin of the Midē´wiwin, the positions occupied by the various guardian man´idos in the several degrees, and the order of procedure in study and progress of the candidate. On account of the isolation of the Red Lake Indians and their long continued, independent ceremonial observances, changes have gradually occurred so that there is considerable variation, both in the pictorial representation and the initiation, as compared with the records and ceremonials preserved at other reservations. The reason of this has already been given.
A detailed description of the above mentioned record, will be presented further on in connection with two interesting variants which were subsequently obtained at White Earth, Minnesota. On account of the widely separated location of many of the different bands of the Ojibwa, and the establishment of independent Midē´ societies, portions of the ritual which have been forgotten by one set may be found to survive at some other locality, though at the expense of some other fragments of tradition or ceremonial. No satisfactory account of the tradition of the origin of the Indians has been obtained, but such information as it was possible to procure will be submitted.
Mi´nabō´zho (Great Rabbit), whose name occurs in connection with most of the sacred rites, was the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, the Good Spirit, and acted in the capacity of intercessor and mediator. It is generally supposed that it was to his good offices that the Indian owes life and the good things necessary to his health and subsistence.
The tradition of Mi´nabō´zho and the origin of the Midē´wiwin, as given in connection with the birch-bark record obtained at Red Lake (Pl. III A), is as follows:
When Mi´nabō´zho, the servant of Dzhe Man´idō, looked down upon the earth he beheld human beings, the Ani´shinâ´bēg, the ancestors of the Ojibwa. They occupied the four quarters of the earth—the northeast, the southeast, the southwest, and the northwest. He saw how helpless they were, and desiring to give them the means of warding off the diseases with which they were constantly afflicted, and to provide them with animals and plants to serve as food and with other comforts, Mi´nabō´zho remained thoughtfully hovering over the center of the earth, endeavoring to devise some means of communicating with them, when he heard something laugh, and perceived a dark object appear upon the surface of the water to the west (No. 2). He could not recognize its form, and while watching it closely it slowly disappeared from view. It next appeared in the north (No. 3), and after a short lapse of time again disappeared. Mi´nabō´zho hoped it would again show itself upon the surface of the water, which it did in the east (No. 4). Then Mi´nabō´zho wished that it might approach him, so as to permit him to communicate with it. When it disappeared from view in the east and made its reappearance in the south (No. 1), Mi´nabō´zho asked it to come to the center of the earth that he might behold it. Again it disappeared from view, and after reappearing in the west Mi´nabō´zho observed it slowly approaching the center of the earth (i.e., the centre of the circle), when he descended and saw it was the Otter, now one of the sacred man´idōs of the Midē´wiwin. Then Mi´nabō´zho instructed the Otter in the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin, and gave him at the same time the sacred rattle to be used at the side of the sick; the sacred Midē´ drum to be used during the ceremonial of initiation and at sacred feasts, and tobacco, to be employed in invocations and in making peace.
The place where Mi´nabō´zho descended was an island in the middle of a large body of water, and the Midē´ who is feared by all the others is called Mini´sino´shkwe (He-who-lives-on-the-island). Then
The mī´gis is considered the sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân, and may consist of any small white shell, though the one believed to be similar to the one mentioned in the above tradition resembles the cowrie, and the ceremonies of initiation as carried out in the Midē´wiwin at this day are believed to be similar to those enacted by Mi´nabō´zho and the Otter. It is admitted by all the Midē´ priests whom I have consulted that much of the information has been lost through the death of their aged predecessors, and they feel convinced that ultimately all of the sacred character of the work will be forgotten or lost through the adoption of new religions by the young people and the death of the Midē´ priests, who, by the way, decline to accept Christian teachings, and are in consequence termed “pagans.”
My instructor and interpreter of the Red Lake chart added other information in explanation of the various characters represented thereon, which I present herewith. The large circle at the right side of the chart denotes the earth as beheld by Mi´nabō´zho, while the Otter appeared at the square projections at Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4; the semicircular appendages between these are the four quarters of the earth, which are inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg, Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8. Nos. 9 and 10 represent two of the numerous malignant man´idōs, who endeavor to prevent entrance into the sacred structure and mysteries of the Midē´wiwin. The oblong squares, Nos. 11 and 12, represent the outline of the first degree of the society, the inner corresponding lines being the course traversed during initiation. The entrance to the lodge is directed toward the east, the western exit indicating the course toward the next higher degree. The four human forms at Nos. 13, 14, 15, and 16 are the four officiating Midē´ priests whose services are always demanded at an initiation. Each is represented as having a rattle. Nos. 17, 18, and 19 indicate the cedar trees, one of each of this species being planted near the outer angles of a Midē´ lodge. No. 20 represents the ground. The outline of the bear at No. 21 represents the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, one of the sacred Midē´ man´idōs, to which the candidate must pray and make offerings of tobacco, that he may compel the malevolent spirits to draw away from the entrance to the Midē´wigân, which is shown in No. 28. Nos 23 and 24 represent the sacred drum which
After the candidate has been admitted to one degree, and is prepared to advance to the second, he offers three feasts, and chants three prayers to the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit (No. 22), that the entrance (No. 29) to that degree may be opened to him. The feasts and chants are indicated by the three drums shown at Nos. 25, 26, and 27.
Nos. 30, 31, 32, 33, and 34 are five Serpent Spirits, evil man´idōs who oppose a Midē´’s progress, though after the feasting and prayers directed to the Makwa´ Man´idō have by him been deemed sufficient the four smaller Serpent Spirits move to either side of the path between the two degrees, while the larger serpent (No. 32) raises its body in the middle so as to form an arch, beneath which passes the candidate on his way to the second degree.
Nos. 35, 36, 46, and 47 are four malignant Bear Spirits, who guard the entrance and exit to the second degree, the doors of which are at Nos. 37 and 49. The form of this lodge (No. 38) is like the preceding; but while the seven Midē´ priests at Nos. 39, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, and 45 simply indicate that the number of Midē´ assisting at this second initiation are of a higher and more sacred class of personages than in the first degree, the number designated having reference to quality and intensity rather than to the actual number of assistants, as specifically shown at the top of the first degree structure.
When the Midē´ is of the second degree, he receives from Dzhe Man´idō supernatural powers as shown in No. 48. The lines extending upward from the eyes signify that he can look into futurity; from the ears, that he can hear what is transpiring at a great distance; from the hands, that he can touch for good or for evil friends and enemies at a distance, however remote; while the lines extending from the feet denote his ability to traverse all space in the accomplishment of his desires or duties. The small disk upon the breast of the figure denotes that a Midē´ of this degree has several times had the mī´gis—life—“shot into his body,” the increased size of the spot signifying amount or quantity of influence obtained thereby.
No. 50 represents a Mi´tsha Midē´ or Bad Midē´, one who employs his powers for evil purposes. He has the power of assuming the form of any animal, in which guise he may destroy the life of his victim, immediately after which he resumes his human form and appears innocent of any crime. His services are sought by people who wish to encompass the destruction of enemies or rivals, at however remote a locality the intended victim may be at the time. An illustration representing the modus operandi of his performance is reproduced and explained in Fig. 24, page 238.
Persons possessed of this power are sometimes termed witches, special reference to whom is made elsewhere. The illustration, No.
If a second degree Midē´ succeeds in his desire to become a member of the third degree, he proceeds in a manner similar to that before described; he gives feasts to the instructing and four officiating Midē´, and offers prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for favor and success. No. 53 denotes that the candidate now personates the bear—not one of the malignant man´idōs, but one of the sacred man´idōs who are believed to be present during the ceremonials of initiation of the second degree. He is seated before his sacred drum, and when the proper time arrives the Serpent Man´idō (No. 54)—who has until this opposed his advancement—now arches its body, and beneath it he crawls and advances toward the door (No. 55) of the third degree (No. 56) of the Midē´wiwin, where he encounters two (Nos. 57 and 58) of the four Panther Spirits, the guardians of this degree.
Nos. 61 to 76 indicate midē´ spirits who inhabit the structure of this degree, and the number of human forms in excess of those shown in connection with the second degree indicates a correspondingly higher and more sacred character. When an Indian has passed this, initiation he becomes very skillful in his profession of a Midē´. The powers which he possessed in the second degree may become augmented. He is represented in No. 77 with arms extended, and with lines crossing his body and arms denoting darkness and obscurity, which signifies his ability to grasp from the invisible world the knowledge and means to accomplish extraordinary deeds. He feels more confident of prompt response and assistance from the sacred man´idōs and his knowledge of them becomes more widely extended.
Nos. 59 and 60 are two of the four Panther Spirits who are the special guardians of the third degree lodge.
To enter the fourth and highest degree of the society requires a greater number of feasts than before, and the candidate, who continues to personate the Bear Spirit, again uses his sacred drum, as he is shown sitting before it in No. 78, and chants more prayers to Dzhe Man´idō for his favor. This degree is guarded by the greatest number and the most powerful of malevolent spirits, who make a last effort to prevent a candidate’s entrance at the door (No. 79) of the fourth degree structure (No. 80). The chief opponents to be overcome, through the assistance of Dzhe Man´idō, are two Panther Spirits (Nos. 81 and 82) at the eastern entrance, and two Bear Spirits (Nos. 83 and 84) at the western exit. Other bad spirits are about the structure, who frequently gain possession and are then enabled to make strong and prolonged resistance to the candidate’s entrance.
The power with which it is possible to become endowed after passing through the fourth degree is expressed by the outline of a human figure (No. 98), upon which are a number of spots indicating that the body is covered with the mī´gis or sacred shells, symbolical of the Midē´wiwin. These spots designate the places where the Midē´ priests, during the initiation, shot into his body the mī´gis and the lines connecting them in order that all the functions of the several corresponding parts or organs of the body may be exercised.
The ideal fourth degree Midē´ is presumed to be in a position to accomplish the greatest feats in necromancy and magic. He is not only endowed with the power of reading the thoughts and intentions of others, as is pictorially indicated by the mī´gis spot upon the top of the head, but to call forth the shadow (soul) and retain it within his grasp at pleasure. At this stage of his pretensions, he is encroaching upon the prerogatives of the Jĕs´sakkīd´, and is then recognized as one, as he usually performs within the Jĕs´sakkân or Jĕs´sakkīd´ lodge, commonly designated “the Jugglery.”
The ten small circular objects upon the upper part of the record may have been some personal marks of the original owner; their import was not known to my informants and they do not refer to any portion of the history or ceremonies or the Midē´wiwin.
Extending toward the left from the end of the fourth degree inclosure is an angular pathway (No. 99), which represents the course to be followed by the Midē´ after he has attained this high distinction. On account of his position his path is often beset with dangers, as indicated by the right angles, and temptations which may lead him astray; the points at which he may possibly deviate from the true course of propriety are designated by projections branching off obliquely toward the right and left (No. 100). The ovoid figure (No. 101) at the end of this path is termed Wai-ĕk´-ma-yŏk´—End of the road—and is alluded to in the ritual, as will be observed hereafter, as the end of the world, i.e., the end of the individual’s existence. The number of vertical strokes (No. 102) within the ovoid figure signify the original owner to have been a fourth degree Midē´ for a period of 14 years.
The outline of the Midē´wigân (No. 103) not only denotes that the same individual was a member of the Midē´wiwin, but the thirteen vertical strokes shown in Nos. 104 and 105 indicate that he was chief Midē´ priest of the society for that number of years.
The outline of a Midē´wigân as shown at No. 106, with the place upon the interior designating the location of the sacred post (No.
Upon that portion of the chart immediately above the fourth degree lodge is shown the outline of a Midē´wiwin (No. 110), with a path (No. 114), leading toward the west to a circle (No. 111), within which is another similar structure (No. 112) whose longest diameter is at right angles to the path, signifying that it is built so that its entrance is at the north. This is the Dzhibai´ Midē´wigân or Ghost Lodge.
Around the interior of the circle are small V-shaped characters denoting the places occupied by the spirits of the departed, who are presided over by the Dzhibai´ Midē´, literally Shadow Midē´.
No. 113 represents the Kŏ´-kó-kŏ-ō´ (Owl) passing from the Midē´wigân to the Land of the Setting Sun, the place of the dead, upon the road of the dead, indicated by the pathway at No. 114. This man´idō is personated by a candidate for the first degree of the Midē´wiwin when giving a feast to the dead in honor of the shadow of him who had been dedicated to the Midē´wiwin and whose place is now to be taken by the giver of the feast.
Upon the back of the Midē´ record, above described, is the personal record of the original owner, as shown in Pl. III B. Nos. 1, 2, 3, and 4 represent the four degrees of the society into which he has been initiated, or, to use the phraseology of an Ojibwa, “through which he has gone.” This “passing through” is further illustrated by the bear tracks, he having personated the Makwa´ Man´idō or Bear Spirit, considered to be the highest and most powerful of the guardian spirits of the fourth degree wigwam.
The illustration presented in Pl. III C represents the outlines of a birch-bark record (reduced to one-third) found among the effects of a lately deceased Midē´ from Leech Lake, Minnesota. This record, together with a number of other curious articles, composed the outfit of the Midē´, but the Rev. James A. Gilfillan of White Earth, through whose courtesy I was permitted to examine the objects, could give me no information concerning their use. Since that time, however, I have had an opportunity of consulting with one of the chief priests of the Leech Lake Society, through whom I have obtained some interesting data concerning them.
The chart represents the owner to have been a Midē´ of the second degree, as indicated by the two outlines of the respective structures at Nos. 1 and 2, the place of the sacred posts being marked at Nos. 3 and 4. Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8 are Midē´ priests holding their Midē´ bags as in the ceremony of initiation. The disks represented at Nos. Pl. III A.
The remaining objects found among the effects of the Midē´ referred to will be described and figured hereafter.
Plate IV. Sikas´sige’s Record.
Larger Plate
The diagram represented on Pl. IV is a reduced copy of a record made by Sikas´sigĕ, a Mille Lacs Ojibwa Midē´ of the second degree, now resident at White Earth.
The chart illustrating pictorially the general plan of the several degrees is a copy of a record in the possession of the chief Midē´ at Mille Lacs in 1830, at which time Sikas´sigĕ, at the age of 10 years, received his first degree. For a number of years thereafter Sikas´sigĕ received continued instruction from his father Baiē´dzhĕk, and although he never publicly received advancement beyond the second degree of the society, his wife became a fourth degree priestess, at whose initiation he was permitted to be present.
Plate V. Origin of Âni´shinâ´bēg.
Larger Plate
Since his residence at White Earth Sikas´sigĕ has become one of the officiating priests of the society at that place. One version given by him of the origin of the Indians is presented in the following tradition, a pictorial representation having also been prepared of which Pl. V is a reduced copy:
In the beginning, Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1), made the Midē´ Man´idōs. He first created two men (Nos. 2 and 3), and two women (Nos. 4 and 5); but they had no power of thought or reason. Then Dzhe Man´idō (No. 1) made them rational beings. He took them in his hands so that they should multiply; he paired them, and from this sprung the Indians. When there were people he placed them upon the earth, but he soon observed that they were subject to sickness, misery, and death, and that unless he provided them with the Sacred Medicine they would soon become extinct.
Between the position occupied by Dzhe Man´idō and the earth were four lesser spirits (Nos. 6, 7, 8, and 9) with whom Dzhe Man´idō decided to commune, and to impart to them the mysteries by which the Indians could be benefited. So he first spoke to a spirit at No. 6, and told him all he had to say, who in turn communicated the same information to No. 7, and he in turn to No. 8, who also communed with No. 9. They all met in council, and determined to call in the four wind gods at Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 13. After consulting as to what would be best for the comfort and welfare of the Indians, these spirits agreed to ask Dzhe Man´idō to communicate the Mystery of the Sacred Medicine to the people.
Dzhe Man´idō then went to the Sun Spirit (No. 14) and asked him to go to the earth and instruct the people as had been decided upon by the council. The Sun Spirit, in the form of a little boy, went to the earth and lived with a woman (No. 15) who had a little boy of her own.
This family went away in the autum to hunt, and during the winter this woman’s
The adopted boy then had the party hasten to the village, when he said, “Get the women to make a wig´iwam of bark (No. 16), put the dead boy in a covering of birch bark and place the body on the ground in the middle of the wig´iwam.” On the next morning after this had been done, the family and friends went into this lodge and seated themselves around the corpse.
When they had all been sitting quietly for some time, they saw through the doorway the approach of a bear (No. 17) which gradually came towards the wig´iwam, entered it, and placed itself before the dead body and said hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, hŭ, when he passed around it towards the left side, with a trembling motion, and as he did so, the body began quivering, and the quivering increased as the bear continued until he had passed around four times, when the body came to life again and stood up. Then the bear called to the father, who was sitting in the distant right-hand corner of the wig´iwam, and addressed to him the following words:
Nōs ka-wī´-na ni´-shi-na´-bi wis-sī´ a´-ya-wī´-an man´-i-dō nin-gī´-sis.
My father is not an Indian not you are a spirit son.
Be-mai´-a-mī´-nik ni´-dzhĭ man´-i-dō mī-a-zhĭ´-gwa tshí-gĭ-a´-we-ân´.
Insomuch my fellow spirit now as you are.
Nōs a-zhĭ´-gwa a-sē´-ma tshi´-a-tō´-yēk. A´-mĭ-kŭn´-dem
My father now tobacco you shall put. He speaks of
mi-ē´-ta â´-bi-dink´ dzhi-gŏsh´-kwi-tōt´ wen´-dzhi-bi-mâ´-di-zid´-o-ma´
only once to be able to do it why he shall live here
a-gâ´-wa bi-mâ-dĭ-zĭd´-mi-o-ma´; ni-dzhĭ man´-i-dō
now that he scarcely lives; my fellow spirit
mí-a-zhĭ´-gwa tshí-gĭ-wĕ´-ân.
now I shall go home.
The little bear boy (No. 17) was the one who did this. He then remained among the Indians (No. 18) and taught them the mysteries of the Grand Medicine (No. 19); and, after he had finished, he told his adopted father that as his mission had been fulfilled he was to return to his kindred spirits, for the Indians would have no need to fear sickness as they now possessed the Grand Medicine which would enable them to live. He also said that his spirit could bring a body to life but once, and he would now return to the sun from which they would feel his influence.
This is called Kwí-wĭ-sĕns´ wĕ-dī´-shĭ-tshī gē-wī-nĭp—“Little-boy-his-work.”
From subsequent information it was learned that the line No. 22 denotes the earth, and that, being considered as one step in the course of initiation into the Midē´wiwin, three others must be taken before a candidate can be admitted. These steps, or rests, as they are denominated (Nos. 23, 24, and 25), are typified by four distinct gifts of goods, which must be remitted to the Midē´ priests before the ceremony can take place.
Nos. 18 and 19 are repetitions of the figures alluded to in the tradition (Nos. 16 and 17) to signify that the candidate must personate the Makwa´ Man´idō—Bear Spirit—when entering the Midē´wiwin (No. 19). No. 20 is the Midē´ Man´idō as Ki´tshi Man´idō is termed
Upon comparing the preceding tradition of the creation of the Indians with the following, which pertains to the descent to earth of Mi´nabō´zho, there appears to be some discrepancy, which could not be explained by Sikas´sigĕ, because he had forgotten the exact sequence of events; but from information derived from other Midē´ it is evident that there have been joined together two myths, the intervening circumstances being part of the tradition given below in connection with the narrative relating to the chart on Pl. III A.
This chart, which was in possession of the Mille Lacs chief Baiē´dzhĕk, was copied by him from that belonging to his preceptor at La Pointe about the year 1800, and although the traditions given by Sikas´sigĕ is similar to the one surviving at Red Lake, the diagram is an interesting variant for the reason that there is a greater amount of detail in the delineation of objects mentioned in the tradition.
By referring to Pl. IV it will be noted that the circle, No. 1, resembles the corresponding circle at the beginning of the record on Pl. III, A, with this difference, that the four quarters of the globe inhabited by the Ani´shinâ´bēg are not designated between the cardinal points at which the Otter appeared, and also that the central island, only alluded to there (Pl. III A), is here inserted.
The correct manner of arranging the two pictorial records, Pls. III A and IV, is by placing the outline of the earth’s surface (Pl. V, No. 21) upon the island indicated in Pl. IV, No. 6, so that the former stands vertically and at right angles to the latter; for the reason that the first half of the tradition pertains to the consultation held between Ki´tshi Man´idō and the four lesser spirits which is believed to have occurred above the earth’s surface. According to Sikas´sigĕ the two charts should be joined as suggested in the accompanying illustration, Fig. 2.
Fig. 2.—Sikas´sigĕ’s combined charts, showing descent of Min´abō´zho. complete figure
Pl. IV) is substantially as follows:
When Mi´nabō´zho descended to the earth to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg the Midē´wiwin, he left with them this chart, Midē´wigwas´. Ki´tshi Man´idō saw that his people on earth were without the means of protecting themselves against disease and death, so he sent Mi´nabō´zho to give to them the sacred gift. Mi´nabō´zho appeared over the waters and while reflecting in what manner he should be able to communicate with the people, he heard something laugh, just as an otter sometimes cries out. He saw something black appear upon the waters in the west (No. 2) which immediately disappeared beneath the surface again. Then it came up at the northern horizon (No. 3), which pleased Mi´nabō´zho, as he thought he now had some one through whom he might convey the information with which he had been charged by Ki´tshi Man´idō. When the black object disappeared beneath the waters at the north to reappear in the east (No. 4), Mi´nabō´zho desired it would come to him in the middle of the waters, but it disappeared to make its reappearance in the south (No. 5), where it again sank out of sight to reappear in the west (No. 2), when Mi´nabō´zho asked it to approach the center where there was an island (No. 6), which it did. This did Ni´gĭk, the Otter, and for this reason he is given charge of the first degree of the Midē´wiwin (Nos. 35 and 36) where his spirit always abides during initiation and when healing the sick.
Then Ni´gĭk asked Mi´nabō´zho, “Why do you come to this place?” When the latter said, “I have pity on the Ani´shinâ´bēg and wish to give them life; Ki´tshi Man´idō gave me the power to confer upon them the means of protecting themselves against sickness and death, and through you I will give them the Midē´wiwin, and teach them the sacred rites.”
Then Mi´nabō´zho built a Midē´wigân in which he instructed the Otter in all the mysteries of the Midē´wiwin. The Otter sat before the door of the Midē´wigân four days (Nos. 7, 8, 9, and 10), sunning himself, after which time he approached the entrance (No. 14), where his progress was arrested (No. 11) by seeing two bad spirits (Nos. 12 and 13) guarding it. Through the powers possessed by Mi´nabō´zho he was enabled to pass these; when he entered the sacred lodge (No. 15), the first object he beheld being the sacred stone (No. 16) against which those who were sick were to be seated, or laid, when undergoing the ceremonial of restoring them to health. He next saw a post (No. 17) painted red with a green band around the top. A sick man would also have to pray
A life is represented by the line No. 27, the signification of the short lines (Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31) denoting that the course of human progress is beset by temptations and trials which may be the cause of one’s departure from such course of conduct as is deemed proper, and the beliefs taught by the Midē´. When one arrives at middle age (No. 32) his course for the remaining period of life is usually without any special events, as indicated by the plain line No. 27, extending from middle age (No. 32) to the end of one’s existence (No. 33). The short lines at Nos. 28, 29, 30, and 31, indicating departure from the path of propriety, terminate in rounded spots and signify, literally, “lecture places,” because when a Midē´ feels himself failing in duty or vacillating in faith he must renew professions by giving a feast and lecturing to his confreres, thus regaining his strength to resist evil doing—such as making use of his powers in harming his kinsmen, teaching that which was not given him by Ki´tshi Man´idō through Mi´nabō´zho, etc. His heart must be cleansed and his tongue guarded.
To resume the tradition of the course pursued by the Otter, Sikas´sigĕ said:
The Otter then went round the interior of the Midē´wigân (No. 34), and finally seated himself in the west, where Mi´nabō´zho shot into his body the sacred mī´gis, which was in his Midē´ bag. Then Mi´nabō´zho said, “This is your lodge and you shall own it always (Nos. 35 and 36), and eight Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 19-26) shall guard it during the night.”
The Otter was taken to the entrance (No. 37) of the second degree structure (No. 38), which he saw was guarded by two evil man´idōs (Nos. 39 and 40), who opposed his progress, but who were driven away by Mi´nabō´zho. When the Otter entered at the door he beheld the sacred stone (No. 41) and two posts (Nos. 42, 43), the one nearest to him being painted red with a green band around the top, and another at the middle, with a bunch of little feathers upon the top. The other post (No. 43) was painted red, with only a band of green at the top, similar to the first degree post. Nos. 44 and 45 are the places where sacred objects and gifts are placed. This degree of the Midē´wiwin is guarded at night by twelve Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 46 to 57) placed there by Ki´tshi Man´idō, and the degree is owned by the Thunder Bird as shown in Nos. 58, 59.
The circles (Nos. 60, 61, and 62) at either end of the outline of the structure denoting the degree and beneath it are connected by a line (No. 63) as in the preceding degree, and are a mere repetition to denote the course of conduct to be pursued by the Midē´. The points (Nos. 64, 65, 66, and 67), at the termini of the shorter lines, also refer to the feasts and lectures to be given in case of need.
When the Otter had passed around the interior of the Midē´wigân four times, he seated himself in the west and faced the degree post, when Mi´nabō´zho again shot into his body the mī´gis, which gave him renewed life. Then the Otter was told to take a “sweat bath” once each day for four successive days, so as to prepare for the next degree. (This number is indicated at the rounded spots at Nos. 68, 69, 70, and 71.)
The third degree of the Midē´wiwin (No. 72) is guarded during the day by two Midē´ spirits (Nos. 73, 74) near the eastern entrance, and by the Makwa´ Man´idō within the inclosure (Nos. 75 and 76), and at night by eighteen Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 77 to 94), placed there by Ki´tshi Man´idō. When the Otter approached the entrance (No. 95) he was again arrested in his progress by two evil man´idōs (Nos. 96 and 97), who opposed his admission, but Mi´nibō´zho overcame them and the Otter entered. Just inside of the door, and on each side, the Otter saw a post (Nos. 98 and 99), and at the western door or exit two corresponding posts (Nos. 100 and 101). These symbolized the four legs of the Makwa´ Man´idō, or Bear Spirit, who is the guardian by day and the owner of the third degree. The Otter then observed the sacred stone (No. 102) and the two heaps of sacred objects (Nos. 103 and 104) which Mi´nabō´zho had deposited, and three degree posts (Nos. 105, 106, and 107), the first of which (No. 105) was a plain cedar post with the bark upon it, but sharpened at the top; the second (No. 106), a red post with a green band round the top and one about the middle, as in the second degree; and the third a cross (No. 107) painted red, each of the tips painted green. [The vertical line No. 108 was said to have no relation to anything connected with the tradition.] After the Otter had observed the interior of the Midē´wigân he again made four circuits, after which he took his station in the west, where he seated himself, facing the sacred degree posts. Then Mi´nabō´zho, for the third time, shot into his body the mī´gis, thus adding to the powers which he already possessed, after which he was to prepare for the fourth degree of the Midē´wiwin.
Other objects appearing upon the chart were subsequently explained as follows:
The four trees (Nos. 109, 110, 111, and 112), one of which is planted at each of the four corners of the Midē´wigân, are usually cedar, though pine may be taken as a substitute when the former can not be had. The repetition of the circles Nos. 113, 114, and 115 and connecting line No. 116, with the short lines at Nos. 117, 118, 119, and 120, have the same signification as in the preceding two degrees.
After the Otter had received the third degree he prepared himself for the fourth, and highest, by taking a steam bath once a day for four successive days (Nos. 121, 122, 123, and 124). Then, as he proceeded toward the Midē´wigân he came to a wig´iwam made of brush (No. 179), which was the nest of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit, who guarded the four doors of the sacred structure.
The four rows of spots have reference to the four entrances of the Midē´wigân of the fourth degree. The signification of the spots near the larger circle, just beneath the “Bear’s nest” could not be explained by Sikas´sigĕ, but the row of spots (No. 117) along the horizontal line leading to the entrance of the inclosure were denominated steps, or stages of progress, equal to as many days—one spot denoting one day—which must elapse before the Otter was permitted to view the entrance.
Fig. 4.—Peep-hole post.
When the Otter approached the fourth degree (No. 118) he came to a short post Fig. 4.] But before he was permitted to look through it he rested and invoked the favor of Ki´tshi Man´idō, that the evil man´idōs might be expelled from his path. Then, when the Otter looked through the post, he saw that the interior of the inclosure was filled with Midē´ Man´idos, ready to receive him and to attend during his initiation. The two Midē´ Man´idos at the outside of the eastern entrance (Nos. 120 and 121) compelled the evil man´idōs (Nos. 122 and 123) to depart and permit the Otter to enter at the door (No. 124). Then the Otter beheld the sacred stone (No. 125) and the five heaps of sacred objects which Minabō´zho had deposited (Nos. 126, 127, 128, 129, and 130) near the four degree posts (Nos. 131, 132, 133, and 134). According to their importance, the first was painted red, with a green band about the top; the second was painted red, with two green bands, one at the top and another at the middle; the third consisted of a cross painted red, with the tips of the arms and the top of the post painted green; while the fourth was a square post, the side toward the east being painted white, that toward the south green, that toward the west red, and that toward the north black.
The two sets of sticks (Nos. 135 and 136) near the eastern and western doors represent the legs of Makwa´ Man´idō, the Bear Spirit. When the Otter had observed all these things he passed round the interior of the Midē´wigân four times, after which he seated himself in the west, facing the degree posts, when Mi´nabō´zho approached him and for the fourth time shot into his body the sacred mī´gis, which gave him life that will endure always. Then Mi´nabō´zho said to the Otter, “This degree belongs to Ki´tshi Man´ido, the Great Spirit (Nos. 137 and 138), who will always be present when you give the sacred rite to any of your people.” At night the Midē´ Man´idōs (Nos. 139 to 162) will guard the Midē´wigân, as they are sent by Ki´tshi Man´ido to do so. The Bear’s nest (Nos. 163 and 164) just beyond the northern and southern doors (Nos. 165 and 166) of the Midē´wigân are the places where Makwa´ Man´idō takes his station when guarding the doors.
Then the Otter made a wig´iwam and offered four prayers (Nos. 167, 168, 169, and 170) for the rites of the Midē´wiwin, which Ki´tshi Man´idō had given him.
The following supplemental explanations were added by Sikas´sigĕ, viz: The four vertical lines at the outer angles of the lodge structure (Nos. 171, 172, 173, and 174), and four similar ones on the inner corners (Nos. 175, 176, 177, and 178), represent eight cedar trees planted there by the Midē´ at the time of preparing the Midē´wigân for the reception of candidates. The circles Nos. 179, 180, and 181, and the connecting line, are a reproduction of similar ones shown in the three preceding degrees, and signify the course of a Midē’s life—that it should be without fault and in strict accordance with the teachings of the Midē´wiwin. The short lines, terminating in circles Nos. 182, 183, 184, and 185, allude to temptations which beset the Midē’s path, and he shall, when so tempted, offer at these points feasts and lectures, or, in other words, “professions of faith.” The three lines Nos. 186, 187, and 188, consisting of four
Fig. 5.— Migration of Âníshinâ´beg.
The illustration presented in Fig. 5 is a reduced copy of a drawing made by Sikas´sigĕ to represent the migration of the Otter toward the west after he had received the rite of the Midē´wiwin. No. 1 refers to the circle upon the large chart on Pl. III in A, No. 1, and signifies the earth’s surface as before described. No. 2 in Fig. 5 is a line separating the history of the Midē´wiwin from that of the migration as follows: When the Otter had offered four prayers, as above mentioned, which fact is referred to by the spot No. 3, he disappeared beneath the surface of the water and went toward the west, whither the Ani´shinâ´bēg followed him, and located at Ottawa Island (No. 4). Here they erected the Midē´wigân and lived for many years. Then the Otter again disappeared beneath the water, and in a short time reappeared at A´wiat´ang (No. 5), when the Midē´wigân was again erected and the sacred rites conducted in accordance with the teachings of Mi´nabō´zho. Thus was an interrupted migration continued, the several resting places being given below in their proper order, at each of which the rites of the Midē´wiwin were conducted in all their purity. The next place to locate at was Mi´shenama´kinagung—Mackinaw -the-surface (No. 15); Wikwe´dânwonggân—Sandy Bay (No. 16); Neâ´shiwikongk—Cliff Point (No. 17); Netân´wayan´sink—Little point-of-sand-bar (No. 18); An´nibins—Little elm tree (No. 19); Wikup´binminsh-literally, Little-island-basswood (No. 20); Makubin´minsh—Bear Island (No. 21); Sha´geski´ke´dawan´ga (No. 22); Ni´wigwas´sikongk—The place where bark is peeled (No. 23); Ta´pakwe´ĭkak [Sa´apakwe´shkwaokongk]—The-place-where-lodge-bark-is-obtained (No. 24); Ne´uwesak´kudeze´bi [Ne´wisaku´desi´bin]—Point-deadwood-timber river (No. 25); Amini´kanzi´bi [modern name, Âsh´kiba´gisi´bi], given respectively as Fish spawn River and Green leaf River (No. 26).
This last-named locality is said to be Sandy Lake, Minnesota, where the Otter appeared for the last time, and where the Midē´wigân was finally located. From La Pointe, as well as from Sandy Lake, the Ojibwa claim to have dispersed in bands over various portions of the territory, as well as into Wisconsin, which final separation into distinct bodies has been the chief cause of the gradual changes found to exist in the ceremonies of the Midē´wiwin.
Plate VI. Ojibwa Facial Decoration.
According to Sikas´sigĕ, the above account of the initiation of the Otter, by Mi´nabo´zho, was adopted as the course of initiation by the Midē´ priests of the Mille Lacs Society, when he himself received the first degree, 1830. At that time a specific method of facial decoration was pursued by the priests of the respective degrees (Pl. VI), each adopting that pertaining to the highest degree to which he was entitled, viz:
First degree.—A broad band of green across the forehead and a narrow stripe of vermilion across the face, just below the eyes.
Second degree.—A narrow stripe of vermilion across the temples, the eyelids, and the root of the nose, a short distance above which is a similar stripe of green, then another of vermilion, and above this again one of green.
Third degree.—Red and white spots are daubed all over the face, the spots being as large as can be made by the finger tips in applying the colors.
Fourth degree.—Two forms of decoration were admissible; for the first, the face was painted with vermilion, with a stripe of green extending diagonally across it from the upper part of the left temporal region to the lower part of the right cheek; for the second, the face was painted red with two short, horizontal parallel bars of
Plate VIII. Ojibwa’s Record.
Larger Plate
On Pl. VIII is presented a reduced copy of the Midē´ chart made by Ojibwa, a Midē´ priest of the fourth degree and formerly a member of the society of the Sandy Lake band of the Mississippi Ojibwa. The illustration is copied from his own chart which he received in 1833 in imitation of that owned by his father, Me´toshi´kōnsh; and this last had been received from Lake Superior, presumably La Pointe, many years before.
The illustration of the four degrees are here represented in profile, and shows higher artistic skill than the preceding copies from Red Lake, and Mille Lacs.
The information given by Ojibwa, regarding the characters is as follows:
When Ki´tshi Man´idō had decided to give to the Ani´shinâ´bēg the rites of the Midē´wiwin, he took his Midē´ drum and sang, calling upon the other Man´idōs to join him and to hear what he was going to do. No. 1 represents the abode in the sky of Ki´tshi Man´idō, No. 2, indicating the god as he sits drumming, No. 3. the small spots surrounding the drum denoting the mī´gis with which everything about him is covered. The Midē´ Man´idōs came to him in his Midē´wigân (No. 4), eleven of which appear upon the inside of that structure, while the ten—all but himself—upon the outside (Nos. 5 to 14) are represented as descending to the earth, charged with the means of conferring upon the Ani´shinâbē´g the sacred rite. In the Midē´wigân (No. 4) is shown also the sacred post (No. 15) upon which is perched Kŏ-ko´kŏ-ō—the Owl (No. 16). The line traversing the structure, from side to side, represents the trail leading through it, while the two rings (Nos. 17 and 18) upon the right side of the post indicate respectively the spot where the presents are deposited and the sacred stone—this according to modern practices.
When an Indian is prepared to receive the rights of initiation he prepares a wig´iwam (No. 19) in which he takes a steam bath once each day for four successive days. The four baths and four days are indicated by the number of spots at the floor of the lodge, representing stones. The instructors, employed by him, and the officiating priests of the society are present, one of which (No. 20) may be observed upon the left of the wig´iwam in the act of making an offering of smoke, while the one to the right (No. 21) is drumming and singing. The four officiating priests are visible to either side of the candidate within the structure. The wig´iwams (Nos. 22, 23, 24, and 25) designate the village habitations.
In the evening of the day preceding the initiation, the candidate (No. 26) visits his instructor (No. 27) to receive from him final directions as to the part to be enacted upon the following day. The candidate is shown in the act of carrying with him his pipe, the offering of tobacco being the most acceptable of all gifts. His relatives follow and carry the goods and other presents, some of which are suspended from the branches of the Midē´ tree (No. 28) near the entrance of the first degree structure. The instructor’s wig´iwam is shown at No. 29, the two dark circular spots upon the floor showing two of the seats, occupied by instructor and pupil. The figure No. 27 has his left arm elevated, denoting that his conversation pertains to Ki´tshi Man´idō, while in his right hand he holds his Midē´ drum. Upon the following
This degree is presided over and guarded by the Panther Man´idō.
When the candidate has been able to procure enough gifts to present to the society for the second degree, he takes his drum and offers chants (No. 35) to Ki´tshi Man´idō for success. Ki´tshi Man´idō himself is the guardian of the second degree and his footprints are shown in No. 36. No. 37 represents the second degree inclosure, and contains two sacred posts (Nos. 38 and 39), the first of which is the same as that of the first degree, the second being painted with white clay, bearing two bands of vermilion, one about the top and one near the middle. A small branch near the top is used, after the ceremony is over, to hang the tobacco pouch on. No. 40 represents the musicians and attendants; No. 41 the candidate upon his knees; while Nos. 42, 43, 44, and 45 pictures the officiating priests who surround him. The horizontal pole (No. 46) has presents of robes, blankets, and kettles suspended from it.
When a candidate is prepared to advance to the third degree (No. 47) he personates Makwa´ Man´idō, who is the guardian of this degree, and whose tracks (No. 48) are visible. The assistants are visible upon the interior, drumming and dancing. There are three sacred posts, the first (No. 49) is black, and upon this is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´—the Owl; the second (No. 50) is painted with white clay and has upon the top the effigy of an owl; while the third (No. 51) is painted with vermilion, bearing upon the summit the effigy of an Indian. Small wooden effigies of the human figure are used by the Midē´ in their tests of the proof of the genuineness and sacredness of their religion, which tests will be alluded to under another caption. The horizontal rod (No. 52), extending from one end of the structure to the other, has suspended from it the blankets and other gifts.
The guardian of the fourth degree is Maka´no—the Turtle—as he appears (No. 53) facing the entrance of the fourth degree (No. 54). Four sacred posts are planted in the fourth degree; the first (No. 55), being painted white upon the upper half and green upon the lower; the second (No. 56) similar; the third (No. 57) painted red, with a black spiral line extending from the top to the bottom, and upon which is placed Kŏ-ko´-kŏ-ō´—the Owl; and the fourth (No. 58), a cross, the arms and part of the trunk of which is white, with red spots—to designate the sacred mī´gis—the lower half of the trunk cut square, the face toward the east painted red, the south green, the west white, and the north black. The spot (No. 59) at the base of the cross signifies the place of the sacred stone, while the human figures (No. 60) designate the participants, some of whom are seated near the wall of the inclosure, whilst others are represented as beating the drum. Upon the horizontal pole (No. 61) are shown the blankets constituting gifts to the society.
Plate VII. Ojibwa Facial Decoration.
The several specific methods of facial decoration employed (Pl. VII), according to Ojibwa’s statement, are as follows:
First degree.—One stripe of vermilion across the face, from near the ears across the tip of the nose.
Second degree.—One stripe as above, and another across the eyelids, temples, and the root of the nose.
Third degree.—The upper half of the face is painted green and the lower half red.
Fourth degree.—The forehead and left side of the face, from the outer canthus of the eye downward, is painted green; four spots of vermilion are made with the tip of the finger upon the forehead and four upon the green surface of the left cheek. In addition to this, the plumes of the golden eagle, painted red, are worn upon the head and down the back. This form of decoration is not absolutely necessary, as the expense of the “war bonnet” places it beyond the reach of the greater number of persons.
Before proceeding further with the explanation of the Mide´ records it may be of interest to quote the traditions relative to the migration of the Ani´shinâ´bēg, as obtained by Mr. Warren previous to 1853. In his reference to observing the rites of initiation he heard one of the officiating priests deliver “a loud and spirited harangue,” of which the following words126 caught his attention:
“Our forefathers were living on the great salt water toward the rising sun, the great Megis (seashell) showed itself above the surface of the great water and the rays of the sun for a long time period were reflected from its glossy back. It gave warmth and light to the An-ish-in-aub-ag (red race). All at once it sank into the deep, and for a time our ancestors were not blessed with its light. It rose to the surface and appeared again on the great river which drains the waters of the Great Lakes, and again for a long time it gave life to our forefathers and reflected back the rays of the sun. Again it disappeared from sight and it rose not till it appeared to the eyes of the An-ish-in-aub-ag on the shores of the first great lake. Again it sank from sight, and death daily visited the wigiwams of our forefathers till it showed its back and reflected the rays of the sun once more at Bow-e-ting (Sault Ste. Marie). Here it remained for a long time, but once more, and for the last time, it disappeared, and the An-ish-in-aub-ag was left in darkness and misery, till it floated and once more showed its bright back at Mo-ning-wun-a-kaun-ing (La Pointe Island), where it has ever since reflected back the rays of the sun and blessed our ancestors with life, light, and wisdom. Its rays reach the remotest village of the widespread Ojibways.” As the old man delivered this talk he continued to display the shell, which he represented as an emblem of the great megis of which he was speaking.
A few days after, anxious to learn the true meaning of this allegory, ***I requested him to explain to me the meaning of his Me-da-we harangue.
After filling his pipe and smoking of the tobacco I had presented he proceeded to give me the desired information, as follows:
“My grandson,” said he, “the megis I spoke of means the Me-da-we religion. Our forefathers, many string of lives ago, lived on the shores of the great salt water in the east. Here, while they were suffering the ravages of sickness and death, the Great Spirit, at the intercession of Man-a-bo-sho, the great common uncle of the An-ish-in-aub-ag, granted them this rite, wherewith life is restored and prolonged. Our forefathers moved from the shores of the great water and proceeded westward.
“The Me-da-we lodge was pulled down, and it was not again erected till our forefathers again took a stand on the shores of the great river where Mo-ne-aung (Montreal) now stands.
“In the course of time this town was again deserted, and our forefathers, still
“Again these rites were forgotten, and the Me-da-we lodge was not built till the Ojibways found themselves congregated at Bow-e-ting (outlet of Lake Superior), where it remained for many winters. Still the Ojibways moved westward, and for the last time the Me-da-we lodge was erected on the island of La Pointe, and here, long before the pale face appeared among them, it was practiced in its purest and most original form. Many of our fathers lived the full term of life granted to mankind by the Great Spirit, and the forms of many old people were mingled with each rising generation. This, my grandson, is the meaning of the words you did not understand; they have been repeated to us by our fathers for many generations.”
In the explanation of the chart obtained at Red Lake, together with the tradition, reference to the otter, as being the most sacred emblem of society, is also verified in a brief notice of a tradition by Mr. Warren,127 as follows:
There is another tradition told by the old men of the Ojibway village of Fond du Lac, Lake Superior, which tells of their former residence on the shores of the great salt water. It is, however, so similar in character to the one I have related that its introduction here would only occupy unnecessary space. The only difference between the two traditions is that the otter, which is emblematical of one of the four Medicine Spirits who are believed to preside over the Midawe rites, is used in one in the same figurative manner as the seashell is used in the other, first appearing to the ancient An-ish-in-aub-ag from the depths of the great salt water, again on the river St. Lawrence, then on Lake Huron at Sault Ste. Marie, again at La Pointe, but lastly at Fond du Lac, or end of Lake Superior, where it is said to have forced the sand bank at the mouth of the St. Louis River. The place is still pointed out by the Indians where they believe the great otter broke through.
It is affirmed by the Indians that at Sault Ste. Marie some of the Ojibwa separated from the main body of that tribe and traversed the country along the northern shore of Lake Superior toward the west. These have since been known of as the “Bois Forts” (hardwood people or timber people), other bands being located at Pigeon River, Rainy Lake, etc. Another separation occurred at La Pointe, one party going toward Fond du Lac and westward to Red Lake, where they claim to have resided for more than three hundred years, while the remainder scattered from La Pointe westward and southwestward, locating at favorable places throughout the timbered country. This early dismemberment and long-continued separation of the Ojibwa nation accounts, to a considerable extent, for the several versions of the migration and the sacred emblems connected with the Midē´wiwin, the northern bands generally maintaining their faith in favor of the Otter as the guide, while the southern bodies are almost entirely supporters of the belief in the great mī´gis.
On account of the independent operations of the Midē´ priests in the various settlements of the Ojibwa, and especially because of the slight intercourse between those of the northern and southern divisions of the nation, there has arisen a difference in the pictographic
Fig. 6.—Birch-bark record, from White Earth.
The tradition relating to Mi´nabō´zho and the sacred objects received from Ki´tshi Man´idō for the Ani´shinâ´bēg is illustrated in Fig. 6, which is a reproduction of a chart preserved at White Earth. The record is read from left to right. No. 1 represents Mi´nabō´zho, who says of the adjoining characters representing the members of the Midē´wiwin: “They are the ones, they are the ones, who put into my heart the life.” Mi´nabō´zho holds in his left hand the sacred Midē´ sack, or pin-ji´-gu-sân´. Nos. 2 and 3 represent the drummers. At the sound of the drum all the Midē´ rise and become inspired, because Ki´tshi Man´idō is then present in the wig´iwam. No. 4 denotes that women also have the privilege of becoming members of the Midē´wiwin. The figure holds in the left hand the Midē´ sack, made of a snake skin. No. 5 represents the Tortoise, the guardian spirit who was the giver of some of the sacred objects used in the rite. No. 6, the Bear, also a benevolent Man´idō, but not held in so great veneration as the Tortoise. His tracks are visible in the Midē´wiwin. No. 7, the sacred Midē´ sack or pin-ji´-gu-sân´, which contains life, and can be used by the Midē´ to prolong the life of a sick person. No. 8 represents a Dog, given by the Midē´ Man´idōs to Mi´nabō´zho as a companion.
Such was the interpretation given by the owner of the chart, but the informant was unconsciously in error, as has been ascertained not only from other Midē´ priests consulted with regard to the true meaning, but also in the light of later information and research in the exemplification of the ritual of the Midē´wiwin.
Mi´nabō´zho did not receive the rite from any Midē´ priests (Nos. 2 and 5), but from Ki´tshi Man´idō. Women are not mentioned in any of the earlier traditions of the origin of the society, neither was the dog given to Mi´nabō´zho, but Mi´nabō´zho gave it to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.
The chart, therefore, turns out to be a mnemonic song similar to others to be noted hereafter, and the owner probably copied it from
Fig. 7.—Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.
Fig. 8.—Birch-bark record, from Red Lake.
Two similar and extremely old birch-bark mnemonic songs were found in the possession of a Midē´ at Red Lake. The characters upon these are almost identical, one appearing to be a copy of the other. These are reproduced in Figs. 7 and 8. By some of the Midē´ Esh´gibō´ga takes the place of Mi´nabō´zho as having originally received the Midē´wiwin from Ki´tshi Man´idō, but it is believed that the word is a synonym or a substitute based upon some reason to them inexplicable. These figures were obtained in 1887, and a brief explanation of them given in the American Anthropologist.128 At that time I could obtain but little direct information from the owners of the records, but it has since been ascertained that both are mnemonic songs pertaining to Mi´nabō´zho, or rather Eshgibō´ga, and do not form a part of the sacred records of the Midē´wiwin, but simply the pictographic representation of the possibilities and powers of the alleged religion. The following explanation of Figs. 7 and 8 is reproduced from the work just cited. A few annotations and corrections are added. The numbers apply equally to both illustrations:
No. 1, represents Esh´gibō´ga, the great uncle of the Ani´shinâ´bēg, and receiver of the Midē´wiwin.
No. 2, the drum and drumsticks used by Esh´gibō´ga.
No. 3, a bar or rest, denoting an interval of time before the song is resumed.
No. 4, the pin-ji´-gu-sân´ or sacred Midē´ sack. It consists of an otter skin, and is the mī´gis or sacred symbol of the Midē´wigân.
No. 5. a Midē´ priest, the one who holds the mī´gis while chanting the Midē´ song in the Midē´wigân. He is inspired, as indicated by the line extending from the heart to the mouth.
No. 7, is a woman, and signifies that women may also be admitted to the Midē´wiwin.
No. 8, a pause or rest.
No. 9, a snake-skin pin-ji´-gu-sân´ possessing the power of giving life. This power is indicated by the lines radiating from the head, and the back of the skin.
No. 10, represents a woman.
No. 11, is another illustration of the mī´gis, or otter.
No. 12, denotes a priestess who is inspired, as shown by the line extending from the heart to the mouth in Fig. 7, and simply showing the heart in Fig. 6. In the latter she is also empowered to cure with magic plants.
No. 13, in Fig. 7, although representing a Midē´ priest, no explanation was given.
Fig. 9.— Esh´gibō´ga.
Fig. 9 is presented as a variant of the characters shown in No. 1 of Figs. 7 and 8. The fact that this denotes the power of curing by the use of magic plants would appear to indicate an older and more appropriate form than the delineation of the bow and arrows, as well as being more in keeping with the general rendering of the tradition.
MIDĒ´WIGÂN.
Initiation into the Midē´wiwin or Midē´ Society is, at this time, performed during the latter part of summer. The ceremonies are performed in public, as the structure in which they are conducted is often loosely constructed of poles with intertwined branches and leaves, leaving the top almost entirely exposed, so that there is no difficulty in observing what may transpire within. Furthermore, the ritual is unintelligible to the uninitiated, and the important part of the necessary information is given to the candidate in a preceptor’s wig´iwam.
To present intelligibly a description of the ceremonial of initiation as it occurred at White Earth, Minnesota, it will be necessary to first describe the structure in which it occurs, as well as the sweat lodge with which the candidate has also to do.
Fig. 10.— Diagram of Midē´wigân of the first degree.
The Midē´wigân, i.e., Midē´wig´iwam, or, as it is generally designated “Grand Medicine Lodge,” is usually built in an open grove or clearing; it is a structure measuring about 80 feet in length by 20 in width, extending east and west with the main entrance toward that point of the compass at which the sun rises. The walls consist of poles and saplings from 8 to 10 feet high, firmly planted in the ground, wattled with short branches and twigs with leaves. In the east and west walls are left open spaces, each about 4 feet wide, Fig. 10 represents a ground plan of the Midē´wigân, while Fig. 11 shows an interior view. Saplings thrown across the top of the structure serve as rafters, upon which are laid branches with leaves, and pieces of bark, to sufficiently shade the occupants from the rays of the sun. Several saplings extend across the inclosure near the top, while a few are attached to these so as to extend longitudinally, from either side of which presents of blankets, etc., may be suspended. About 10 feet from the main entrance a large flattened stone, measuring more than a foot in diameter, is placed upon the ground. This is used when subjecting to treatment a patient; and at a corresponding distance from the western door is planted the sacred Midē´ post of cedar, that for the first degree being about 7 feet in height and 6 or 8 inches in diameter. It is painted red, with a band of green 4 inches wide around the top. Upon the post is fixed the stuffed body of an owl. Upon that part of the floor midway between the stone and the Midē´ post is spread a blanket, upon which the gifts and presents to the society are afterward deposited. A short distance from each of the outer angles of the structure are planted cedar or pine trees, each about 10 feet in height.
Fig. 11.—Interior of Midē´wigân.
This wig´iwam is dome-shaped measures about 10 feet in diameter and 6 feet high in the middle, with an opening at the top which can be readily covered with a piece of bark. The framework of the structure consists of saplings stuck into the ground, the tops being bent over to meet others from the opposite side. Other thin saplings are then lashed horizontally to the upright ones so as to appear like hoops, decreasing in size as the summit is reached. They are secured by using strands of basswood bark. The whole is then covered with pieces of birchbark—frequently the bark of the pine is used—leaving a narrow opening on the side facing the Midē´wigân, which may be closed with an adjustable flap of bark or blankets.
The space between the Midē´wigân and the sweat lodge must be kept clear of other temporary shelters, which might be placed there by some of the numerous visitors attending the ceremonies.
FIRST DEGREE.
PREPARATORY INSTRUCTION.
When the candidate’s application for reception into the Midē´wiwin has been received by one of the officiating priests, he calls upon the three assisting Midē´, inviting them to visit him at his own wig´iwam at a specified time. When the conference takes place, tobacco, which has been previously furnished by the candidate, is distributed and a smoke offering made to Ki´tshi Man´idō, to propitiate his favor in the deliberations about to be undertaken. The host then explains the object of the meeting, and presents to his auditors an account of the candidate’s previous life; he recounts the circumstances of his fast and dreams, and if the candidate is to take the place of a lately deceased son who had been prepared to receive the degree, the fact is mentioned, as under such circumstances the forms would be different from the ordinary method of reception into the society. The subject of presents and gifts to the individual members of the society, as well as those intended to be given as a fee to the officiating priests, is also discussed; and lastly, if all things are favorable to the applicant, the selection of an instructor or preceptor is made, this person being usually appointed from among these four priests.
When the conference is ended the favorable decision is announced to the applicant, who acknowledges his pleasure by remitting to each of the four priests gifts of tobacco. He is told what instructor would be most acceptable to them, when he repairs to the wig´iwam of the person designated and informs him of his wish and the decision of the Midē´ council.
The designated preceptor arranges with his pupil to have certain days upon which the latter is to call and receive instruction and acquire Fig. 12 a) differs from the drum commonly used in dances (Fig. 12 b) in the fact that it is cylindrical, consisting of an elongated kettle or wooden vessel, or perhaps a section of the hollow trunk of a tree about 10 inches in diameter and from 18 to 20 inches in length, over both ends of which rawhide is stretched while wet, so that upon drying the membrane becomes hard and tense, producing, when beaten, a very hard, loud tone, which may be heard at a great distance.
Fig. 12.—Ojibwa drums.
Frequently, however, water is put into the bottom of the drum and the drum-head stretched across the top in a wet state, which appears to intensify the sound very considerably.
The peculiar and special properties of the drum are described to the applicant; that it was at first the gift of Ki´tshi Man´idō, who gave it through the intercession of Mi´nabō´zho; that it is used to invoke the presence of the Midē´ Man´idōs, or sacred spirits, when seeking
Fig. 13.— Midē´ rattle. Fig. 14.— Midē´ rattle.
The properties of the rattle are next enumerated and recounted, its origin is related, and its uses explained. It is used at the side of a patient and has even more power in the expulsion of evil demons than the drum. The rattle is also employed in some of the sacred songs as an accompaniment, to accentuate certain notes and words. There are two forms used, one consisting of a cylindrical tin box filled with grains of corn or other seeds (Fig. 13), the other being a hollow gourd also filled with seed (Fig. 14). In both of these the handle passes entirely through the rattle case.
In a similar manner the remaining gifts of Mi´nabō´zho are instanced and their properties extolled.
The mī´gis, a small white shell (Cypræa moneta L.) is next extracted from the Midē´ sack, or pinji´gusân´. This is explained as being the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin, the reason therefor being given in the account of the several traditions presented in connection with Pls. III, IV, and VIII. This information is submitted in parts, so that the narrative of the history connected with either of the records is extended over a period of time to suit the preceptor’s plans and purposes. The ceremony of shooting the mī´gis (see Fig. 15) is explained on page 215.
Fig. 15.—Shooting the mī´gis.
As time progresses the preceptor instructs his pupil in Midē´ songs, i.e., he sings to him songs which form a part of his stock in trade, and which are alleged to be of service on special occasions, as when searching for medicinal plants, hunting, etc. The pupil thus acquires a comprehension of the method of preparing and reciting songs, which information is by him subsequently put to practical use in the composition and preparation of his own songs, the mnemonic characters employed being often rude copies of those observed upon the charts of his preceptor, but the arrangement thereof being original.
It is for this reason that a Midē´ is seldom, if ever, able to recite correctly any songs but his own, although he may be fully aware of the character of the record and the particular class of service in which it may be employed. In support of this assertion several songs obtained at Red Lake and imperfectly explained by “Little Frenchman” and “Leading Feather,” are reproduced in Pl. XXII, A B, page 292.
IX, A, B, C. The initial mnemonic characters pertaining to each word or phrase of the original text are repeated below in regular order with translations in English, together with supplemental notes explanatory of the characters employed. The musical notation is not presented, as the singing consists of a monotonous repetition of four or five notes in a minor key; furthermore, a sufficiently clear idea of this may be formed by comparing some of the Midē´ songs presented in connection with the ritual of initiation and preparation of medicines. The first of the songs given herewith (Pl. IX, A) pertains to a request to Ki´tshi Man´idō that clear weather may be had for the
Each of the phrases is repeated before advancing to the next, as often as the singer desires and in proportion to the amount of reverence and awe with which he wishes to impress his hearer. There is usually a brief interval between each of the phrases, and a longer one at the appearance of a vertical line, denoting a rest, or pause. One song may occupy, therefore, from fifteen minutes to half an hour.
Plate IX.a. Mnemonic Song.
Ki-ne´-na-wi´-´in mani´-i-dō´-ye-win. I rock you, you that are a spirit. [A midē’s head, the lines denoting voice or speech—i.e., singing of sacred things, as the loops or circles at the ends of each line indicate.]
Kí-zhĭk-ki-wĭn´-da-mūn´. The sky I tell you. [The otter skin medicine sack, and arm reaching to procure something therefrom.]
O-we-nen´; hwīn´. Who is it, who? The mī´gis shell; the sacred emblem of the Midē´wiwin.
Wi´-dzhĭ-i-nan´. The man helping me. A man walking, the Midē´ Man´idō or Sacred Spirit.
Nu-wan´-ni-ma´na nin-guĭs´? Have I told the truth to my son? The bear going to the Midē´wigan and takes with him life to the Ani´shinâ´bēg.
Rest.
Ni´-nīn-dē´, a´-ya´. My heart, I am there (in the fullness of my heart). My heart; knows all Midē´ secrets, sensible one.
A´-ni-na´-nĕsh-mi´-ĭ-an ni´-na´-wĭ-tō´. I follow with my arms. Arms extended to take up “medicine” or Midē´ secrets.
Man´-i-dō´-wi-an´ nĭ-me´-shine´-mi´-an. Knowledge comes from the heart, the heart reaches to sources of “medicine” in the earth. [A Midē´ whose heart’s desires and knowledge extend to the secrets of the earth. The lines diverging toward the earth denote direction.]
We´-gi-kwō´ Kĕ-mī´-nĭ-nan´? From whence comes the rain? The power of making a clear sky, i.e., weather.
Mi-shŏk´ kwōt´, dzhe-man´-i-dō´-yan. The sky, nevertheless, may be clear, Good Spirit. Giving life to the sick; Dzhe Man´idō handing it to the Midē´.
Wi´-ka-ka-nŭn´-ĕ-nan. Very seldom I make this request of you. The Good Spirit filling the body of the supplicant with knowledge of secrets of the earth.
In the following song (Pl. IX, B), the singer relates to the candidate the gratitude which he experiences for the favors derived from the Good Spirit; he has been blessed with knowledge of plants and other sacred objects taken from the ground, which knowledge has been derived by his having himself become a member of the Midē´wiwin, and hence urges upon the candidate the great need of his also continuing in the course which he has thus far pursued.
Plate IX.b. Mnemonic Song.
Na-witsh´-tshi na-kŭm´-i-en a-na´-pi-an´? When I am out of hearing, where am I? The lines extending from the ears denote hearing; the arms directed toward the right and left, being the gesture of negation, usually made by throwing the hands outward and away from the front of the body.
We´-nen-ne´ en´-da-yan. In my house, I see. Sight is indicated by the lines extending from the eyes; the horns denote superiority of the singer.
Mo-kī´-yan-na´-a-witsh´-i-gūm´-mi. When I rise it gives me life, and I take it. The arm reaches into the sky to receive the gifts which are handed down by the Good Spirit. The short transverse line across the forearm indicates the arch of the sky, this line being an abbreviation of the curve usually employed to designate the same idea.
Wen´-dzhi-ba´-pi-an´. The reason why I am happy. Asking the Spirit for life, which is granted. The singer’s body is filled with the heart enlarged, i.e., fullness of heart, the lines from the mouth denoting abundance of voice or grateful utterances—singing.
Rest.
Zha´-zha-bui´-ki-bi-nan´ wig´-ĕ-wâm´. The Spirit says there is plenty of “medicine” in the Midē´ wig´iwam. [Two superior spirits, Ki´tshi Man´idō and Dzhe Man´idō, whose bodies are surrounded by “lines of sacredness,” tell the Midē´ where the mysterious remedies are to be found. The vertical waving lines are the lines indicating these communications; the horizontal line, at the bottom, is the earth’s surface.]
Ya-hō´-hon-ni´-yŏ. The Spirit placed medicine in the ground, let us take it. The arm of Ki´tshi Man´idō put into the ground sacred plants, etc., indicated by the spots at different horizons in the earth. The short vertical and waving lines denote sacredness of the objects.
Ní-wo´-we-nī´-nan ki´-bi-do-nan´. I am holding this that I bring to you. The singer sits in the Midē´wiwin, and offers the privilege of entrance, by initiation, to the hearer.
Midē´ nĭ-ka´-năk kish´-o-wĕ´-ni-mĭ-ko´. I have found favor in the eyes of my midē´ friends. The Good Spirit has put life into the body of the singer, as indicated by the two mysterious arms reaching towards his body, i.e., the heart, the seat of life.
In the following song (Pl. IX, C), the preceptor appears to feel satisfied that the candidate is prepared to receive the initiation, and therefore tells him that the Midē´ Man´idō announces to him the assurance. The preceptor therefore encourages his pupil with promises of the fulfillment of his highest desires.
Plate IX.c. Mnemonic Song.
Ba´-dzhĭ-ke´-o gi´-mand ma-bis´-in-dâ´-ă. I hear the spirit speaking to us. The Midē´ singer is of superior power, as designated by the horns and apex upon his head. The lines from the ears indicate hearing.
Kwa-yăk´-in dī´-sha in-dâ´-yan. I am going into the medicine lodge. The Midē´wigân is shown with a line through it to signify that he is going through it, as in the initiation.
Kwe´-tshĭ-ko-wa´-ya ti´-na-man. I am taking (gathering) medicine to make me live. The discs indicate sacred objects within reach of the speaker.
O´-wi-yo´-in en´-do-ma mâk´-kwin-ĕn´-do-ma´. I give you medicine, and a lodge, also. The Midē´, as the personator of Makwa´ Man´idō, is empowered to offer this privilege to the candidate.
O-wē´-nĕn bĕ-mī´-sĕt. I am flying into my lodge. Represents the Thunder-Bird, a deity flying into the arch of the sky. The short lines denote the (so-called spirit lines) abode of spirits or Man´idōs.
Na-nī-ne kwe-wē´-an. The Spirit has dropped medicine from the sky where we can get it. The line from the sky, diverging to various points, indicates that the sacred objects occur in scattered places.
Nē´-wōdē´-ē´. I have the medicine in my heart. The singer’s body—i.e., heart—is filled with knowledge relating to sacred medicines from the earth.
MIDĒ´ THERAPEUTICS.
During the period of time in which the candidate is instructed in the foregoing traditions, myths, and songs the subject of Midē´ plants is also discussed. The information pertaining to the identification and preparation of the various vegetable substances is not imparted in regular order, only one plant or preparation, or perhaps two, being enlarged upon at a specified consultation. It may be that the candidate is taken into the woods where it is known that a specified plant or tree may be found, when a smoke offering is made before the object is pulled out of the soil, and a small pinch of tobacco put into the hole in the ground from which it was taken. This is an offering to Noko´mis—the earth, the grandmother of mankind—for the benefits which are derived from her body where they were placed by Ki´tshi Man´idō.
In the following list are presented, as far as practicable, the botanical and common names of these, there being a few instances in which the plants were not to be had, as they were foreign to that portion of Minnesota in which the investigations were made; a few of them, also, were not identified by the preceptors, as they were out of season.
It is interesting to note in this list the number of infusions and decoctions which are, from a medical and scientific standpoint, specific remedies for the complaints for which they are recommended. It is probable that the long continued intercourse between the Ojibwa and the Catholic Fathers, who were tolerably well versed in the ruder forms of medication, had much to do with improving an older and purely aboriginal form of practicing medical magic. In some of the remedies mentioned below there may appear to be philosophic reasons for their administration, but upon closer investigation it has been learned that the cure is not attributed to a regulation or restoration of functional derangement, but to the removal or even expulsion of malevolent beings—commonly designated as bad Man´idōs—supposed to have taken possession of that part of the body in which such derangement appears most conspicuous. Further reference to the mythic properties of some of the plants employed will be made at the proper time.
Although the word Mashki kiwa´bun—medicine broth—signifies liquid medical preparations, the term is usually employed in a general sense to pertain to the entire materia medica; and in addition to the alleged medicinal virtues extolled by the preceptors, certain parts of the trees and plants enumerated are eaten on account of some mythic reason, or employed in the construction or manufacture of habitations, utensils, and weapons, because of some supposed supernatural origin or property, an explanation of which they have forgotten.
Pinus strobus, L. White Pine. Zhingwâk´.
1. The leaves are crushed and applied to relieve headache; also boiled; after which they are put into a small hole in the ground and hot stones placed therein to cause a vapor to ascend, which is inhaled to cure backache.
The fumes of the leaves heated upon a stone or a hot iron pan are inhaled to cure headache.
2. Gum; chiefly used to cover seams of birch-bark canoes. The gum is obtained by cutting a circular band of bark from the trunk, upon which it is then scraped and boiled down to proper consistence. The boiling was formerly done in clay vessels.
Pinus resinosa, Ait. Red Pine; usually, though erroneously, termed Norway Pine. Pŏkgwĕ´nagē´mŏk.
Used as the preceding.
Abies balsamea, Marshall. Balsam Fir. Ini´nandŏk.
1. The bark is scraped from the trunk and a decoction thereof is used to induce diaphoresis.
2. The gum, which is obtained from the vesicles upon the bark, and also by skimming it from the surface of the water in which the crushed bark is boiled, is carried in small vessels and taken internally as a remedy for gonorrhoea and for soreness of the chest resulting from colds.
3. Applied externally to sores and cuts.
Abies alba, Michx. White Spruce. Sĕ´ssēgân´dŏk. The split roots—wadŏb´-are used for sewing; the wood for the inside timbers of canoes.
Abies nigra, Poir. Black Spruce. A´mikwan´dŏk.
1. The leaves and crushed bark are used to make a decoction, and sometimes taken as a substitute in the absence of pines.
2. Wood used in manufacture of spear handles.
Abies Canadensis, Michx. Hemlock. Gaga´īnwunsh—“Raven Tree.”
Outer bark powdered and crushed and taken internally for the cure of diarrhea. Usually mixed with other plants not named.
Larix Americana, Michx. Tamarack. Mŏsh´kīkiwa´dik.
1. Crushed leaves and bark used as Pinus strobus.
2. Gum used in mending boats.
3. Bark used for covering wig´iwams.
Cupressus thyoides, L. White Cedar. Gi´zhĭk—“Day.”
1. Leaves crushed and used as Pinus strobus. The greater the variety of leaves of coniferæ the better. The spines of the leaves exert their prickly influence through the vapor upon the demons possessing the patient’s body.
2. The timber in various forms is used in the construction of canoe and lodge frames, the bark being frequently employed in roofing habitations.
Juniperus Virginiana, L. Red Cedar. Muskwa´wâ´ak.
Bruised leaves and berries are used internally to remove headache.
Quercus alba, L. White Oak. Mītig´ōmish´.
1. The bark of the root and the inner bark scraped from the trunk is boiled and the decoction used internally for diarrhea.
2. Acorns eaten raw by children, and boiled or dried by adults.
Quercus rubra, L. Red Oak. Wisug´emītig´omish´—“Bitter Acorn Tree.”
Has been used as a substitute for Q. alba.
Acer saccharinum, Wang. Sugar Maple. Innīnâ´tik.
1. Decoction of the inner bark is used for diarrhea.
2. The sap boiled in making sirup and sugar.
3. The wood valued for making arrow shafts.
Acer nigrum, Michx. Black Sugar Maple. Iskig´omeaush´— “Sap-flows-fast.”
Arbor liquore abundans, ex quo liquor tanquam urina vehementer projicitur.
Sometimes used as the preceding.
Betula excelsa, Ait. Yellow Birch. Wi´nnis´sik.
The inner bark is scraped off, mixed with that of the Acer saccharinum, and the decoction taken as a diuretic.
Betula papyracea, Ait. White Birch. Wīgwas´.
Highly esteemed, and employed for making records, canoes, syrup-pans, mōkoks´—or sugar boxes—etc. The record of the Midē´wiwin, given by Minabō´zho, was drawn upon this kind of bark.
Populus monilifera, Ait. Cottonwood. Mâ´nâsâ´ti.
The cotton down is applied to open sores as an absorbent.
Populus balsamifera, L. Balsam Poplar. Asa´dĭ.
1. The bark is peeled from the branches and the gum collected and eaten.
2. Poles are used in building ordinary shelter lodges, and particularly for the Midē´wigân.
Juglans nigra, L. Black Walnut. Paga´nŏk—“Nut wood.”
Walnuts are highly prized; the green rind of the unripe fruit is sometimes employed in staining or dyeing.
Smilacina racemosa, Desf. False Spikenard. Kinē´bigwŏshk—“Snake weed or Snake Vine.”
1. Warm decoction of leaves used by lying-in women.
2. The roots are placed upon a red-hot stone, the patient, with a blanket thrown over his head, inhaling the fumes, to relieve headache.
3. Fresh leaves are crushed and applied to cuts to stop bleeding.
Helianthus occidentalis, Riddell. Sunflower. Pŭkite´wŭbbŏkuns´.
The crushed root is applied to bruises and contusions.
Polygala senega, L. Seneca Snakeroot. Winis´sikēns´.
1. A decoction of the roots is used for colds and cough.
2. An infusion of the leaves is given for sore throat; also to destroy water-bugs that have been swallowed.
Rubus occidentalis, L. Black Raspberry. Makadē´mĭskwi´minŏk—“Black Blood Berry.”
A decoction made of the crushed roots is taken to relieve pains in the stomach.
Rubus strigosus, Michx. Wild Red Raspberry. Miskwi´minŏk´—“Blood Berry.”
The roots are sometimes used as a substitute for the preceding.
Gaylussacia resinosa, Torr. and Gr. Huckleberry. Mī´nŭn.
Forms one of the chief articles of trade during the summer. The berry occupies a conspicuous place in the myth of the “Road of the Dead,” referred to in connection with the “Ghost Society.”
Prunus Virginiana, L. Choke Cherry. Sisan´wemi´nakŏânsh´.
1. The branchlets are used for making an ordinary drink; used also during gestation.
2. The fruit is eaten.
Prunus serotina, Ehrhart. Wild Black Cherry. Okwē´mĭsh—“Scabby Bark.”
1. The inner bark is applied to external sores, either by first boiling, bruising, or chewing it.
2. An infusion of the inner bark is sometimes given to relieve pains and soreness of the chest.
Prunus Pennsylvanica, L. Wild Red Cherry. Kusigwa´kumi´nŏk.
1. A decoction of the crushed root is given for pains and other stomach disorders.
2. Fruit is eaten and highly prized.
3. This, believed to be synonymous with the June Cherry of Minnesota, is referred to in the myths and ceremonies of the “Ghost Society.”
Prunus Americana, Marsh. Wild Plum. Bogē´sanŏk.
The small rootlets, and the bark of the larger ones, are crushed and boiled together with the roots of the following named plants, as a remedy for diarrhea. The remaining plants were not in bloom at the time during which the investigations were made, and therefore were not identified by the preceptors, they being enabled to furnish only the names and an imperfect description. They are as follows, viz: Minēn´sŏk, two species, one with red berries, the other with yellow ones; Wabō´sōminī´sŏk—“Rabbit berries”; Shi´gwanau´isŏk, having small red berries; and Cratægus coccinea, L. Scarlet-fruited Thorn. O´ginīk.
Typha latifolia, L. Common Cat-tail. Napŏgŭshk—“Flat grass.”
The roots are crushed by pounding or chewing, and applied as a poultice to sores.
Sporobolus heterolepis Gr. Napŏ´gŭshkūns´—“Little Flat Grass.”
1. Used sometimes as a substitute for the preceding.
2. Roots are boiled and the decoction taken to induce emesis, “to remove bile.”
Fragaria vesca, L. Wild Strawberry. Odē īmĭn´nĕ—Heart Berry.
Referred to in the ceremony of the “Ghost Society.”
The fruit is highly valued as a luxury.
Acer Pennsylvanicum, L. Striped Maple. Mōn´zomĭsh´—“Moose Wood.”
The inner bark scraped from four sticks or branches, each two feet long, is put into a cloth and boiled, the liquid which can subsequently be pressed out of the bag is swallowed, to act as an emetic.
Fraxinus sambucifolia, Lam. Black or Water Ash. A´gimak´.
1. The inner bark is soaked in warm water, and the liquid applied to sore eyes.
2. The wood is employed in making the rims for frames of snow-shoes.
Veronica Virginica, L. Culver’s Root. Wi´sŏgedzhi´bik—“Bitter Root.”
A decoction of the crushed root is taken as a purgative.
Salix Candida, Willd. Hoary Willow. Sisi´gobe´mĭsh.
The thick inner bark of the roots is scraped off, boiled, and the decoction taken for cough.
Symphoricarpos vulgaris, Michx. Indian Currant. Gus´sigwaka´mĭsh.
The inner bark of the root boiled and the decoction, when cold, applied to sore eyes.
Geum strictum, Ait. Aven. Ne´bone´ankwe´âk—“ Hair on one side.”
The roots are boiled and a weak decoction taken internally for soreness in the chest, and cough.
Rumex crispus, L. Curled Dock. O´zabetshi´wĭk.
The roots are bruised or crushed and applied to abrasions, sores, etc.
Amorpha canescens, Nutt. Lead Plant. We´abŏnag´kak—“That which turns white.”
A decoction, made of the roots, is used for pains in the stomach. Rosa blanda, Ait. Early Wild Rose. O´ginīk.
A piece of root placed in lukewarm water, after which the liquid is applied to inflamed eyes.
Anemone (sp.?) Anemone. Wisŏg´ibŏk´; also called Hartshorn plant by the mixed-bloods of Minnesota.
The dry leaves are powdered and used as an errhine, for the cure of headache.
(Gen. et sp. ?) Termed Kine´bĭk wansh´kons and “Snake weed.”
This plant was unfortunately so injured in transportation that identification was impossible. Ball-players and hunters use it to give them endurance and speed; the root is chewed when necessary to possess these qualities. The root is likened to a snake, which is supposed to be swift in motion and possessed of extraordinary muscular strength.
Rhus (aromatica, Ait. ?) “White Sumac.” Bŏkkwan´ībŏk.
Roots are boiled, with those of the following named plant, and the decoction taken to cure diarrhea.
(Gen. et sp. ?) Ki´tshiodēiminibŏk—“Big Heart Leaf.”
Roots boiled, with preceding, and decoction taken for diarrhea.
Monarda fistulosa, L. Wild Bergamot. Moshkōs´wanowins´—“Little Elk’s Tail.”
The root is used by making a decoction and drinking several swallows, at intervals, for pain in the stomach and intestines.
Hydrophyllum Virginicum, L. Waterleaf. Buⁿkite´bagūⁿs´.
The roots are boiled, the liquor then taken for pains in the chest, back, etc.
Anemone Pennsylvanicum, L. Pennsylvania Anemone. Pesī´kwadzhi´bwiko´kŏk.
A decoction of the roots is used for pains in the lumbar region.
Viola (Canadensis, L.?). Canada Violet. Maskwī´widzhī´wiko´kŏk.
The decoction made of the roots is used for pains in the region of the bladder.
Phryma leptostachya, L. Lopseed. Waia´bishkĕno´kŏk.
The roots are boiled and the decoction taken for rheumatic pains in the legs.
Viola pubescens, Ait. Downy Yellow Violet. Ogitē´baguns.
A decoction is made of the roots, of which small doses are taken at intervals for sore throat.
Rosa (lucida, Ehrhart?). Dwarf Wild Rose. Oginī´minagan´wŏs.
The roots of young plants are steeped in hot water and the liquid applied to sore eyes.
(Gen. et sp. ?) Mŏ´zânâ´tĭk.
This plant could not be identified at the locality and time at which investigations were conducted. The root is boiled and the decoction taken as a diuretic for difficult micturition.
Actæa rubra, Michx. Red Baneberry. Odzī´bĭkĕns´—“Little Root.”
A decoction of the root, which has a sweet taste, is used for stomachic pains caused by having swallowed hair (mythic). Used also in conjunction with Ginseng.
This plant, according to some peculiarities, is considered the male plant at certain seasons of the year, and is given only to men and boys, while the same plant at other seasons, because of size, color of fruit, or something else, is termed the female, and is prepared for women and girls in the following manner, viz: The roots are rolled in basswood leaves and baked, when they become black; an infusion is then prepared, and used in a similar manner as above.
The latter is called Wash´kubĭdzhi´bikakŏk´.
Botrychium Virginicum, Swartz. Moonwort. Ozaga´tigŭm.
The root is bruised and applied to cuts.
Aralia trifolia, Gr. Dwarf Ginseng. Nesō´bakŏk—“Three Leafed.”
The roots are chewed and the mass applied to cuts to arrest hemorrhage.
Echinospermum lappula, Lehm. Stickweed. Ozaga´tĭgomĕns—“Burr Bush.”
The roots are placed in a hole in the ground upon hot stones, to cause the fumes to rise, when the patient puts down his face and has a cloth or blanket thrown over his head. The fumes are inhaled for headache. The raw roots are also sniffed at for the same purpose.
It is affirmed by various members of the Midē´ Society that in former times much of the information relating to some of these plants was not imparted to a candidate for initiation into the first degree, but was reserved for succeeding degrees, to induce a Midē´ of the first degree to endeavor to attain higher distinction and further advancement in the mysteries of the order. As much knowledge