CICERO'S LETTERS TO ATTICUS BOOK IX

I CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 6, B.C. 49

Although, when you read this letter, I think I shall know what has been done at Brundisium, since Pompey left Canusium on the 21st of February and I am writing this on the 6th of March, fourteen days after his departure from Canusium, still I am in agonies of suspense as to what each hour may bring, and I am astonished that I do not even get a rumour. There is a strange hush. But perhaps this is much ado about nothing, when we must know all about it soon enough. But it does worry me that so far I have been unable to discover the whereabouts of my friend Lentulus and of Domitius. I want to know, that I may be able to find out what they are going to do, whether they are going to Pompey, and, if so, by what route and on what date.

Town, I am told, is now crammed full with our party. Sosius and Lupus, who, Pompey thought, would reach Brundisium before himself, are, it appears, sitting as magistrates. From here there is a general move: even M'. Lepidus, with whom I used to spend the day, thinks of starting to-morrow. I am lingering in my villa at Formiae to get news the sooner. Then I intend to go to Arpinum: from Arpinum I proceed to the Adriatic, choosing the least frequented route and leaving behind or even dismissing my lictors. For I am told that certain

et saepe antea magno praesidio rei publicae fuerunt, hanc cunctationem nostram non probari multaque in me et severe in conviviis tempestivis quidem disputari.

Cedamus igitur et, ut boni cives simus, bellum Italiae terra marique inferamus et odia improborum rursus in nos, quae iam exstincta erant, incendamus et Luccei consilia ac Theophani persequamur. Nam Scipio vel in Syriam proficiscitur sorte vel cum genero honeste vel Caesarem fugit iratum. Marcelli quidem, nisi gladium Caesaris timuissent, manerent. Appius est eodem in timore et inimicitiarum recentium etiam. Praeter hunc et C. Cassium reliqui legati, Faustus pro quaestore; ego unus, cui utrumvis licet. Frater accedit, quem socium huius fortunae esse non erat aequum. Cui magis etiam Caesar irascetur, sed impetrare non possum, ut mancat. Dabimus hoc Pompeio, quod debemus. Nam me quidem alius nemo movet, non sermo bonorum, qui nulli sunt, non causa quae acta timide est, agetur improbe. Uni, uni hoc damus ne id quidem roganti nec suam causam, ut ait, agenti, sed publicam. Tu quid cogites de transeundo in Epirum, scire sane velim.

II CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. in Formiano Non. Mart. a. 705

Etsi Nonis Martiis die tuo, ut opinor, exspectabam epistulam a te longiorem, tamen ad eam ipsam brevem,

loyalists, who now and formerly have been a bulwark of the Republic, do not like my staying in Italy, and that they sit half the day over their festive boards making caustic remarks about me.

So I must depart, and, to be a good citizen, wage war on Italy, kindle against myself again the hatred of the disloyal which had died down, and follow the plans of Lucceius and Theophanes. For Scipio can be said to set out for Syria, his allotted province, or to accompany his son-in-law, which is an honourable excuse, or to flee from Caesar's anger. The Marcelli would of course have stayed, had they not feared the sword of Caesar. Appius has the same reason for alarm, and additional reason through a fresh quarrel. Except Appius and C. Cassius all the others hold military commands, Faustus being proquaestor. I am the only one who could go or stay as I like. Besides there is my brother, whom it is not fair to involve in my trouble. With him Caesar will be even more angry, but I cannot induce him to stay behind. This sacrifice I will make to Pompey, as loyalty bids. For no one else influences me, neither talk of loyalists—for there are none—nor our cause, which has been conducted in panic and will be conducted in disgrace. To one man, one only, I make this sacrifice, though he does not even ask it and though the battle he is fighting is, as he says, not his own but the State's, I should much like to know what you think about crossing into Epirus.

II CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 7, B.C. 49

Though the 7th of March, the day I think for your attack of fever,[80] should bring me a longer letter

quam IIII Nonas ὑπὸ τὴν λῆψιν dedisti, rescribendum putavi. Gaudere ais te mansisse me et scribis in sententia te manere. Mihi autem superioribus litteris videbare non dubitare, quin cederem ita, si et Gnaeus bene comitatus conscendisset, et consules transissent. Utrum hoc tu parum commeministi, an ego non satis intellexi, an mutasti sententiam? Sed aut ex epistula, quam exspecto, perspiciam, quid sentias, aut alias abs te litteras eliciam. Brundisio nihildum erat allatum.

IIa CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. in Formiano VIII Id. Mart. a. 705

O rem difficilem planeque perditam! quam nihil praetermittis in consilio dando; quam nihil tamen, quod tibi ipsi placeat, explicas! Non esse me una cum Pompeio gaudes ac proponis, quam sit turpe me adesse, cum quid de illo detrahatur; nefas esse approbare. Certe; contra igitur? "Di," inquis, "averruncent!" Quid ergo fiet, si in altero scelus est, in altero supplicium? "Impetrabis," inquis, "a Caesare, ut tibi abesse liceat et esse otioso." Supplicandum igitur? Miserum. Quid, si non impetraro? "Et de triumpho erit," inquis, "integrum." Quid, si hoc ipso premar? accipiam? Quid foedius? Negem? Repudiari se totum, magis etiam quam olim in XX viratu, putabit. Ac solet, cum se purgat, in me

from you, still I suppose I ought to answer the shorter note, which you sent on the 4th on the eve of your attack. You say you are glad that I have stayed in Italy, and you write that you abide by your former view. But an earlier letter led me to think you had no doubt I ought to go, if Pompey embarked with a good following and the consuls crossed too. Have you forgotten this, or have I failed to understand you, or have you changed your mind? But I shall either learn your opinion from the letter I now await: or I shall extract another letter from you. From Brundisium so far there is no news.

IIa CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 8, B.C. 49

What a difficult and calamitous business! Nothing passed over in the advice you give, nothing revealed as to your real opinion! You are glad that I am not with Pompey, and yet you lay down how wrong it would be for me to be present when he is criticized: it were shameful to approve his conduct. Agreed. Should I then speak against him? "Heaven forbid," you say. So, what can happen, if one way lies crime, and the other punishment? You advise me to get from Caesar leave of absence and permission to retire. Must I then beg and pray? That would be humiliating: and suppose I fail? You say the matter of my triumph will not be prejudiced. But what if I am hampered by that very thing? Accept it? What dishonour! Refuse it? Caesar will think that I am repudiating him entirely, more even than when I declined a place among his twenty land commissioners.[81] And it is his way, when he excuses himself

conferre omnem illorum temporum culpam. Ita me sibi fuisse inimicum, ut ne honorem quidem a se accipere vellem. Quanto nunc hoc idem accipiet asperius! Tanto scilicet, quanto et honor hic illo est amplior et ipse robustior. Nam, quod negas te dubitare, quin magna in offensa sim apud Pompeium hoc tempore, non video causam, cur ita sit hoc quidem tempore. Qui enim amisso Corfinio denique certiorem me sui consilii fecit, is queretur Brundisium me non venisse, cum inter me et Brundisium Caesar esset? Deinde etiam scit ἀπαρρησίαστον esse in ea causa querelam suam. Me putat de municipiorum imbecillitate, de dilectibus, de pace, de urbe, de pecunia, de Piceno occupando plus vidisse quam se. Sin, cum potuero, non venero, tum erit inimicus, quod ego non eo vereor ne mihi noceat (quid enim faciet?

Τίς δ' ἐστὶ δοῦλος τοῦ θανεῖν ἄφροντις ὤν;),

sed quia ingrati animi crimen horreo. Confido igitur adventum nostrum illi, quoquo tempore fuerit, ut scribis, ἀσμενιστὸν fore. Nam, quod ais, si hic temperatius egerit, consideratius consilium te daturum, qui hic potest se gerere non perdite? Vetant vita,[82] mores, ante facta, ratio suscepti negotii, socii, vires bonorum aut etiam constantia.

Vixdum epistulam tuam legeram, cum ad me currens ad illum Postumus Curtius venit nihil nisi classes loquens et exercitus. Eripiebat Hispanias,

to throw on me all the blame for that period, and to say I was so bitter an enemy that I would not even take an office from him. How much more will this annoy him! Why, as much more as this honour is greater than that, and he himself is stronger. As for your remark that you have no doubt I am in bad odour with Pompey at this present time, I see no reason why it should be so, especially at this time. Pompey did not tell me his plans till after the loss of Corfinium, and he cannot complain of my not going to Brundisium, when Caesar was between me and Brundisium. Besides he knows that complaint on his part is stopped. He is of opinion that I saw clearer than he did about the weakness of the municipal towns, the levies, peace, the city, the public funds, occupying Pisenum. If however I do not go to him, when I can, he will certainly be angry. From that I shrink—not for fear of harm he may do me (for what can he do? And who

"Would be a slave but he who fears to die?"[83])

but because I shrink from being charged with ingratitude. So I trust my arrival will be, as you say, welcome to him, whenever I go. As for your remark "If Caesar's conduct be more temperate, you will weigh your advice more carefully," how can Caesar keep himself from a destructive policy? It is forbidden by his character, his previous career, the nature of his present enterprise, his associates, the material strength or even the moral firmness of the loyalist party.

I had scarcely read your letter, when up comes Curtius Postumus hurrying off to Caesar, talking of nothing but fleets and armies; "Caesar is wresting

tenebat Asiam, Siciliam, Africam, Sardiniam, confestim in Graeciam persequebatur. Eundum igitur est, nec tam ut belli quam ut fugae socii simus. Nec enim ferre potero sermones istorum, quicumque sunt; non sunt enim certe, ut appellantur, boni. Sed tamen id ipsum scire cupio, quid loquantur, idque ut exquiras meque certiorem facias, te vehementer rogo. Nos adhuc, quid Brundisi actum esset, plane nesciebamus. Cum sciemus, tum ex re et ex tempore consilium capiemus, sed utemur tuo.

III CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. Formiis VII Id. Mart. a. 705

Domiti filius transiit Formias VIII Idus currens ad matrem Neapolim mihique nuntiari iussit patrem ad urbem esse, cum de eo curiose quaesisset servus noster Dionysius. Nos autem audieramus eum profectum sive ad Pompeium sive in Hispaniam. Id cuius modi sit, scire sane velim. Nam ad id, quod delibero, pertinet, si ille certe nusquam discessit, intellegere Gnaeum non esse faciles nobis ex Italia exitus, cum ea tota armis praesidiisque teneatur, hieme praesertim. Nam, si commodius anni tempus esset, vel infero mari liceret uti. Nunc nihil potest nisi supero tramitti, quo iter interclusum est. Quaeres igitur et de Domitio et de Lentulo.

A Brundisio nulla adhuc fama venerat, et erat hic

the Spains from Pompey, occupying Asia, Sicily, Africa, Sardinia, and forthwith pursuing Pompey into Greece." So I must set out to take part not so much in a war as in a flight. For I can never put up with the talk of your friends, whoever they are, for certainly they are not what they are called, loyalists. Still that is just what I want to know, what they do say, and I beg you earnestly to inquire and inform me. So far I know nothing of what has happened at Brundisium. When I know, I shall form my plans according to circumstances and the moment; but I shall use your advice.

III CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 9, B.C. 49

The son of Domitius went through Formiae on the 8th of March hastening to his mother at Naples, and, when my slave Dionysius inquired particularly from him about his father, he sent me a message that he was outside the city. But I had heard that he had gone either to Pompey or to Spain. What the fact is, I should much like to know, for it has a bearing on the point I am now considering: if it is certain that Domitius has found no means of departure, Pompey may understand that my own departure from Italy is difficult, seeing that it is now beset with troops and garrisons, and especially in the winter season. For, were it a more convenient time of year, one could even cross the southern sea. Now there is no choice but the Adriatic, to which passage is barred. So please inquire both about Domitius and about Lentulus.

From Brundisium no news has come yet, and to-day

dies VII Idus, quo die suspicabamur aut pridie Brundisium venisse Caesarem. Nam Kal. Arpis manserat. Sed, si Postumum audire velles, persecuturus erat Gnaeum; transisse enim iam putabat coniectura tempestatum ac dierum. Ego nautas eum non putabam habiturum, ille confidebat, et eo magis, quod audita naviculariis hominis liberalitas esset. Sed, tota res Brundisina quo modo habeat se, diutius nescire non possum.

IV CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. Formiis IV Id. Mart. a. 705

Ego etsi tam diu requiesco, quam diu aut ad te scribo aut tuas litteras lego, tamen et ipse egeo argumento epistularum et tibi idem accidere certo scio. Quae enim soluto animo familiariter scribi solent, ea temporibus his excluduntur, quae autem sunt horum temporum, ea iam contrivimus. Sed tamen, ne me totum aegritudini dedam, sumpsi mihi quasdam tamquam θέσεις, quae et πολιτικαὶ sunt et temporum horum, ut et abducam animum ab querelis et in eo ipso, de quo agitur, exercear. Eae sunt huius modi:

Εἰ μενετέον ἐν τῇ πατρίδι τυραννουμένης αὐτῆς. Εἰ παντὶ τρόπω τυραννίδος κατάλυσιν πραγματευτέον, κἄν

is the 9th of March. I expect Caesar reached Brundisium to-day or yesterday. He stayed at Arpi on the 1st. If you choose to listen to Postumus, Caesar meant to pursue Pompey; for, by calculating the state of the weather and the days, he concluded that Pompey had crossed the sea. I thought that Caesar would be unable to get crews, but Postumus was quite sure about that, and the more so because ship-owners had heard of Caesar's liberality. But it cannot be long now before I hear the full story of what has happened at Brundisium.

IV CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 12, B.C. 49

Though now I rest only so long as I am writing to you or reading your letters, still I am in want of subject matter, and feel sure that you are in the same position, for the present crisis debars us from the free and easy topics of friendly correspondence, and the topics connected with the present crisis we have already exhausted. However, not to succumb entirely to low spirits, I have taken for myself certain theses, so to speak, which deal with la haute politique and are applicable to the present crisis, so that I may keep myself from querulous thoughts and may practise the subject. Here are some:

Whether one should remain in one's country, even under a tyranny. Whether any means are lawful to

μέλλῃ διὰ τοῦτο περὶ τῶν ὅλων ἡ πόλις κινδυνεύσειν. Εἰ εὐλαβητέον τὸν καταλύοντα μὴ αὐτὸς αἴρηται. Εἰ πειρατέον ἀρήγειν τῇ πατρίδι τυραννουμένῃ καιρῷ καὶ λογῳ μᾶλλον ἢ πολέμῳ. Εἰ πολιτικὸν τὸ ἡσυχάζειν ἀναχωρήσαντά ποι τῆς πατρίδος τυραννουμένης ἤ δὶα παντὂς ἰτέον κινδύνου τῆς ἐλευθερίας πέρι. Εἰ πόλεμον ἐπακτέον τῇ χώρᾳ καὶ πολιορκητέον αὐτὴν τυραννουμένην. Εἰ καὶ μὴ δοκιμάζοντα τὴν διὰ πολέμου κατάλυσιν τῆς τυραννίδος συναπογραπτέον ὅμως τοῖς ἀρίστοις. Εἰ τοῖς εὐεργέταις καὶ φίλοις συγκινδυνευτέον ἐν τοῖς πολιτικοῖς, κἂν μὴ δοκῶσιν εὖ βεβουλεῦσθαι περὶ τῶν ὃλων. Εἰ ὁ μεγάλα τὴν πατρίδα εὐεργετήσας, δἰ αὐτὸ δὲ τοῦτο ἀνήκεστα παθὼν καὶ φθονηθεὶς, κινδυνεύσειεν ἄν ἐθελοντὴς ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος, ἤ ἐφετέον αὐτῷ ἑαυτοῦ ποτε καὶ τῶν οἰκειοτάτων ποιεῖσθαι πρόνοιαν ἀφεμένω τὰς πρὸς τοὺς ἰσχύοντας διαπολιτείας.

In his ego me consulationibus exercens et disserens in utramque partem tum Graece, tum Latine et abduco parumper animum a molestiis et τῶν προὔργου τι delibero. Sed vereor, ne tibi ἂκαιρος sim. Si enim recte ambulaverit is, qui hanc epistulam tulit, in ipsum tuum diem incidet.

abolish a tyranny, even if they endanger the existence of the State. Whether one ought to take care that one who tries to abolish it may not rise too high himself. Whether one ought to assist one's country, when under a tyranny, by seizing opportunities and by argument rather than by war. Whether one is doing one's duty to the State, if one retires to some other place and there remains inactive, when there is a tyranny; or whether one ought to run every risk for liberty. Whether one ought to invade the country and besiege one's native town, when it is under a tyranny. Whether one ought to enrol oneself in the ranks of the loyalists, even if one does not approve of war as a means of abolishing tyranny. Whether one ought in political matters to share the dangers of one's benefactors and friends, even if one does not believe their general policy to be wise. Whether one who has done good service for his country, and by it has won ill-treatment and envy, should voluntarily put himself into danger for that country, or may at length take thought for himself and his dear ones and avoid struggles against the powers that be.

By employing myself with such questions and discussing the pros and cons in Greek and Latin, I divert my thoughts a little from my troubles and at the same time consider a subject which is very pertinent. But I fear you may find me a nuisance. For, if the bearer makes proper headway, it will reach you on the very day you have your attack of ague.

V CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. Formiis VI Id. Mart. a. 705

Natali die tuo scripsisti epistulam ad me plenam consilii summaeque cum benevolentiae tum etiam prudentiae. Eam mihi Philotimus postridie, quam a te acceperat, reddidit. Sunt ista quidem, quae disputas, difficillima, iter ad superum, navigatio infero, discessus Arpinum, ne hunc fugisse, mansio Formiis, ne obtulisse nos gratulationi videamur, sed miserius nihil quam ea videre, quae tamen iam, iam, inquam, videnda erunt.

Fuit apud me Postumus, scripsi ad te, quam gravis. Venit ad me etiam Q. Fufius quo vultu, quo spiritus properans Brundisium, scelus accusans Pompei, levitatem et stultitiam senatus. Haec qui in mea villa non feram, Curtium in curia potero ferre? Age, finge me quamvis εὐστομάχως haec ferentem, quid? illa "Dic, M. Tvlli" quem habebunt exitum? Et omitto causam rei publicae, quam ego amissam puto cum vulneribus suis tum medicamentis eis, quae parantur, de Pompeio quid agam? cui plane (quid enim hoc negem?) suscensui. Semper enim causae eventorum magis movent quam ipsa eventa. Haec igitur mala (quibus maiora esse quae possunt?) considerans, vel potius iudicans eius opera accidisse, et culpa, inimicior eram huic quam ipsi Caesari. Ut

V CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 10, B.C. 49

On your birthday you wrote me a letter full of advice, full of great kindness and of great wisdom. Philotimus delivered it to me the day after he got it from you. The points you discuss are very difficult—the route to the upper sea, a voyage by the lower sea, departure to Arpinum, lest I should seem to have avoided Caesar, remaining at Formiae, lest I should appear to have put myself forward to congratulate him; but the most miserable thing of all will be to see what I tell you must very shortly be seen.

Curtius Postumus was with me. I wrote you how tiresome he was. Quintus Fufius also came to see me—what an air! what assurance!—hastening to Brundisium denouncing Pompey's wrong-doings and the careless folly of the House. When I cannot stand this under my own roof, how shall I be able to endure Curtius in the Senate? But suppose I put up with all this in good humour, what of the question "Your vote, M. Tullius?" What will come of it? I pass over the cause of the Republic, which I consider lost, both from the wounds dealt it and the cures prepared for them; but what am I to do about Pompey? It is no use denying that I am downright angry with him. For I am always more affected by the causes of events than by the events themselves. Therefore considering our incomparable woes, or rather concluding that they have happened by his doing and his mistakes, I am more angry with Pompey than with Caesar himself. Just as our ancestors

maiores nostri funestiorem diem esse voluerunt Aliensis pugnae quam urbis captae, quod hoc malum ex illo (itaque alter religiosus etiam nunc dies, alter in vulgus ignotus), sic ego decem annorum peccata recordans, in quibus inerat ille etiam annus, qui nos hoc non defendente, ne dicam gravius, adflixerat, praesentisque temporis cognoscens temeritatem, ignaviam, neglegentiam suscensebam. Sed ea iam mihi exciderunt; beneficia eiusdem cogito, cogito etiam dignitatem; intellego serius equidem, quam vellem, propter epistulas sermonesque Balbi, sed video plane nihil aliud agi, nihil actum ab initio, nisi ut hunc occideret. Ego igitur, sicut ille apud Homerum, cui et mater et dea dixisset:

Αὐτίκα γάρ τοι ἔπειτα μεθ' Ἐκτορα πότμος ἕτοιμος,

matri ipse respondit:

Quid, si non ἑταίρῳ solum, sed etiam εὐεργέτῃ adde tali viro talem causam agenti? Ego vero haec officia mercanda vita puto. Optimatibus vero tuis nihil confido, nihil iam ne inservio quidem. Video, ut se huic dent, ut daturi sint. Quicquam tu illa putas fuisse de valetudine decreta municipiorum prae his de victoria gratulationibus? "Timent," inquies. At ipsi tum se timuisse dicunt. Sed videamus, quid actum sit Brundisi. Ex eo fortasse alia consilia nascentur aliaeque litterae.

thought that the day of the battle of Alia was blacker than the day of the capture of Rome, because the capture was but the consequence of the battle (and so the former day is still a black letter day and the latter is commonly unknown), so I too was angry in recalling his errors of the last ten years, which included the year of my affliction, when he gave me no help, to put it mildly, and recognizing his foolhardiness, sloth and carelessness at the present time. But all this I have forgotten. It is his kindness I think of, and I think of my own honour too. I understand, later indeed than I could have wished, from the letters and conversation of Balbus, but I see plainly, that the sole object is, and has been from the beginning, the death of Pompey. So I say the same as Achilles to his mother, when she said "For after Hector's death thy doom is fixed," and he replied, "Then let me die, since I have failed to save my friend."

Iliad XVIII, 96-9

And in my case it is not only a friend but a benefactor, a man so great and championing so great a cause. Indeed I hold that life should be paid for the kindnesses that he has done me. But in your loyal party I have no confidence: nor I do even acknowledge any allegiance to them now. I see how they surrender and will surrender themselves to Caesar. Do you think that those decrees of the towns about Pompey's health were anything compared with their congratulatory addresses to Caesar? You will say, "They are terrorized." Yes, but they themselves declare that they were terrorized on the former occasion. But let us see what has happened at Brundisium. Perhaps from that may spring different plans and a different letter.

VI CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. Formiis V Id. Mart. a. 705

Nos adhuc Brundisio nihil. Roma scripsit Balbus putare iam Lentulum consulem tramisisse, nec eum a minore Balbo conventum, quod is hoc iam Canusi audisset; inde ad se eum scripsisse; cohortesque sex, quae Albae fuissent, ad Curium via Minucia transisse; id Caesarem ad se scripsisse, et brevi tempore eum ad urbem futurum. Ergo utar tuo consilio neque me Arpinum hoc tempore abdam, etsi, Ciceroni meo togam puram cum dare Arpini vellem, hanc eram ipsam excusationem relicturus ad Caesarem. Sed fortasse in eo ipso offendetur, cur non Romae potius. Ac tamen, si est conveniendus, hic potissimum. Tum reliqua videbimus, id est et quo et qua et quando.

Domitius, ut audio, in Cosano est, et quidem, ut aiunt, paratus ad navigandum, si in Hispaniam, non probo, si ad Gnaeum, laudo; quovis potius certe, quam ut Curtium videat, quem ego patronus aspicere non possum. Quid alios? Sed, opinor, quiescamus, ne nostram culpam coarguamus, qui, dum urbem, id est patriam, amamus dumque rem conventuram putamus, ita nos gessimus, ut plane interclusi captique simus.

Scripta iam epistula Capua litterae sunt allatae hoc exemplo: "Pompeius mare transiit cum omnibus militibus, quos secum habuit. Hic numerus est

VI CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 11, B.C. 49

No news yet from Brundisium. From Rome Balbus has written that he thinks the consul Lentulus has now gone over, and that the younger Balbus has not met him, because the latter has just heard the news at Canusium and from that town has written to him. He adds that the six cohorts which were at Alba have gone to Curius by the Minucian road, that Caesar has written to tell him so and will shortly be in Rome. So I shall follow your advice. I shall not go and bury myself in Arpinum at the present time, though, since I had wished to celebrate my son's coming of age there, I thought of leaving that as an excuse to Caesar. But perhaps that itself will give offence and he might ask why I should not do it at Rome. Still, if I must meet him, I would much rather meet him here. Then I shall see the other things, where I am to go, by what route and when.

Domitius, I hear, is at Cosa, and ready it is said to sail. If it is to Spain, I do not approve, but, if to Pompey, he has my praise. Better to go anywhere than to have to see Curtius, of whom, though I have defended him, I cannot bear the sight, not to speak of others. But I suppose I had better keep quiet, for fear of convicting myself of folly in managing to be cut off wholly and made captive through my love of my country and an idea that the matter could be patched up.

Just as I had finished writing, there came a letter from Capua, of which this is a copy: "Pompey has crossed the sea with all the soldiery he has. There

hominum milia triginta et consules duo et tribuni pl. et senatores, qui fuerunt cum eo, omnes cum uxoribus et liberis. Conscendisse dicitur a. d. IIII Nonas Martias. Ex ea die fuere septemtriones venti. Naves, quibus usus non est, omnes aut praecidisse aut incendisse dicunt."

De hac re litterae L. Metello tribuno pl. Capuam allatae sunt a Clodia socru, quae ipsa transiit. Ante sollicitus eram et angebar, sicut res scilicet ipsa cogebat, cum consilio explicare nihil possem; nunc autem, postquam Pompeius et consules ex Italia exierunt, non angor, sed ardeo dolore,

Non sum, inquam, mihi crede, mentis compos; tantum mihi dedecoris admisisse videor. Mene non primum cum Pompeio qualicumque consilio uso, deinde cum bonis esse quamvis causa temere instituta? praesertim cum ii ipsi, quoram ego causa timidius me fortunae committebam, uxor, filia, Cicerones pueri, me illud sequi mallent, hoc turpe et me indignum putarent. Nam Quintus quidem frater, quicquid mihi placeret, id rectum se putare aiebat, id animo aequissimo sequebatur.

Tuas nunc epistulas a primo lego. Hae me paulum recreant. Primae monent et rogant, ne me proiciam, proximae gaudere te ostendunt me remansisse. Eas cum lego, minus mihi turpis videor, sed tam diu, dum lego. Deinde emergit rursum dolor et ἀισχροῦ φαντασία. Quam ob rem obsecro te, mi Tite, eripe

are 30,000 men, two consuls, tribunes and the senators who were with him, all accompanied by wives and children. He is said to have embarked on the 4th of March. From that day there have been northerly winds. They say he disabled or burned all the ships he did not use."

[Sidennote Iliad x, 91]

On this matter a letter has been received at Capua by Lucius Metellus, the tribune of the plebs, from Clodia, his mother-in-law, who herself crossed the sea. I was anxious and distracted before, naturally enough under the circumstances, when I could find no solution of affairs. But, now that Pompey and the consuls have left Italy, I am not only distracted, but I blaze with indignation. "Steady my heart no more, but wild with grief." Believe me, I say I am no longer responsible, so great the shame I seem to have incurred. To think that in the first place I should not be with Pompey, whatever his plan, nor again with the loyalists, however rashly they have mismanaged their cause! Particularly when those very people, whose interests kept me cautious, my wife, my daughter and the boys, preferred that I should follow Pompey's fortunes, and thought Caesar's cause disgraceful and unworthy of me. As for my brother Quintus, whatever I thought right, he agreed to, and he followed my course with perfect contentment.

Your letters I am reading now from the beginning of the business. They afford me some little relief. The first warn and entreat me not to commit myself. The later ones show you are glad I stayed. While I read them, my conduct seems to me less discreditable; but only so long as I read: afterwards up rises sorrow again and a vision of shame. So I beseech you, Titus,

mihi hunc dolorem, aut minue saltem aut consolatione aut consilio, aut quacumque re potes. Quid tu autem possis? aut quid homo quisquam? Vix iam deus.

Equidem illud molior, quod tu mones sperasque fieri posse, ut mihi Caesar concedat, ut absim, cum aliquid in senatu contra Gnaeum agatur. Sed timeo, ne non impetrem. Venit ab eo Furnius. Ut quidem scias, quos sequamur, Q. Titini filium cum Caesare esse nuntiat, sed illum maiores mihi gratias agere, quam vellem. Quid autem me roget paucis ille quidem verbis, sed ἐν δυνάμει, cognosce ex ipsius epistula. Me miserum, quod tu non valuisti! una fuissemus; consilium certe non defuisset; σύν τε δύ' ἐρχομένω——.

Sed acta ne agamus, reliqua paremus. Me adhuc haec duo fefellerunt, initio spes compositionis, qua facta volebam uti populari vita, sollicitudine senectutem nostram liberari; deinde bellum crudele et exitiosum suscipi a Pompeio intellegebam. Melioris medius fidius civis et viri putabam quovis supplicio adfici, quam illi crudelitati non solum praeesse, verum etiam interesse. Videtur vel mori satius fuisse quam esse cum his. Ad haec igitur cogita, mi Attice, vel potius excogita. Quemvis eventum fortius feram quam hunc dolorem.

take this grief away from me, or at any rate lessen it by your sympathy or advice or by any other possible means. Yet what can you or any man do? God Himself could hardly help now.

But my own aim now is to achieve what you advise and hope, that Caesar excuse my absence, when any measure is brought forward against Pompey in the house. But I fear I may fail. Furnius has come from Caesar. To show you the sort of men I am following, he tells me that the son of Q. Titinius is with Caesar, but Caesar expresses greater thanks to me than I could wish. His request put in a few words, but ex cathedra, you may see from his letter. How grieved I am at your ill-health! We should have been together; assuredly advice would not have been wanting: "Two heads are better than one."

Iliad X, 224

But let us not fight battles over again, let us attend to the future. Till now two things have led me astray, at first the hope of a settlement, and, if that were secured, I was ready for private life and an old age quit of public cares; and then I discovered that Pompey was beginning a bloody and destructive war. On my honour I thought that it was the part of a better man and a better citizen to suffer any punishment rather than, I will not say to take a leading part, but even to take any part in such atrocities. It seems as though it would have been preferable to die than to be one of such men. So, my dear Atticus, think on these problems, or rather think them out. I shall bear any result more bravely than this affliction.

VIa CAESAR IMP. S. D. CICERONI IMP.

Scr. in itinere in. m. Mart. a. 705

Cum Furnium nostrum tantum vidissem neque loqui neque audire meo commodo potuissem, properarem atque essem in itinere praemissis iam legionibus, praeterire tamen non potui, quin et scriberem ad te et illum mitterem gratiasque agerem, etsi hoc et feci saepe et saepius mihi facturus videor. Ita de me mereris. In primis a te peto, quoniam confido me celeriter ad urbem venturum, ut te ibi videam, ut tuo consilio, gratia, dignitate, ope omnium rerum uti possim. Ad propositum revertar; festinationi meae brevitatique litterarum ignosces. Reliqua ex Furnio cognosces.

VII CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. in Formiis III Id. Mart. a. 705

Scripseram ad te epistulam, quam darem IIII Idus. Sed eo die is, cui dare volueram, non est profectus. Venit autem eo ipso die ille "celeripes," quem Salvius dixerat. Attulit uberrimas tuas litteras; quae mihi quiddam quasi animulae instillarunt; recreatum enim me non queo dicere. Sed plane τὸ συνέχον effecisti. Ego enim non iam id ago, mihi crede, ut prosperos exitus consequar. Sic enim video, nec duobus his vivis nec hoc uno nos umquam rem publicam habituros.

VIa CAESAR THE IMPERATOR SENDS GREETINGS TO CICERO THE IMPERATOR.

On the march, March, B.C. 49

Though I have only had a glimpse of our friend Furnius, and have not yet been able conveniently to speak to him or hear what he has to say, being in a hurry and on the march, yet I could not neglect the opportunity of writing to you and sending him to convey my thanks. Be sure I have often thanked you and I expect to have occasion to do so still more often in the future: so great are your services to me. First I beg you, since I trust that I shall quickly reach Rome, to let me see you there, and employ your advice, favour, position and help of all kinds. I will return to what I began with: pardon my haste and the shortness of my letter. All the other information you may get from Furnius.

VII CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 13, B.C. 49

I wrote you a letter dated the 12th of March, but on that day the man to whom I meant to give it did not set out. However, on that very day there arrived that "sprinter," as Salvius called him, bringing your very full epistle which has put just a drop of life into me, for recovered I cannot profess to be. Clearly you have done the one thing needful. Believe me I am not acting now with a view to a lucky issue; for I see that we can never enjoy a Republic while these two men live, or this one alone. So I

Ita neque de otio nostro spero iam nec ullam acerbitatem recuso. Unum illud extimescebam, ne quid turpiter facerem, vel dicam iam ne fecissem.

Sic ergo habeto, salutares te mihi litteras misisse neque solum has longiores, quibus nihil potest esse explicatius, nihil perfectius, sed etiam illas breviores, in quibus hoc mihi iucundissimum fuit, consilium factumque nostrum a Sexto probari, pergratumque mihi tu ...[84] fecisti; a quo et diligi me et, quid rectum sit, intellegi scio. Longior vero tua epistula non me solum, sed meos omnes aegritudine levavit. Itaque utar tuo consilio et ero in Formiano, ne aut ad urbem ἀπάντησις mea animadvertatur, aut, si nec hic nec illic eum videro, devitatum se a me putet. Quod autem suades, ut ab eo petam, ut mihi concedat, ut idem tribuam Pompeio, quod ipsi tribuerim, id me iam pridem agere intelleges ex litteris Balbi et Oppi, quarum exempla tibi misi. Misi etiam Caesaris ad eos sana mente scriptas quo modo in tanta insania. Sin mihi Caesar hoc non concedat, video tibi placere illud, me πολίτευμα de pace suscipere; in quo non extimesco periculum (cum enim tot impendeant, cur non honestissimo depecisci velim?), sed vereor, ne Pompeio quid oneris imponam,

μή μοι γοργείην κεφαλὴν δεινοῖο πελώρου

intorqueat. Mirandum enim in modum Gnaeus noster Sullani regni similitudinem concupivit. Εἰδώς σοι λέγω. Nihil ille umquam minus obscure tulit.

have no hope of ease for myself and I do not refuse to contemplate as possible any bitterness. The one thing I dread is doing, or, perhaps I should say, having done, anything disgraceful.

Odyssey xi, 663

So please consider that your letter was good for me, and not only the longer, most explicit and perfect epistle, but also the shorter, in which the most delightful thing was to find that my policy and action is approved by Sextus. You have done me a great kindness....[85] Of his affection and sense of honour I am sure. But that longer letter of yours has relieved not only me but all my friends from our sorry state: so I will follow your advice and remain in the villa at Formiae, that my meeting with Caesar outside the city may not excite comment, or, if I do not meet him either here or there, I may not lead him to think I have shunned him. As for your advice to ask him to allow me to pay Pompey the same homage as I did to him, you will understand I have been doing that long since, when you see the copies I forward of letters of Balbus and Oppius. I send also a letter addressed by Caesar to them, which is sane enough considering these mad times. But, if Caesar should refuse my request, I see that you think I should undertake to be a peace-maker. In that rôle I do not fear danger—for, with so many dangers overhanging, why should I not compound by taking the most respectable—but I fear lest I may embarrass Pompey, and he fix on me "the Gorgon gaze of his dread eye." It is wonderful to see how Pompey desires to imitate Sulla's reign. I know what I am saying. He has made no secret of it. Then why

"Cum hocne igitur," inquies, "esse vis?" Beneficium sequor, mihi crede, non causam, [ut in Milone, ut in.... Sed hactenus].[86] "Causa igitur non bona est?" Immo optima, sed agetur, memento, foedissime. Primum consilium est suffocare urbem et Italiam fame, deinde agros vastare, urere, pecuniis locupletum non abstinere. Sed, cum eadem metuam ab hac parte, si illim beneficium non sit, rectius putem quidvis domi perpeti. Sed ita meruisse illum de me puto, ut ἀχαριστίας crimen subire non audeam, quamquam a te eius quoque rei iusta defensio est explicata.

De triumpho tibi adsentior, quem quidem totum facile et lubenter abiecero. Egregie probo fore ut, dum agamus, ὁ πλόος ὡραῖος obrepat. "Si modo," inquis, "satis ille erit firmus." Est firmior etiam, quam putabamus. De isto licet bene speres. Promitto tibi, si valebit, tegulam illum in Italia nullam relicturum. "Tene igitur socio?" Contra mehercule meum iudicium et contra omnium antiquorum auctoritatem, nec tam ut illa adiuvem, quam ut haec ne videam, cupio discedere. Noli enim putare tolerabiles horum insanias nec unius modi fore. Etsi quid te horum fugit, legibus, iudicibus, iudiciis senatu sublato libidines, audacias, sumptus, egestates tot egentissimorum hominum nec privatas posse res nec rem publicam sustinere? Abeamus igitur inde qualibet navigatione; etsi id quidem, ut tibi videbitur,

do I wish to be associated with such a man? Believe me I follow gratitude, not a cause [and I did in the case of Milo and in.... But enough of this.] "Then the cause is not good?" Yes, the best in the world; but remember it will be handled in the most disgraceful way. The first plan is to throttle Rome and Italy and starve them, then to lay waste and burn the country, and not to keep hands off the riches of the wealthy. But, since I have the same fears on Caesar's side too, if it were not for favours on the other side, I should think it better to stay in Rome and suffer what comes. But so bounden do I consider myself to Pompey that I cannot endure to risk the charge of ingratitude. But you have said all that can be said for that course too.

About my triumph I agree with you. I can throw it away willingly and with ease. I am delighted with your remark that it may be, while I am considering, "the chance to sail" may arise. "Yes," you say, "if only Pompey is firm enough." He is more firm than I imagined. In him you may be confident. I promise you, if he succeeds, he will not leave a tile in Italy. "Will you help him, then?" By heaven, against my own judgement and against all the lessons of the past I desire to depart, not so much that I may help Pompey, as that I may not see what is being done here. For please do not think that the madness of these parties will be endurable or of one kind. However, it is obvious to you that when laws, juries, courts and Senate are abolished, neither private nor public resources will be able to bear up against the lusts, daring, extravagance and necessity of so many needy men. So let me depart on any kind of voyage: be it whatever you will, only let me depart.

sed certe abeamus. Sciemus enim, id quod exspectas, quid Brundisi actum sit.

Bonis viris quod ais probari, quae adhuc fecerimus, scirique ab iis nos non profectos, valde gaudeo, si est nunc ullus gaudendi locus. De Lentulo investigabo diligentius. Id mandavi Philotimo, homini forti ac nimium optimati.

Extremum est, ut tibi argumentum ad scribendum fortasse iam desit. Nec enim alia de re nunc ulla scribi potest, et de hac quid iam amplius inveniri potest? Sed, quoniam et ingenium suppeditat (dico mehercule, ut sentio) et amor, quo et meum ingenium incitatur, perge, ut facis, et scribe, quantum potes.

In Epirum quod me non invitas, comitem non molestum, subirascor. Sed vale. Nam, ut tibi ambulandum, ungendum, sic mihi dormiendum. Etenim litterae tuae mihi somnum attulerunt.

VIIa BALBUS ET OPPIUS S. D. M. CICERONI.

Scr. Romae VI aut V Id. Mart. a. 705

Nedum hominum humilium, ut nos sumus, sed etiam amplissimorum virorum consilia ex eventu, non ex voluntate a plerisque probari solent. Tamen freti tua humanitate, quod verissimum nobis videbitur, de eo, quod ad nos scripsisti, tibi consilium dabimus. Quod si non fuerit prudens, at certe ab optima fide et optimo animo proficiscetur.

Nos, si id, quod nostro iudicio Caesarem facere

For I shall know the news you are waiting for, what has happened at Brundisium.

If, as you say, my conduct hitherto has been approved by the loyal party and they are aware I have not gone away, I am very glad indeed, if now there is any place for gladness. As for Lentulus I will make more careful inquiries. I have entrusted the matter to Philotimus, a man of courage and excessive loyalty.

The last thing I have to say is, that perhaps you lack a theme for your letters—for one can write on no other topic, and what more can be said on this? But since there is plenty of ability in you (and upon my soul I speak as I feel) and affection which also spurs my own wit, go on as you are doing and write as much as you can.

I am rather annoyed that you do not invite me as your guest to Epirus when you know I should give you no trouble. But good-bye. You want your walk and perfumery and I want my sleep: for your letter has induced sleep.

VIIa BALBUS AND OPPIUS TO M. CICERO, GREETING.

Formiae, March 10 or 11, B.C. 49

Advice—even the advice of distinguished persons, let alone nobodies like ourselves—is generally judged by results and not by intentions. However, relying on your kindness of heart, we will give you the soundest advice we can on the point about which you wrote, and, even if its wisdom may be doubted, there will be no doubt that it springs from good faith and good feeling.

If we had heard from Caesar's own lips that he

oportere existimamus, ut, simul Romam venerit, agat de reconciliatione gratiae suae et Pompei, id eum facturum ex ipso cognovissemus, deberemus[87] te hortari, ut velles iis rebus interesse, quo facilius et maiore cum dignitate per te, qui utrique es coniunctus, res tota confieret, aut, si ex contrario putaremus Caesarem id non facturum, et etiam velle cum Pompeio bellum gerere sciremus, numquam tibi suaderemus, contra hominem optime de te meritum arma ferres, sicuti te semper oravimus, ne contra Caesarem pugnares. Sed, cum etiam nunc, quid facturus Caesar sit, magis opinari quam scire possimus,[88] non possumus nisi hoc, non videri eam tuam esse dignitatem neque fidem omnibus cognitam, ut contra alterutrum, cum utrique sis maxime necessarius, arma feras, et hoc non dubitamus quin Caesar pro sua humanitate maxime sit probaturus. Nos tamen, si tibi videbitur, ad Caesarem scribemus, ut nos certiores faciat, quid hac re acturus sit. A quo si erit nobis rescriptum, statim, quae sentiemus, ad te scribemus, et tibi fidem faciemus nos ea suadere, quae nobis videntur tuae dignitati, non Caesaris actioni esse utilissima, et hoc Caesarem pro sua indulgentia in suos probaturum putamus.

VIIb BALBUS CICERONI IMP. SAL.

Scr. Romae V aut IV Id. Mart. a. 705

S. V. B. Posteaquam litteras communes cum Oppio ad te dedi, ab Caesare epistulam accepi, cuius exemplum

was going to do, what in our opinion he ought to do, as soon as he reaches Rome, that is to say try to effect a reconciliation with Pompey, we should feel it our duty to exhort you to take part in the negotiations, as the whole thing could most easily and with the greatest dignity be carried through by you, who have ties with both parties. If on the contrary we thought Caesar was not going to follow that course, and knew that he even wished to wage war with Pompey, we should never advise you to bear arms against a man who has done you such good service, just as we have always begged you not to fight against Caesar. But, since Caesar's intentions are still mere guesswork, we can only say that it does not seem consonant with your dignity or your well-known sense of honour to bear arms against either of them, as you are intimate with both: and we have no doubt that Caesar will be generous enough to approve of this course. If you wish it, however, we will write to Caesar to ascertain his intentions in this matter. If he sends us an answer, we will let you know our opinion at once, and convince you that we are giving the advice which seems to us to be best for your dignity, not for Caesar's policy, and, such is Caesar's consideration for his friends, that we feel sure he will approve of such a course.

VIIb BALBUS TO CICERO, THE IMPERATOR, GREETING.

Rome, March 11 or 12, B.C. 49

I hope you are well.[89] After sending you a letter in conjunction with Oppius I had a note from Caesar, of which I am forwarding a copy. From it you can

tibi misi. Ex quibus perspicere poteris, quam cupiat concordiam suam et Pompei reconciliare, et quam remotus sit ab omni crudelitate; quod eum sentire, ut debeo, valde gaudeo. De te et tua fide et pietate idem mehercule, mi Cicero, sentio quod tu, non posse tuam famam et officium sustinere, ut contra eum arma feras, a quo tantum beneficium te accepisse praedices. Caesarem hoc idem probaturum exploratum pro singulari eius humanitate habeo, eique cumulatissime satis facturum te certo scio, cum nullam partem belli contra cum suscipias neque socius eius adversariis fueris. Atque hoc non solum in te, tali et tanto viro, satis habebit, sed etiam mihi ipse sua concessit voluntate, ne in iis castris essem, quae contra Lentulum aut Pompeium futura essent, quorum beneficia maxima haberem, sibique satis esse dixit, si togatus urbana officia sibi praestitissem, quae etiam illis, si vellem, praestare possem. Itaque nunc Romae omnia negotia Lentuli procuro, sustineo, meumque officium, fidem, pietatem iis praesto. Sed mehercule rursus iam abiectam compositionis spem non desperatissimam esse puto, quoniam Caesar est ea mente, quam optare debemus.

Hac re mihi placet, si tibi videtur, te ad eum scribere et ab eo praesidium petere, ut petiisti a Pompeio me quidem adprobante temporibus Milonianis. Praestabo, si Caesarem bene novi, eum prius tuae dignitatis quam suae utilitatis rationem habiturum.

Haec quam prudenter tibi scribam, nescio, sed illud

see how eager he is for a reconciliation between himself and Pompey, and how far removed all cruelty is from his thoughts: and I am, as in duty bound, very glad that he takes that view. As for yourself and your honour, and loyalty to your friends, I give you my word, my dear Cicero, that I think as you do, that your reputation and your duty will not admit of your bearing arms against a man, from whom you acknowledge that you have received such favours. I have not the slightest doubt that Caesar with his extraordinary kindness will agree, and that you will satisfy him abundantly, by taking no part against him in the war and not siding with his opponents. And this he will count sufficient not only in the case of so important a personage as yourself, but even to me of his own free will he has granted the same permission not to enter a camp which would be opposed to Lentulus and Pompey, to whom I am under great obligations: and he has said he is quite satisfied, if I should perform peaceful civic functions for him, which I am at liberty to perform for them too, if I wish. So I am acting now as Lentulus' deputy at Rome and carrying out his business, fulfilling my duty and maintaining my honour and loyalty to them. But really, though I had given up hope of peace, I am no longer in despair of it, since Caesar is in the mood in which we would wish him to be.

Under the circumstances I see no objection, if you think fit, to your writing and asking for his protection, as you did for Pompey's, with my approval, at Milo's trial. If I know anything of Caesar, I will guarantee that he will consider your dignity more than his own advantage.

How far the advice I am sending may be right, I

certe scio, me ab singulari amore ac benevolentia, quaecumque scribo, tibi scribere, quod te (ita incolumi Caesare moriar!) tanti facio, ut paucos aeque ac te caros habeam. De hac re cum aliquid constitueris, velim mihi scribas. Nam non mediocriter laboro, utrique, ut vis, tuam benevolentiam praestare possis, quam mehercule te praestaturum confide. Fac valeas.

VIIc CAESAR OPPIO, CORNELIO SAL.

Scr. in itinere paulo ante ep. 7 B.

Gaudeo mehercule vos significare litteris, quam valde probetis ea, quae apud Corfinium sunt gesta. Consilio vestro utar lubenter, et hoc lubentius, quod mea sponte facere constitueram, ut quam lenissimum me praeberem et Pompeium darem operam ut reconciliarem. Temptemus, hoc modo si possimus omnium voluntates recuperare et diuturna victoria uti, quoniam reliqui crudelitate odium effugere non potuerunt neque victoriam diutius tenere praeter unum L. Sullam, quem imitaturus non sum. Haec nova sit ratio vincendi, ut misericordia et liberalitate nos muniamus. Id quem ad modum fieri possit, non nulla mi in mentem veniunt, et multa reperiri possunt. De his rebus rogo vos ut cogitationem suscipiatis.

N. Magium, Pompei praefectum, deprehendi. Scilicet meo instituto usus sum et eum statim missum

do not know; but one thing I do know, that, in sending what I am sending to you, I am actuated by more than ordinary affection and goodwill. Though I am ready to die for Caesar's sake, there are few that I esteem as highly as I esteem you. When you have made up your mind on the point, I should like you to let me know, for I am much concerned that you should be able to show your goodwill to both parties, as you desire: and I have not the faintest doubt that you will. Take care of your health.

VIIc CAESAR TO OPPIUS AND CORNELIUS, GREETING.

On the road, shortly before 7 B.

I am very glad to hear from your letters how strongly you approve of what happened at Corfinium. I shall follow your advice with pleasure—with all the more pleasure, because I had myself made up my mind to act with the greatest moderation, and to do my best to effect a reconciliation with Pompey. Let us see if by moderation we can win all hearts and secure a lasting victory, since by cruelty others have been unable to escape from hatred and to maintain their victory for any length of time except L. Sulla, whose example I do not intend to follow. This is a new way of conquering, to strengthen one's position by kindness and generosity. As to how this can be done, some ideas have occurred to me and many more can be found. I should like you to turn some attention to the matter.

I have taken N. Magius, a praefect of Pompey. Of course I kept to my policy and set him free at once.

feci. Iam duo praefecti fabrum Pompei in meam potestatem venerunt et a me missi sunt. Si volent grati esse, debebunt Pompeium hortari, ut malit mihi esse amicus quam iis, qui et illi et mihi semper fuerunt inimicissimi; quorum artificiis effectum est, ut res publica in hunc statum perveniret.

VIII CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. in Formiano prid. Id. Mart. a. 705

Cenantibus II Idus nobis, ac noctu quidem,, Statius a te epistulam brevem attulit. De L. Torquato quod quaeris, non modo Lucius, sed etiam Aulus profectus est, alter multos.[90] De Reatinorum corona quod scribis, moleste fero in agro Sabino sementem fieri proscriptionis. Senatores multos esse Romae nos quoque audieramus. Ecquid potes dicere, cur exierint? In his locis opinio est coniectura magis quam nuntio aut litteris Caesarem Formiis a. d. XI Kal. Apriles fore. Hic ego vellem habere Homeri illam Minervam simulatam Mentori, cui dicerem:

Μέντορ, πῶς τ' ἄρ' ἴω, πῶς τ' ἂρ προσπτύξομαι αὐτόν;

Nullam rem umquam difficiliorem cogitavi, sed cogito tamen nec ero ut in malis imparatus. Sed cura, ut valeas. Puto enim diem tuum heri fuisse.

So now two of Pompey's praefects of engineers have fallen into my hands and I have set them free. If they have any gratitude, they ought to exhort Pompey to prefer my friendship to that of men who were always the bitterest enemies both to him and to me. It is their machinations that have brought the State into its present plight.

VIII CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 14, B.C. 49

Odyssey iii, 22

As I was dining on the 14th, and indeed after nightfall, Statius brought a short letter from you. For your query about L. Torquatus, not only Lucius but also Aulus has gone [the former some two days],[91] the latter a long time ago. For your news about the sale of prisoners at Reate, I am sorry that the seeds of a proscription should be sown in the Sabine district. That many members of the House are at Rome, I also have heard. Can you give any reason why they ever left it? Here there is an idea based on guesswork rather than message or dispatch that Caesar will be at Formiae on March the 22nd. I wish I could have here Homer's Minerva disguised as Mentor, that I might say to her, "Mentor, how shall I go, and how shall I welcome him, pray?" I have never had a more difficult step to think of. But I think of it nevertheless: nor shall I be unprepared, so far as the evil days permit. Take care of yourself, for I fancy yesterday was the day for your fever.

IX CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. in Formiano XVI K. Apr. a. 705

Tres epistulas tuas accepi postridie Idus. Erant autem IIII, III, pridie Idus datae. Igitur antiquissimae cuique primum respondebo. Adsentio tibi, ut in Formiano potissimum commorer, etiam de supero mari, temptaboque,[92] ut antea ad te scripsi, ecquonam modo possim voluntate eius nullam rei publicae partem attingere. Quod laudas, quia oblivisci me scripsi ante facta et delicta nostri amici, ego vero ita facio. Quin ea ipsa, quae a te commemorantur, secus ab eo in me ipsum facta esse non memini. Tanto plus apud me valere beneficii gratiam quam iniuriae dolorem volo. Faciamus igitur, ut censes, colligamusque nos. Σοφιστεύω enim, simul ut rus decurro, atque in decursu θέσεις meas commentari non desino. Sed sunt quaedam earum perdifficiles ad iudicandum. De optimatibus sit sane ita, ut vis; sed nosti illud Διονύσιος ἐν Κορίνθω.

Titini filius apud Caesarem est. Quod autem quasi vereri videris, ne mihi tua consilia displiceant, me vero nihil delectat aliud nisi consilium et litterae tuae. Quare fac, ut ostendis, ne destiteris ad me, quicquid tibi in mentem venerit, scribere. Mihi nihil potest esse gratius.

Venio ad alteram nunc epistulam. Recte non credis de numero militum; ipso dimidio plus scripsit

IX CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 17, B.C. 49

I got three letters from you on the 16th. They were dated the 12th, 13th and 14th. So I will take the earliest first. I agree with you that it is best for me to stay at Formiae. I also agree about the Adriatic. But as I wrote you before, I will strive to discover how I may be able with Caesar's goodwill to keep quite clear of politics. You praise me for saying that I forget Pompey's former misdeeds and ill-doings, but it is a fact. Nay, those very actions you call to mind, in which he did harm to me myself, have no place in my memory. I am so determined to feel gratitude for his kindness rather than resentment for injuries. Let me act then as you decree, and pull myself together. For I philosophize as I walk about my estate, and in my perambulations I do not cease to ponder my themes. But some of them are very difficult to decide. As for the loyalists, let it be as you wish. You know the old saying "Dionysius in Corinth."[93]

Titinius' son is with Caesar. You seem to fear that your advice irks me; but nothing indeed pleases me except your counsel and your letters. So do as you promise. Do not omit to write to me anything that comes into your mind; for nothing can delight me more.

I turn now to your next letter. You are right not

Clodia. Falsum etiam de corruptis navibus. Quod consules laudas, ego quoque animum laudo, sed consilium reprehendo; dispersu enim illorum actio de pace sublata est, quam quidem ego meditabar. Itaque postea Demetri librum de concordia tibi remisi et Philotimo dedi. Nec vero dubito, quin exitiosum bellum impendeat; cuius initium ducetur a fame. Et me tamen doleo non interesse huic bello! In quo tanta vis sceleris futura est, ut, cum parentes non alere nefarium sit, nostri principes antiquissimam et sanctissimam parentem, patriam, fame necandam putent. Atque hoc non opinione timeo, sed interfui sermonibus. Omnis haec classis Alexandria, Colchis, Tyro, Sidone, Arado, Cypro, Pamphylia, Lycia, Rhodo, Chio, Byzantio, Lesbo, Zmyrna, Mileto, Coo ad intercludendos commeatus Italiae et ad occupandas frumentarias provincias comparatur. At quam veniet iratus! et iis quidem maxime, qui eum maxime salvum volebant, quasi relictus ab iis, quos reliquit. Itaque mihi dubitanti, quid me facere par sit, permagnum pondus adfert benevolentia erga illum; qua dempta perire melius esset in patria quam patriam servando evertere. De septemtrione plane ita est. Metuo,

to believe the reports about the number of Pompey's soldiers. Clodia's letter made them just double. It was untrue also about the destruction of the vessels. You praise the consuls; so do I praise their courage, but I blame their policy. Their departure has destroyed the negotiations for peace, the very thing which I was contemplating. So after that I returned you Demetrius' book on Concord and gave it to Philotimus. And I have no doubt a disastrous war is imminent, which will be ushered in by famine. And here I am lamenting that I have no hand in the war, a war which will be so criminal, that though it is wicked not to support one's parents, yet our chiefs will not hesitate to destroy by starvation their country, that most reverend and holiest of parents! And my fears are not based on mere surmise. I have heard their talk. All this fleet from Alexandria, Colchis, Tyre, Sidon, Aradus, Cyprus, Pamphylia, Lycia, Rhodes, Chius, Byzantium, Lesbos, Smyrna, Miletus, Cos, is being got ready to cut off the supplies of Italy and to blockade the grain-producing provinces. And how angry Pompey will be when he comes, particularly with those who particularly desire his safety, as if he were abandoned by those whom he has abandoned! So in my doubt what I ought to do, I am greatly swayed by my good feeling towards Pompey. Without that it were better to perish in my country, than to destroy my country by saving it. As to the north wind, it is clearly as you write. I fear Epirus

ne vexetur Epirus; sed quem tu locum Graeciae non direptum iri putas? Praedicat enim palam et militibus ostendit se largitione ipsa superiorem quam hunc fore. Illud me praeclare admones, cum illum videro, ne nimis indulgenter, et ut cum gravitate potius loquar. Plane sic faciendum. Arpinum, cum eum convenero, cogito, ne forte aut absim, cum veniet, aut cursem huc illuc via deterrima. Bibulum, ut scribis, audio venisse et redisse pridie Idus.

Philotimum, ut ais in epistula tertia, exspectabas. At ille Idibus a me profectus est. Eo serius ad tuam illam epistulam, cui ego statim rescripseram, redditae sunt meae litterae. De Domitio, ut scibis, ita opinor esse, ut et in Cosano sit, et consilium eius ignoretur. Iste omnium turpissimus et sordidissimus, qui consularia comitia a praetore ait haberi posse, est idem, qui semper in re publica fuit. Itaque nimirum hoc illud est, quod Caesar scribit in ea epistula, cuius exemplum ad te misi, se velle uti "consilio" meo (age, esto; hoc commune est), "gratia" (ineptum id quidem, sed, puto, hoc simulat ad quasdam senatorum sententias), "dignitate" (fortasse sententiae consularis). Illud extremum est: "ope omnium rerum." Id ego suspicari coepi tum ex tuis litteris aut hoc ipsum esse aut non multo secus. Nam permagni eius interest rem ad interregnum non venire. Id adsequitur, si per praetorem consules creantur. Nos autem in libris

may be harassed, but do you suppose there is any part of Greece that will not be robbed? Pompey openly declares and shows his men that he will be more liberal even than Caesar in largesse. You do well to advise me, when I see Caesar, not to be too complacent, and to speak rather with dignity. Clearly I must do so. I am thinking of going to Arpinum after I have met him; for I do not want to be absent on his arrival, or to have to travel to and fro in the wretched condition of the roads. I hear, as you write, that Bibulus came and went back on the 14th.

Iliad iv, 182

You say in your third letter that you were awaiting Philotimus. He set out from me on the 15th. That was why my reply to your letter, which I wrote immediately, was late in reaching you. I think you are right about Domitius, that he is in his place at Cosa; but what his plan is, is not known. That disgraceful mean blackguard M. Lepidus, who says that the consular elections may be held by a praetor, is playing his old part in politics. So that was the meaning of the passage in Caesar's letter of which I sent you a copy, that he wanted to enjoy my "advice" (well, that is a general expression), my "influence" (that is flattery, but I suppose he affects to want it with a view to the votes of certain senators), my "position" (perhaps he means my vote as an ex-consul). His last phrase is "help in every way." I have begun to suspect from your letter that that is the point, or something very like it. For it is highly important to him that there should not be an interregnum. That point is attained, if consuls are created by a praetor. But in our state books it is set down that it is illegal not only for

habemus non modo consules a praetore, sed ne praetores quidem creari ius esse, idque factum esse numquam; consules eo non esse ius, quod maius imperium a minore rogari non sit ius, praetores autem, quod ita rogentur, ut collegae consulibus sint, quorum est maius imperium. Aberit non longe, quin hoc a me decerni velit neque sit contentus Galba, Scaevola, Cassio, Antonio:

Τότε μοι χάνοι εὐρεῖα χθών!

Sed, quanta tempestas impendeat, vides. Qui transierint senatores, scribam ad te, cum certum habebo. De re frumentaria recte intellegis, quae nullo modo administrari sine vectigalibus potest; nec sine causa et eos, qui circum illum sunt, omnia postulantes et bellum nefarium times. Trebatium nostrum, etsi, ut scribis, nihil bene sperat, tamen videre sane velim. Quem fac horteris, ut properet; opportune enim ad me ante adventum Caesaris venerit. De Lanuvino, statim ut audivi Phameam mortuum, optavi, si modo esset futura res publica, ut id aliquis emeret meorum, neque tamen de te, qui maxime meus es, cogitavi. Sciebam enim te "quoto anno" et "quantum in solo" solere quaerere neque solum Romae, sed etiam Deli tuum διάγραμμα videram.[94] Verum tamen ego illud, quamquam est bellum, minoris aestimo, quam aestimabatur Marcellino consule, cum ego istos hortulos propter domum Anti, quam tum habebam, iucundiores mihi fore putabam et minore impensa, quam si Tusculanum refecissem. Volui HS. Q. Egi per praedem, ille daret tanti, cum haberet venale.

consuls to be created by the praetors, but for the very praetors themselves, and that it has never been done; that it is illegal for consuls, because it is illegal for persons with greater powers to be proposed for election by those with less; for praetors, because they are proposed as colleagues of the consuls who have the greater powers. The next thing will be, he will want me to vote for it, and he will not be content with Galba, Scaevola, Cassius and Antonius, "then let the wide earth swallow me." But you see what a storm is coming. Which senators have crossed over to Pompey I will tell you as soon as I know. You are right about the corn supply: it cannot be done without taxation: and you have cause to fear the exorbitant demands of Pompey's associates and a wicked war. I should much like to see my friend Trebatius, although you tell me he is in despair. Do bid him hurry, for it will be convenient, if he comes before Caesar's arrival. As for that estate at Lanuvium, as soon as I heard of the death of Phamea, I longed, if the constitution was going to last, that one of my friends should buy it, and yet I did not think of you, my best friend of all. For I know that it is your custom to inquire in how many years you may recoup yourself of a purchase, and the value of fixtures, and I had seen your inventory not only at Rome but at Delos. But, though it is a pretty property, I rate it at a lower value than it was rated in Marcellinus' consulship, when I thought that, owing to the house I then had at Antium, those little gardens would please me better and cost less than the repair of my villa at Tusculum. I wanted the property for £4,500.[95] I made an offer to that amount through a third party, when he was putting

Noluit. Sed nunc omnia ista iacere puto propter nummorum caritatem. Mihi quidem erit aptissimum vel nobis potius, si tu emeris; sed eius dementias cave contemnas. Valde est venustum. Quamquam mihi ista omnia iam addicta vastitati videntur.

Respondi epistulis tribus, sed exspecto alias; nam me adhuc tuae litterae sustentarunt. D. Liberalibus.

X CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. in Formiano XV K. Apr. a. 705

Nihil habebam, quod scriberem. Neque enim novi quicquam audieram et ad tuas omnes rescripseram pridie. Sed, cum me aegritudo non solum somno privaret, verum ne vigilare quidem sine summo dolore pateretur, tecum ut quasi loquerer, in quo uno acquiesco, hoc nescio quid nullo argumento proposito scribere institui.

Amens mihi fuisse videor a principio, et me una haec res torquet, quod non omnibus in rebus labentem vel potius ruentem Pompeium tamquam unus manipularis secutus sim. Vidi hominem XIIII K. Febr. plenum formidinis. Illo ipso die sensi, quid ageret. Numquam mihi postea placuit, nec umquam aliud in alio peccare destitit. Nihil interim ad me scribere, nihil nisi fugam cogitare. Quid quaeris? sicut ἐν τοῖς ἐρωτικοῖς alienant immundae, insulsae, indecorae, sic me illius fugae neglegentiaeque deformitas

it up for sale: but he refused. Nowadays I suppose all such property is depreciated on account of the scarcity of money. It will suit me admirably, or rather us, if you buy it. Don't despise the late owner's folly: it is a most charming place. However, all these seats seem now to be doomed to destruction.

I have answered three of your letters; but I await others. So far your letters have been my support.

March 17.

X CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 18, B.C. 49

I have nothing to write. There is no news that I have heard, and all your letters I answered yesterday. But as a sick heart not only robs me of sleep, but will not allow me even to keep awake without the greatest pain, I have begun to write to you something or other without any definite subject, that I may have a sort of talk with you, the only thing that gives me relief.

I seem to myself to have been mad from the very beginning, and the one thing that tortures me is that I did not follow Pompey like a private soldier, when he was slipping or rather rushing to ruin. I saw he was terrified on the 17th of January: on that day I felt what he would do. Since then I have never approved his course, and he has never ceased to commit one blunder after another. Meantime not a letter to me, nothing but thoughts of flight. Well! Just as in love affairs men are repelled by untidiness, stupidity and indelicacy, so the ugliness of

avertit ab amore. Nihil enim dignum faciebat, quare eius fugae comitem me adiungerem. Nunc emergit amor, nunc desiderium ferre non possum, nunc mihi nihil libri, nihil litterae, nihil doctrina prodest. Ita dies et noctes tamquam avis illa mare prospecto, evolare cupio. Do, do poenas temeritatis meae. Etsi quae fuit illa temeritas? quid feci non consideratissime? Si enim nihil praeter fugam quaereretur, fugissem libentissime, sed genus belli crudelissimi et maximi, quod nondum vident homines quale futurum sit, perhorrui. Quae minae municipiis, quae nominatim viris bonis, quae denique omnibus, qui remansissent! quam crebro illud "Sulla potuit, ego non potero?"! Mihi autem haeserunt illa. Male Tarquinius, qui Porsenam, qui Octavium Mamilium contra patriam, impie Coriolanus, qui auxilium petiit a Volscis, recte Themistocles, qui mori maluit, nefarius Hippias, Pisistrati filius, qui in Marathonia pugna cecidit arma contra patriam ferens. At Sulla, at Marius, at Cinna recte, immo iure fortasse; sed quid eorum victoria crudelius, quid funestius? Huius belli genus fugi, et eo magis, quod crudeliora etiam cogitari et parari videbam. Me, quem non nulli conservatorem istius urbis, quem parentem esse dixerunt, Getarum et Armeniorum et Colchorum copias ad eam adducere? me meis civibus famem, vastitatem inferre Italiae? Hunc primum mortalem esse, deinde etiam

his flight and his carelessness have estranged my love. For he has done nothing of a kind to induce me to share his flight. But now my old love breaks forth: now I miss him intolerably: now books, letters, philosophy, do not help me one whit. Day and night, like that bird,[96] I gaze at the sea, and long to take flight. Sorely am I punished for my rashness. Yet what rashness was there? I acted with all deliberation. For, if flight were his only object, I would have fled gladly enough. But I was aghast at warfare so cruel and desperate, the upshot of which is still unknown. What threats against the country towns, against the loyalists by name, in fact against all who should stay behind! How frequently has he remarked "Sulla could do it, and shall not I?" I could not get rid of thoughts like these. It was base in Tarquin to egg on Porsena and Octavius Mamilius against his country; it was wicked in Coriolanus, to seek help from the Volscians. Themistocles was right who preferred to die. What a dastard was Hippias, the son of Pisistratus, who fell at the battle of Marathon, bearing arms against his country! Yes, but Sulla and Marius and Cinna acted rightly, perhaps one should say within their rights; but then victory brought cruelty and death. I shrank from a war of that kind, and also because I saw cruelty even greater was being planned and prepared. Was it for me, whom some called the saviour and father of Rome, to bring against her hordes of Getae, Armenians and Colchians? Was it for me to bring famine on my fellow-townsmen and devastation on Italy? In the first place I reflected that Caesar was

multis modis posse exstingui cogitabam, urbem autem et populum nostrum servandum ad immortalitatem, quantum in nobis esset, putabam, et tamen spes quaedam me oblectabat fore ut aliquid conveniret, potius quam aut hic tantum sceleris aut ille tantum flagitii admitteret.

Alia res nunc tota est, alia mens mea. Sol, ut est in tua quadam epistula, excidisse mihi e mundo videtur. Ut aegroto, dum anima est, spes esse dicitur, sic ego, quoad Pompeius in Italia fuit, sperare non destiti. Haec, haec me fefellerunt, et, ut verum loquar, aetas iam a diuturnis laboribus devexa ad otium domesticarum me rerum delectatione mollivit. Nunc, si vel periculose experiundum erit, experiar certe, ut hinc avolem. Ante oportuit fortasse; sed ea, quae scripsisti, me tardarunt, et auctoritas maxime tua. Nam, cum ad hunc locum venissem, evolvi volumen epistularum tuarum, quod ego sub signo habeo servoque diligentissime. Erat igitur in ea, quam X K. Febr. dederas, hoc modo: "Sed videamus, et Gnaeus quid agat, et illius rationes quorsum fluant. Quodsi iste Italiam relinquet, faciet omnino male, et, ut ego existimo, ἀλογίστως, sed tum demum consilia nostra commutanda erunt." Hoc scribis post diem quartum, quam ab urbe discessimus. Deinde VIII K. Febr.: "Tantum modo Gnaeus noster ne, ut urbem ἀλογίστως reliquit, sic Italiam relinquat." Eodem die das alteras litteras, quibus mihi consulenti planissime respondes. Est enim sic: "Sed venio ad consultationem tuam. Si Gnaeus Italia cedit, in urbem redeundum puto; quae enim finis peregrinationis?" Hoc mihi

mortal, and besides might be got rid of in many ways. But I thought that our city and our people should be preserved so far as in us lay for immortality; and anyhow I cherished a hope that some arrangement might be made before Caesar perpetrated such a crime or Pompey such iniquity.

Now the case is altered and my mind is altered too. The sun, as you say in one of your letters, seems to me to have fallen out of the universe. As a sick man is said to have hope, so long as he has breath, so I did not cease to hope so long as Pompey was in Italy. This, this was what deceived me, and to speak the truth after my long labours my life's evening falling peacefully has made me lazy with the thought of domestic pleasures. But now, even if risk must be run in fleeing hence, assuredly I will run it. Perhaps I ought to have done it before: but the points you wrote about delayed me, and especially your influence. For, when I got so far, I opened the packet of your letters, which I keep under seal and preserve with the greatest care. In a letter dated the 21st of January, you make the following remark: "Let us see Pompey's policy and the drift of his plans. Now if he leave Italy, it will be wrong and to my mind irrational: but then and not till then will be the time to change our plans." This you wrote on the fourth day after I left Rome. Then on the 23rd of January: "I only pray that our friend Pompey will not leave Italy, as he has irrationally left Rome." On the same day you wrote another letter, a frank reply to my request for advice. It runs: "But to answer the question on which you ask advice, if Pompey leaves Italy, I think you ought to return to Rome: for what can be the end to his

plane haesit, et nunc ita video, infinitum bellum iunctum miserrima fuga, quam tu peregrinationem ὑποκορίζη. Sequitur χρησμὸς VI K. Februarias: "Ego, si Pompeius manet in Italia, nec res ad pactionem venit, longius bellum puto fore; sin Italiam relinquit, ad posterum bellum ἄσπονδον strui existimo." Huius igitur belli ego particeps et socius et adiutor esse cogor, quod et ἄσπονδον est et cum civibus? Deinde VII Idus Febr., cum iam plura audires de Pompei consilio, concludis epistulam quandam hoc modo: "Ego quidem tibi non sim auctor, si Pompeius Italiam relinquit, te quoque profugere. Summo enim periculo facies nec rei publicae proderis; cui quidem posterius poteris prodesse, si manseris." Quem φιλόπατριν ac πολιτικὸν hominis prudentis et amici tali admonitu non moveret auctoritas? Deinceps III Idus Febr. iterum mihi respondes consulenti sic: "Quod quaeris a me, fugamne[97] defendam an moram utiliorem putem, ego vero in praesentia subitum discessum et praecipitem profectionem cum tibi tum ipsi Gnaeo inutilem et periculosam puto, et satius esse existimo vos dispertitos et in speculis esse; sed medius fidius turpe nobis puto esse de fuga cogitare." Hoc turpe Gnaeus noster biennio ante cogitavit. Ita sullaturit animus eius et proscripturit iam diu. Inde, ut opinor, cum tu ad me quaedam γενικώτερον scripsisses, et ego mihi a te significari putassem, ut Italia cederem, detestaris hoc diligenter XI K. Mart.: "Ego vero nulla epistula significavi, si Gnaeus Italia cederet, ut tu una cederes, aut, si significavi, non dico fui inconstans,

wanderings?" This gave me pause, and I see now endless war is attached to that wretched flight, which you playfully called "wandering." There follows your prophecy of the 25th of January: "If Pompey stays in Italy and no arrangement is reached, I fancy there will be a very long war. If he leaves Italy, I think that for the future there will be war à l'outrance." In this war then à l'outrance, this civil war, am I forced to take part and lot and share? Next on the 7th of February, when you had heard more of Pompey's plans, you end a letter as follows: "I would not advise you to flee, if Pompey leaves Italy. You will run a very great risk, and will not help the country, which you may be able to help hereafter, if you remain." What patriot and politician would not be influenced by such advice from a wise man and a friend? Next on the 11th of February you answer my request for counsel again as follows: "You ask me whether I hold that flight or delay is more useful. Well, I think that at the present juncture a sudden departure and hasty journey would be useless and dangerous both to yourself and to Pompey, and that it were better for you to be apart, and each on his own watch tower. But upon my honour I hold it disgraceful of us to think of flight." This disgrace our Pompey meditated two years ago: so long has he been eager to play at Sulla and proscriptions. Then, as I fancy, when you had written to me in more general terms and I had thought that some of your remarks hinted at my departure from Italy, you protest emphatically against it on the 19th of February: "In no letter have I hinted that you should accompany Pompey, if he leaves Italy, or, if I did hint it, I was worse than inconsistent, I was mad."

sed demens." In eadem epistula alio loco: "Nihil relinquitur nisi fuga; cui te socium neutiquam puto esse oportere nec umquam putavi." Totam autem hanc deliberationem evolvis accuratius in litteris VIII Kal. Mart. datis: "Si M'. Lepidus et L. Volcacius remanent, manendum puto, ita ut, si salvus sit Pompeius et constiterit alicubi, hanc νέκυιαν relinquas et te in certamine vinci cum illo facilius patiaris quam cum hoc in ea, quae perspicitur futura, colluvie regnare." Multa disputas huic sententiae convenientia. Inde ad extremum: "Quid, si, inquis," "Lepidus et Volcacius discedunt? Plane ἀπορῶ. Quod evenerit igitur, et quod egeris, id στερκτέον putabo." Si tum dubitaras, nunc certe non dubitas istis manentibus. Deinde in ipsa fuga V Kal. Martias: "Interea non dubito quin in Formiano mansurus sis. Commodissime enim τὸ μέλλον ibi καραδοκήσεις." Ad K. Mart., cum ille quintum iam diem Brundisi esset: "Tum poterimus deliberare non scilicet integra re, sed certe minus infracta, quam si una proieceris te." Deinde IIII Non. Martias, ὑπὸ τὴν λῆψιν cum breviter scriberes, tamen ponis hoc: "Cras scribam plura et ad omnia; hoc tamen dicam, non paenitere me consilii de tua mansione, et, quamquam magna sollicitudine, tamen, quia minus mali puto esse quam in illa profectione, maneo in sententia et gaudeo te mansisse." Cum vero iam angerer et timerem, ne quid a me dedecoris esset admissum, III Nonas Mart.: "Tamen te non esse una cum Pompeio non fero moleste. Postea, si opus fuerit, non erit difficile, et

In the same letter there is another passage: "Nothing is left for Pompey but flight, in which I do not think and never have thought that you should share." This counsel you unroll in detail in your letter dated the 22nd of February: "If M'. Lepidus and L. Volcacius stay, I think you should stay, provided, if Pompey wins safety and makes a stand anywhere, you should leave these âmes damnées, and rather share defeat with him than share Caesar's sovereignty in the mire that will be." You argue at length in support of this view, then at the end you say: "What if Lepidus and Volcacius depart? I am quite at a loss. So I shall think you must face the event and abide by what you have done." If you had any doubt then, you certainly have no doubt left now, as those two persons remain in Italy. Next, when the flight was actually made on Feb. 25: "Meantime I have no doubt you should stay at Formiae. It will be most convenient there to await the event." On the 1st of March, when Pompey had been four days at Brundisium: "Then we shall be able to debate, not indeed with a free hand but assuredly less hampered, than if you had shared his plunge." Next on the 4th of March, though you scribbled a line on the eve of your fever bout, nevertheless you say this: "I will write more to-morrow, and answer all your questions. But I maintain this, that I am not sorry for advising you to stay, and, though very anxious, still, because I fancy it is better than flight, I stick to my opinion and am glad that you have stayed in Italy." When I was already tortured with fear that my conduct was disgraceful on the 5th of March you write: "However I am not sorry that you are not with Pompey. Hereafter, if need arise, it will be easy,

illi, quoquo tempore fiet, erit ἀσμενιστόν. Sed hoc ita dico, si hic, qua ratione initium fecit, eadem cetera aget, sincere, temperate, prudenter, valde videro et consideratius utilitati nostrae consuluero." VII Idus Martias scribis Peducaeo quoque nostro probari, quod quierim; cuius auctoritas multum apud me valet. His ego tuis scriptis me consolor, ut nihil a me adhuc delictum putem. Tu modo auctoritatem tuam defendito; adversus me nihil opus est, sed consciis egeo aliis. Ego, si nihil peccavi, reliqua tuebor. Ad ea tute hortare et me omnino tua cogitatione adiuva. Hic nihildum de reditu Caesaris audiebatur. Ego his litteris hoc tamen profeci, perlegi omnes tuas et in eo acquievi.

XI CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. in Formiano XIII K. Apr. a. 705

Lentulum nostrum scis Puteolis esse? Quod cum e viatore quodam esset auditum, qui se diceret eum in Appia, cum is paulum lecticam aperuisset, cognosse, etsi vix veri simile, misi tamen Puteolos pueros, qui pervestigarent, et ad eum litteras. Inventus est vix in hortis suis se occultans litterasque mihi remisit mirifice gratias agens Caesari; de suo autem consilio C. Caesio mandata ad me dedisse. Eum ego hodie exspectabam, id est XIII K. Apriles.

Venit etiam ad me Matius Quinquatribus, homo

and to him, whenever it happens, acceptable. When I say this, it is with the reservation, that, if Caesar continues, as he has begun, acting with good faith, moderation and prudence, I must thoroughly review the matter and consider more closely what our interests advise." On the 9th of March you write that my friend Peducaeus too approves my inaction: and his authority has much weight with me. From these lines of yours I console myself with the reflection that so far I have done nothing wrong: but pray support your position. So far as I am concerned there is no need: but I want others to be my accomplices. If I have not done wrong so far, I will take care of the future. Do you maintain your exhortations and assist me with your reflections. Here nothing as yet has been heard about Caesar's return. For myself I have won thus much good by my letter, I have read all yours and found rest in the act.

XI CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

Formiae, March 20, B.C. 49

Do you know that our friend Lentulus is at Puteoli? I heard this from a passer-by, who declared he recognized him on the Appian road as he drew aside the curtains of his litter, and, though it seemed hardly probable, I sent servants to Puteoli to track him and hand him a letter. He was found with difficulty concealing himself on his estate, and returned me a letter in which he expressed amazing gratitude to Caesar. But about his own plans he said he had sent me a message by C. Caesius. I expect him to-day, the 20th of March.

Matius also came to me on the 19th of March.

mehercule, ut mihi visus est, temperatus et prudens; existimatus quidem est semper auctor otii. Quam ille hoc non probare mihi quidem visus est, quam illam νέκυιαν, ut tu appellas, timere! Huic ego in multo sermone epistulam ad me Caesaris ostendi, eam cuius exemplum ad te antea misi, rogavique, ut interpretaretur, quid esset, quod ille scriberet, "consilio meo se uti velle, gratia, dignitate, ope rerum omnium." Respondit se non dubitare, quin et opem et gratiam meam ille ad pacificationem quaereret. Utinam aliquod in hac miseria rei publicae πολιτικὸν opus efficere et navare mihi liceat! Matius quidem et illum in ea sententia esse confidebat et se auctorem fore pollicebatur.

Pridie autem apud me Crassipes fuerat, qui se pridie Non. Martias Brundisio profectum atque ibi Pompeium reliquisse dicebat, quod etiam, qui viii Idus illinc profecti erant, nuntiabant; illa vero omnes, in quibus etiam Crassipes, qui pro sua prudentia potuit attendere, sermones minaces, inimicos optimatium, municipiorum hostes, meras proscriptiones, meros Sullas; quae Lucceium loqui, quae totam Graeciam, quae vero Theophanem! Et tamen omnis spes salutis in illis est, et ego excubo animo nec partem ullam capio quietis et, ut has pestes effugiam, cum dissimillimis nostri esse cupio! Quid enim tu illic Scipionem, quid Faustum, quid Libonem praetermissurum sceleris putas, quorum creditores convenire dicuntur? quid eos autem, cum vicerint, in cives effecturos? quam vero μικροψυχίαν Gnaei nostri esse? Nuntiant Aegyptum et Arabiam εὐδαίμονα et Μεσοποταμίαν

He seemed to me, I do declare, moderate and sensible: certainly he has always been thought to be in favour of peace. How he disliked this present pass! How he seemed to fear these âmes damnées, as you call them! In the course of a long talk I showed him Caesar's letter to me, of which I sent you a copy before, and I asked him to explain what Caesar meant by writing that he wished "to take advantage of my advice, my influence, my position and my help of all sorts." Matius replied that undoubtedly Caesar wanted my help and influence to make peace. Would that I could succeed in carrying through some political compromise in this miserable state of affairs! Matius himself declared that Caesar had that feeling, and promised that he would help such a course.

However the day before Crassipes had been with me, and he said that he had quitted Brundisium on the 6th of March and left Pompey there; the same tale was brought by those who quitted the place on the 8th. All of them, and among the rest Crassipes, who was quite capable of observing what was going on, had the same story, threatening words, breach with the loyalists, hostility to the municipalities, nothing but proscriptions, nothing but Sullas. How Lucceius talked, all the Greeks and Theophanes too! Nevertheless the only hope of safety lies in them, and I am on the watch and take no rest and long to be with the most uncongenial associates to escape the plague here. For what crime do you think that Scipio will stick at, or Faustus and Libo, when their creditors are said to be selling them up, and what do you suppose they will do to the citizens when they win? How pusillanimous Pompey is! They say that he is thinking of Egypt and Arabia Felix and Mesopotamia

cogitare, iam Hispaniam abiecisse. Monstra narrant; quae falsa esse possunt, sed certe et haec perdita sunt et illa non saltaria. Tuas litteras iam desidero. Post fugam nostram numquam tam longum earum intervallum fuit. Misi ad te exemplum litterarum mearum ad Caesarem, quibus me aliquid profecturum puto.

XIa CICERO IMP. S.D. CAESARI IMP

Scr. in Formiano XIV K. Apr.

Ut legi tuas litteras, quas a Furnio nostro acceperam, quibus mecum agebas, ut ad urbem essem, te velle uti "consilio et dignitate mea" minus sum admiratus; de "gratia" et de "ope" quid significares mecum ipse quaerebam, spe tamen deducebar ad eam cogitationem, ut te pro tua admirabili ac singulari sapientia de otio, de pace, de concordia civium agi velle arbitrarer, et ad eam rationem existimabam satis aptam esse et naturam et personam meam. Quod si ita est, et si qua de Pompeio nostro tuendo et tibi ac rei publicae reconciliando cura te attingit, magis idoneum, quam ego sum, ad eam causam profecto reperies neminem, qui et illi semper et senatui, cum primum potui, pacis auctor fui, nec sumptis armis belli ullam partem, attigi, iudicavique eo bello te violari, contra cuius honorem populi Romani beneficio concessum inimici atque invidi niterentur. Sed, ut eo tempore non modo ipse fautor dignitatis tuae fui, verum etiam ceteris auctor ad te adiuvandum, sic me nunc Pompei

and has given up Spain. The report is monstrous, but may be false. Certainly all is lost here, and there is not much hope there. I long for a letter from you. Since my flight there has never been so long a break in our correspondence. I send you a copy of my letter to Caesar. I think it will do some good.

XIa CICERO THE IMPERATOR TO CAESAR THE IMPERATOR, GREETING.

Formiae, March 19, B.C. 49

On reading your letter, which I got from our friend Furnius, in which you told me to come near Rome, I was not much surprised at your wishing to employ "my advice and my position"; but I asked myself what you meant by my "influence" and "help." However, my hopes led me to think that a man of your admirable statesmanship would wish to act for the comfort, peace, and agreement of the citizens, and for that purpose I considered my own character and inclination very suitable. If that is the case, and if you are touched by the desire to protect our friend Pompey and reconcile him to yourself and the State, I am sure you will find no one more suited for the purpose than I am. I have always advocated peace both with Pompey and the Senate ever since I have been able to do so, nor since the outbreak of hostilities have I taken any part in the war; I have considered that the war was attacking your rights in that envious and hostile persons were opposing a distinction conferred on you by the grace of the Roman people. But, as at that time I not only upheld your rights but urged others to assist you, so now I am greatly concerned with the rights of Pompey. It is

dignitas vehementer movet. Aliquot enim sunt anni, cum vos duo delegi, quos praecipue colerem et quibus essem, sicut sum, amicissimus. Quam ob rem a te peto vel potius omnibus te precibus oro et obtestor, ut in tuis maximis curis aliquid impertias temporis huic quoque cogitationi, ut tuo beneficio bonus vir, gratus, pius denique esse in maximi beneficii memoria possim. Quae si tantum ad me ipsum pertinerent, sperarem me a te tamen impetraturum, sed, ut arbitror, et ad tuam fidem et ad rem publicam pertinet, me et pacis et utriusque vestrum amicum, et ad vestram[98] et ad civium concordiam per te quam accommodatissimum conservari. Ego, cum antea tibi de Lentulo gratias egissem, cum ei saluti, qui mihi fuerat, fuisses, tamen lectis eius litteris, quas ad me gratissimo animo de tua liberalitate beneficioque misit, eandem mi videor[99] salutem a te accepisse quam ille. In quem si me intellegis esse gratum, cura, obsecro, ut etiam in Pompeium esse possim.

XII CICERO ATTICO SAL.

Scr. in Formiano XIII K. Apr. a. 705

Legeram tuas litteras XIII K., cum mihi epistula adfertur a Lepta circumvallatum esse Pompeium, ratibus etiam exitus portus teneri. Non medius fidius prae lacrimis possum reliqua nec cogitare nec scribere. Misi ad te exemplum. Miseros nos! cur non omnes fatum illius una exsecuti sumus? Ecce autem a Matio et Trebatio eadem, quibus Menturnis obvii Caesaris tabellarii. Torqueor infelix, ut iam illum Mucianum

many years since I chose you two men for my special respect, and to be my closest friends, as you are. So I ask you, or rather beseech and entreat you with all urgency, that in spite of all your anxieties you may devote some time to considering how I may be enabled by your kindness to be what decency and gratitude, nay good-feeling, require, in remembering my great debt to Pompey. If this only mattered to myself, I should yet hope to obtain my request; but to my mind it touches your honour and the public weal that I, a friend of peace and of both of you, should be so supported by you that I may be able to work for peace between you and peace amongst our fellow-citizens. I thanked you formerly in the matter of Lentulus, for having saved him, as he had saved me. Yet on reading the letter he has sent me full of thankfulness for your generous kindness, I feel that his safety is my debt as much as his. If you understand my gratitude to him, pray give me the opportunity of showing my gratitude to Pompey too.