Volume 3 — CHAPTER XV. REPUBLIC OF HONDURAS. 1840-1865.

President Ferrera—Revolutionary Movements—Political Executions—Presidency of Juan Lindo—New Constitution—Lindo Overthrown—Belize—Honduras' Troubles with Great Britain—British Occupation of Tiger Island—Bombardment of Omoa—Bay Islands—President Cabañas—War with Guatemala—Guardiola's Assassination—Provisional Rules of Castellanos and Montes—Alliance with Barrios—Unsuccessful War with Guatemala and Nicaragua—Montes Deposed—Establishment of the Republic—José M. Medina Chosen President—Amendment of the Constitution.

The house of representatives of the Estado Libre y Soberano de Honduras, on the 30th of December, 1840, chose Francisco Ferrera president,[XV-1] and he took possession of the office on the 1st of January, 1841. The chamber closed its session on the 6th of March.

It is unnecessary to repeat here the history of Honduras down to 1844, as it has been given in connection with other sections of Central America. The state assembly was installed on the 11th of January, with ceremonies more religious than political, as befitted a country where the influence of the church was so overwhelming.[XV-2] The chamber bepraised Ferrera with as much gusto as the church had smoked him with incense at the cathedral, and on the 26th he was formally declared a benemérito de la patria, and confirmed as a general of division, which rank had been conferred on him by the government in March 1839.[XV-3]

Much was said at the opening of the legislative session about peace, but the fact was, that a number of towns were greatly agitated, owing to the heavy burdens weighing on them, and to the displeasure caused by many citizens having been driven into exile. Among these towns were Texiguat, La Plazuela, and Comayagüela. Santos Guardiola was sent against them, and was not successful, though he asserted in a proclamation that he had defeated the rebels. The war spread,[XV-4] and Ferrera deemed it expedient to leave the executive office in charge of the ministers for a time, and to personally take command of the forces to operate against the insurgents. Guardiola defeated them at Corpus on the 1st of July, and captured their correspondence, with Rivera, Orellana, and the other leaders.[XV-5]

REVOLUTION AND ELECTION.

An insurrection of the troops at Olancho took place in December, which was soon quelled, and stringent measures were adopted by Ferrera against its promoters.[XV-6] Amid this state of affairs Ferrera's term was approaching its end, and he could not be reëlected a second time under the constitution of 1839. Elections were held, and arrangements made so that he could continue in power as minister of war with the chief command of the forces.[XV-7] Guardiola had been also dubbed a benemérito, and his friends wished to raise him to the presidential chair, but did not succeed.[XV-8] No candidate obtained the requisite majority, and the legislature chose Coronado Chavez president.[XV-9]

Ex-jefe Rivera, taking advantage of the absence of Ferrera with most of his forces in Nicaragua, invaded Honduras for the purpose of overthrowing the existing government. The people failed to coöperate with him, and he was defeated and made prisoner. On the 4th of January, 1845, he, with Martinez, Landa, and Julian Diaz arrived at Comayagua in irons. The official journal announced that Rivera was to be tried and punished. He was in fact doomed to the scaffold before he was tried.[XV-10]

Guardiola's atrocities in La Union and San Miguel, spoken of in a former chapter, won him additional honors from the subservient assembly of Honduras. He was a second time declared a benemérito, and awarded a gold medal. Chavez, the tool of Ferrera, was not neglected. He was given the title of Padre conscripto de la patria, with an accompanying medal.[XV-11] The assembly closed on the 23d of March, well satisfied of the wisdom of its measures. Another presidential election came up, and no one having the requisite number of votes, the assembly, January 14, 1847, chose Ferrera, who declined the position, and Juan Lindo was then appointed, Ferrera continuing as war minister, with the command of the troops annexed, which was what he desired. Guardiola was retained in the office of minister of foreign relations, though unfit for it.

When the army of the United States was in Mexico, Lindo seemed greatly exasperated thereby; the president, without first obtaining the sanction of the representatives, issued manifestos, on the 1st and 2d of June, 1847, which were an open declaration of war against the United States.[XV-12]

Lindo desired to control affairs for an unlimited time, and the constitution allowing him only a two-years tenure, and containing, besides, several clauses repugnant to him, it was doomed.[XV-13] A constituent assembly was accordingly called to frame a new charter, which was adopted at Comayagua February 4, 1848.[XV-14]

Lindo continued as president under the new régime.[XV-15] The legislature had assembled at Cedros on the 10th of June, 1849, when the president reported the state at peace, and its relations with the other states on a satisfactory footing. But he acknowledged that his government was harassed by party contentions. Order had been maintained thus far by a strict impartiality toward the factions, with the coöperation of some good and influential citizens.[XV-16] This was not to last long; for on the 12th of February, 1850, Guardiola, deceived by representations of Felipe Jáuregui and the aristocrats of Guatemala, in which the British chargé, Chatfield, had no little part, made a pronunciamiento at Tegucigalpa, where the government then was, and Lindo had to flee. The latter finally entrenched himself at Nacaome, near the bay of Fonseca, and asked for assistance from the governments of Salvador and Nicaragua, which under the terms of their confederacy they were bound to afford him. Salvador at once sent a considerable force under General Cabañas, and Nicaragua prepared to do the same if necessity required it. Guardiola's movement was not seconded elsewhere. But he marched against Nacaome, and at Pespire commissioners of Salvador and Lindo made him understand his false position, and an understanding was then had, on the 25th of March, by which he submitted to Lindo's authority.[XV-17]

WAR AND TREATIES.

The treaties of 1783 and 1786 between Great Britain and Spain reserved to the latter the sovereignty over Belize, otherwise called British Honduras, granting to the settlers merely the privilege of cutting dye and other woods,[XV-18] using the spontaneous products of the soil, fishing along the coast, repairing their vessels, and building houses and stores. The colonists were not to set up any government, either civil or military, construct forts or defences, maintain troops of any kind, or possess any artillery.[XV-19]

BELIZE.

Governor O'Neill of Yucatan made an expedition in 1798 against the English settlers during war between the two nations, and destroyed a number of settlements on the Rio Nuevo, but was afterward repulsed by the colonists and slaves of Belize. This circumstance was claimed to have given the victors the right of conquest over the territory occupied by them. But neither Spain, nor Mexico after her independence, recognized that pretension, nor was it admitted by the British parliament.[XV-20] Furthermore, the treaty signed in London, December 26, 1826, between Great Britain and Mexico was negotiated on the express condition that the treaty of July 14, 1786, between the Spanish and British crowns should be held valid and observed in all its provisions.[XV-21] Therefore the conclusion we must arrive at is, that the sovereignty over Belize belongs to Mexico and not to Great Britain. Mexico's claim has been recognized by the settlers, when it suited their interests, but they were never equally disposed to abide by the obligations of the treaty of 1826.[XV-22] Their encroachments on Yucatan have continued to the extent that they now hold much more than was conditionally allowed them for wood-cutting by the treaty of 1783.[XV-23]

Affecting to forget that they were entitled merely to the usufruct of the country, the settlers set up as early as 1798 a government,[XV-24] raised troops, built forts, tilled the soil, and exercised every right implying full sovereignty. Alexander M'Donald, while holding the office of superintendent,[XV-25] on the 2d of November, 1840, set aside the laws and usages of the country, declaring that from said date the law of England should be the law of the settlement or colony of British Honduras, and that all local customs and laws repugnant to the spirit of the law of England, and opposed to the principles of equity and justice, should be null.[XV-26] In later years the government has been in the hands of a lieutenant-governor, with an executive and legislative council, and the colony has the usual judicial establishment.[XV-27]

The assumption of sovereignty is not Mexico's only cause of complaint. Since the war of races broke out in Yucatan in 1847, the people of Belize have sold arms and ammunition to the revolted Indians. Early in 1848 the authorities promised that the Indians should not be aided, directly or indirectly; but the promise was not fulfilled.[XV-28] The population is mainly negro, originally introduced as slaves; the rest, excepting a few white men, is a hybrid race resulting from intercourse with Europeans and Indians. The total population in 1871 was nearly 25,000, of which there were probably 1,000 more males than females.[XV-29] Slavery was abolished by an act of the inhabitants on the 1st of August, 1840.[XV-30]

The chief product of the country is mahogany, of which some 20,000 tons were exported annually, but the demand for it lately has decreased. Its logwood is much valued, and about 15,000 tons are yearly exported. Besides these staples, the country produces other woods of value, and the cahoon or coyal palm in abundance, from the nuts of which is extracted a valuable oil. Sarsaparilla and vanilla are found in the interior. Of domestic animals there are enough for the needs of the people. The colony during the last fifteen or twenty years has been on the downward course.

In former times the port of Belize was an entrepôt for the neighboring states of Yucatan, Guatemala, and Honduras,[XV-31] but after the opening of direct trade between those states and the United States and Europe, and the diversion of trade on the Pacific to Panamá, that source of prosperity ceased. Total tonnage entered and cleared in 1877, exclusive of coasting trade, 73,974, of which 46,168 were British. Value of imports, in ten years ending in 1877, £1,781,175; for that year, £165,756, of which £84,540 were from Great Britain. Value of exports for 1877, £124,503, of which £94,548 went to Great Britain.[XV-32] The average rate of duties on imports is ten per cent ad valorem; machinery, coal, and books entering free. The gross amount of revenue for 1863, £27,398; for 1877, £41,488. Public expenditure for the latter year, £39,939.

ENGLISH COERCION.

The relations of Honduras with Great Britain were during many years in an unsatisfactory state, due in a great measure to the schemes of certain officials of the latter government, who pushed ungrounded claims against the former in the furtherance of their plans to gain control of a large extent of the Central American coast. On the 3d of October, 1849, a British war ship at Trujillo demanded the sum of $111,061, alleged to be due to subjects of her nation. The demand not being complied with, an armed force was landed from her the next day, which occupied the fort and town. The British commander finally accepted on account $1,200—all that the Honduran comandante could procure—and on reëmbarking fired a volley.[XV-33]

On the southern coast the British steamship Gorgon, on the 16th of November, seized the island of Tiger, hoisting the British flag at Amapala.[XV-34] The authorities of Honduras, after protesting against the act, called the attention of the United States representative to the British proceeding, for this island had been ceded to his government in September previous.[XV-35] It is presumed that Chatfield's purpose, among other things, was to prevent the construction of a canal across Nicaragua by Americans. But Admiral Hornby, commanding the British naval forces in the Pacific, disapproved of the proceeding, removing his men and restoring the Honduran flag under a salute of twenty-one guns.[XV-36]

A preliminary convention was entered into at San José, Costa Rica, December 29, 1849, between Felipe Jáuregui, calling himself commissioner of Honduras, and Chatfield, the British chargé d'affaires, in nine articles, some of which involved undue responsibility on the part of Honduras.[XV-37] This treaty was disavowed by her government, March 22, 1850, in a note to Admiral Hornby, declaring that Jáuregui had no authority to make it, and its stipulations being offensive to the dignity of the state, the legislature would never sanction them.[XV-38] Meanwhile Honduras had agreed with Chatfield to accredit a commissioner to arrange with him for the settlement of British claims. This was done; and the long and tedious question was finally arranged on the 27th of March, 1852, Honduras assuming an indebtedness of $80,000.[XV-39]

FUTILE PROTESTS.

The debt question was not the only source of disquietude for Honduras in her relations with Great Britain. British officials, on trumped-up pretexts, usurped and held, during several years, portions of her territory. M'Donald, superintendent of Belize, occupied Roatan and other islands belonging to Honduras situated in the bay of this name. The Honduran government protested against such usurpation, but no attention was paid to its remonstrances. It does not appear, however, that Great Britain was claiming territorial rights over the Bay Islands, as they were called.[XV-40] Soon afterward, a number of Cayman islanders settled in Roatan, and in the course of a few years there were about 1,000, when the superintendent of Belize found a pretext to assume the control. In 1849, the islanders applied to Colonel Fancourt, then superintendent of Belize, for a regular government. He promised to comply with their wishes, but was unable, and they continued choosing their authorities. At last, in August 1850, the war schooner Bermuda, Lieutenant Jolly commanding, took formal possession of Roatan, Guanaja or Bonaca, Utila, Barbarreta, Morat, Elena, etc., in behalf of the British crown, declaring them a British appendage under the name of Colony of the Bay Islands; against which the acting chief magistrate, William Fitzgibbon, protested on the 15th of September, 1850, in the name of the sovereignty of Honduras.[XV-41] The islands were, in August 1852, under the rule of a lieutenant-governor.[XV-42] A treaty was finally concluded between the queen of Great Britain and Honduras, on the 28th of November, 1859, respecting the Bay Islands, the Mosquito Indians, and the claims of British subjects, which settled the question in favor of the latter power.[XV-43] Still one more trouble has occurred between the two nations, in which the weaker one had to submit to the demand of the other at the mouth of her cannon. On the 19th of August, 1873, the war ship Niobe, Sir Lambton Loraine commanding, bombarded Fort San Fernando of Omoa.[XV-44] The bombardment ceased on the Honduran authorities agreeing to redress the alleged grievances, and paying damages.[XV-45] With other nations of Europe and America—excepting the sister states, with which repeated bickerings have occurred, leading sometimes to war—Honduras has succeeded in maintaining friendly relations.[XV-46] The boundary between Honduras and Nicaragua was finally agreed upon in a convention dated September 1, 1870.[XV-47] In 1866 the Honduran government entered into a concordat with the pope for an understanding on affairs ecclesiastical.

PRESIDENT CABAÑAS.

President Lindo, having been a third time elected to the presidency for the term to begin February 1, 1852, published on the 25th of November, 1851, a manifesto to the people, suggesting the expediency of calling some other citizen to the executive chair, pleading at the same time need of rest.[XV-48] The people took him at his word, and chose Trinidad Cabañas president, who was inducted into office at Comayagua on the 1st of March, 1852,[XV-49] and on the next day in his address to the assembly pledged his word to pursue a liberal policy in observance of the principles that had guided him throughout his career. His election was hailed as an auspicious event, and a safeguard against Guatemala's encroachments.[XV-50] The state was at peace in the interior, and with the other states of Central America, except Guatemala, with which the relations were not harmonious, owing to the usurpation by the latter of a portion of Honduran territory on the Copan side. This, with divergence in political principles between the two rulers, soon brought on a bloody war,[XV-51] which has been detailed in a previous chapter.[XV-52] The fruitlessness of this contest prompted Salvador and Nicaragua to use their endeavors for peace; but they proved unavailing. What Guatemala's superior resources failed to accomplish on the field of battle was, however, brought about by means of intrigue, with the coöperation of the party opposed to Cabañas in Honduras, headed by General Santos Guardiola, which received efficacious aid from Carrera. General Juan Lopez supported the revolutionary movement with 700 men,[XV-53] and Cabañas was overthrown on the 6th of July, 1855.[XV-54]

At last, being unable to cope with the daily increasing forces of the enemy, he abandoned the field, and retreated to Salvador. The serviles again took possession of the government under Lopez.[XV-55] The presidential election took place amid this turmoil. The state was divided into two factions, one supporting Lindo and the other Guardiola. The friends of Lindo, not feeling certain of success, proposed Lopez as a compromise candidate, he being credited with the expulsion of Cabañas, but finally abandoned the plan and cast their votes for Guardiola, who assumed the executive office, February 17, 1856, on his return from Nicaragua, where he had been defeated by William Walker. Lindo had meantime been in charge of the government.[XV-56] A system of despotism was now established, Guardiola being but a satellite of Carrera.[XV-57]

POLITICAL DESPOTISM.

The country at this time was in a distressed condition. Agriculture was neglected, most of the field hands having emigrated. Business of all kinds was at a stand-still. There was no available revenue, for every one of its branches was burdened with debt. The state had a contingent of troops serving in Nicaragua against Walker, supported from a special forced loan. To the credit of Guardiola's administration must be recorded, however, that it secured peace with Guatemala, and a settlement of questions pending with Great Britain. At the end of his term he was reëlected. Early in 1861 the government had a difference with the vicario capitular. The see being then vacant, this ecclesiastic assumed the right of excommunicating the president, whom he accused of persecuting the church; but the government forbade the publication of his decree, and expelled its author from the state.[XV-58] This difficulty was subsequently arranged through the metropolitan of Guatemala. Disturbances occurred at various places,[XV-59] which were brought to an end in a short time. On the 11th of January, 1862, the president was assassinated.[XV-60] At first it was feared that discord would reign again, and the other Central American governments prepared to mediate in the interests of peace.[XV-61] Fortunately, good counsels prevailed, and anarchical tendencies were for a time checked.

BRIEF REIGNS.

Guardiola's constitutional successor, Victoriano Castellanos, was in Salvador, and much against his will was pushed by Barrios to accept the position. He repaired to the frontier, and had the oath of office administered to him by the alcalde of the little town of Guarita; which was considered a strange proceeding on his part by Senator José María Medina, who had received the executive office from J. F. Montes,[XV-62] and invited him to the capital to enter upon his duties.[XV-63] Castellanos concluded soon after an alliance offensive and defensive with Barrios, and at a time when their states were at peace with the other governments of Central America. This step, and the diatribes of the press in Salvador and Honduras against the governments of Guatemala and Nicaragua, paved the way for fresh troubles in Central America. Castellanos held the government about ten months, nearly all the time in a turmoil; and at his death was temporarily succeeded by José Francisco Montes, who followed in the footsteps of his predecessor, continuing the alliance with Barrios, and hostilities against Guatemala and Nicaragua. The serviles, assisted by the troops of these two states, being victorious, overthrew him, and on the 21st of June, 1863, placed at the head of affairs, as provisional president of the republic of Honduras, the senior senator, José María Medina,[XV-64] who issued a decree of outlawry against Montes.[XV-65] In December the capital was for a time transferred to Gracias, and on the last day of the same month Medina surrendered the executive office to Francisco Inestroza.[XV-66] On the 15th of February of the following year, the presidential election took place, and Medina and Florencio Xatruch appeared to have obtained the popular suffrages, the former for president and the latter for vice-president.[XV-67]

Disturbances at Olancho were with little difficulty brought to an end, the rebels being defeated at Tapescos. A constituent assembly was convoked and met to reform the constitution, which was done on the 19th of September.[XV-68] On the 29th of October, the constituent assembly just prior to adjournment appointed Medina provisional president,[XV-69] the date for the election of the constitutional one being fixed on the 1st of December. Another decree of the same date granted a full amnesty for all political offences committed since February 4, 1848.