Bellum Jugurthinum. (continued 2)

86. Hujuscemodi oratione habita Marius, postquam plebis animos arrectos videt, propere commeatu, stipendio, armis aliisque utilibus naves onerat; cum his A. Manlium legatum proficisci jubet. Ipse interea milites scribere, non more majorum, neque ex classibus, sed uti cujusque libido erat, capite censos plerosque.[472] Id factum alii inopia bonorum, alii per ambitionem consulis memorabant, quod ab eo genere celebratus auctusque erat, et homini potentiam quaerenti egentissimus quisque opportunissimus cui neque sua curae,[473] quippe quae nulla sunt, et omnia cum pretio honesta videntur. Igitur Marius cum aliquanto[474] majore numero, quam decretum erat, in Africam profectus paucis diebus Uticam[475] advehitur. Exercitus ei traditur a P. Rutilio legato; nam Metellus conspectum Marii fugerat, ne videret ea, quae audita animus tolerare nequiverat.

87. Sed consul expletis legionibus cohortibusque auxiliariis in agrum fertilem et praeda onustum[476] proficiscitur; omnia ibi capta militibus donat, dein castella et oppida natura et viris parum munita aggreditur; proelia multa, celerura levia, alia aliis locis facere. Interim novi milites sine metu pugnae adesse,[477] videre fugientes capi aut occidi, fortissimum quemque tutissimum, armis libertatem, patriam parentesque et alia omnia tegi, gloriam atque divitias quaeri. Sic brevi spatio novi veteresque coaluere, et virtus omnium aequalis facta. At reges, ubi de adventu Marii cognoverunt, diversi in locos difficiles abeunt. Ita Jugurthae placuerat speranti mox effusos hostes invadi posse, Romanos sicuti plerosque remoto metu laxius licentiusque futuros.[478]

88. Metellus interea Romam profectus contra spem[479] suam laetissimis animis excipitur, plebi patribusque, postquam invidia decesserat, juxta carus. Sed Marius impigre prudenterque suorum et hostium res pariter attendere, cognoscere quid boni utrisque aut contra esset, explorare itinera regum, consilia et insidias eorum antevenire, nihil apud se remissum neque apud illos tutum pati. Itaque et Gaetulos et Jugurtham ex sociis nostris praedas agentes saepe aggressus in itinere fuderat, ipsumque regem haud procul ab oppido Cirta armis exuerat.[480] Quae postquam gloriosa modo neque belli patrandi[481] cognovit, statuit urbes, quae viris aut loco pro hostibus et adversum se opportunissimae erant,[482] singulas circumvenire; ita Jugurtham aut praesidiis nudatum,[483] si ea pateretur, aut proelio certaturum. Nam Bocchus nuntios ad eum saepe miserat, velle populi Romani amicitiam; ne quid ab se hostile timeret.[484] Id simulaveritne, quo improvisus gravior accideret, an mobilitate ingenii pacem atque bellum mutare solitus, parum exploratum est.

89. Sed consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque munita adire, partim vi, alia metu aut praemia ostentando avertere ab hostibus. Ac primo mediocria gerebat, existimans Jugurtham ob suos tutandos in manus venturum.[485] Sed ubi illum procul abesse et aliis negotiis intentum accepit, majora et magis aspera aggredi tempus visum est.[486] Erat inter ingentes solitudines oppidum magnum atque valens, nomine Capsa,[487] cujus conditor Hercules Libys memorabatur. Ejus cives apud Jugurtham immunes,[488] levi imperio et ob ea fidelissimi habebantur, muniti adversum hostes non moenibus modo et armis atque viris, verum etiam multo magis locorum asperitate. Nam praeter oppido propinqua alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae, infesta serpentibus, quorum[489] vis sicuti omnium ferarum inopia cibi acrior; ad hoc natura serpentium ipsa perniciosa siti magis quam alia re accenditur. Ejus potiundi Marium maxima cupido invaserat, quum propter usum belli, tum quia res aspera videbatur, et Metellus oppidum Thalam magna gloria ceperat, haud dissimiliter situm munitumque, nisi quod apud Thalam non longe a moenibus aliquot fontes erant, Capsenses una modo atque ea intra oppidum jugi aqua;[490] ceterâ pluvia utebantur. Id ibique et in omni Africa, quae procul a mari incultius agebat,[491] eo facilius tolerabatur, quia Numidae plerumque lacte et ferina carne vescebantur et neque salem neque alia irritamenta gulae quaerebant; cibus illis adversum famem atque sitim, non libidini neque luxuriae erat.

90. Igitur consul omnibus exploratis, credo dis fretus (nam contra tantas difficultates consilio satis providere non poterat, quippe etiam frumenti inopia temptabatur,[492] quod Numidae pabulo pecoris magis quam arvo student,[493] et quodcumque natum fuerat jussu regis in loca munita contulerant, ager autem aridus et frugum vacuus ea tempestate, nam aestatis extremum erat), tamen pro rei copia satis providenter exornat;[494] pecus omne, quod superioribus diebus praedae fuerat, equitibus auxiliariis agendum attribuit, A. Manlium legatum cum cohortibus expeditis ad oppidum Lares, ubi stipendium et commeatum locaverat, ire jubet dicitque se praedabundum, post paucos dies eodem venturum. Sic incepto suo occultato pergit ad flumen Tanam.

91. Ceterum in itinere cotidie pecus exercitui per centurias, item turmas [495] aequaliter distribuerat, et ex coriis utres uti fierent curabat; simul et inopiam frumenti lenire et ignaris omnibus parare, quae mox usui forent; denique sexto die, quum ad flumen ventum est, maxima vis utrium effecta. Ibi castris levi munimento positis, milites cibum capere atque, uti simul cum occasu solis egrederentur, paratos esse jubet, omnibus sarcinis abjectis, aqua modo seque et jumenta onerare. Dein, postquam tempus visum, castris egreditur noctemque totam itinere facto consedit; idem proxima facit, dein tertia multo ante lucis adventum pervenit in locum tumulosum ab Capsa non amplius duum[496] milium intervallo; ibique quam occultissime potest, cum omnibus copiis opperitur. Sed ubi dies coepit et Numidae nihil hostile metuentes, multi oppido egressi, repente omnem equitatum et cum his velocissimos pedites cursu tendere ad Capsam et portas obsidere jubet; deinde ipse intentus propere sequi, neque milites praedari sinere. Quae postquam oppidani cognovere, res trepidae,[497] metus ingens, malum improvisum, ad hoc pars civium extra moenia in hostium potestate, coëgere, uti deditionem facerent. Ceterum oppidum incensum, Numidae puberes interfecti, alii omnes venumdati, praeda militibus divisa. Id facinus contra jus belli non avaritia neque scelere consulis admissum, sed quia locus Jugurthae opportunus, nobis aditu difficilis, genus hominum mobile, infidum ante, neque beneficio neque metu coërcitum.[498]

92. Postquam tantam rem Marius sine ullo suorum incommodo patravit, magnus et clarus antea, major atque clarior haberi coepit. Omnia non bene consulta in virtutem trahebantur,[499] milites modesto imperio habiti simul et locupletes ad coelum ferre, Numidae magis quam mortalem timere, postremo omnes, socii atque hostes, credere illi aut mentem divinam esse aut deorum nutu cuncta portendi.[500] Sed consul, ubi ea res bene evenit, ad alia oppida pergit, pauca repugnantibus Numidis capit, plura deserta propter Capsensium miserias igni corrumpit; luctu atque caede omnia complentur. Denique multis locis potitus ac plerisque exercitu incruento, aliam rem aggreditur non eadem asperitate qua Capsensium,[501] ceterum haud secus difficilem. Namque haud longe a flumine Mulucha, quod Jugurthae Bocchique regnum disjungebat, erat inter ceteram planitiem mons saxeus, mediocri castello satis patens, in immensum editus, uno perangusto aditu relicta, nam omnia[502] natura velut opere atque consulto praeceps. Quem locum Marius, quod ibi regis thesauri erant, summa vi capere intendit. Sed ea res forte quam consilio melius gesta. Nam castello virorum atque armorum satis magna vis, et frumenti,[503] et fons aquae; aggeribus turribusque et aliis machinationibus locus importunus, iter castellanorum[504] angustum admodum, utrimque praecisum. Vineae cum ingenti periculo frustra agebantur; nam quum eae paulo processerant, igni aut lapidibus corrumpebantur, milites neque pro opere consistere propter iniquitatem loci, neque inter vineas sine periculo administrare;[505] optimus quisque cadere aut sauciari, ceteris metus augeri.

93. At Marius, multis diebus et laboribus consumptis, anxius trahere cum animo suo, omitteretne inceptum, quoniam frustra erat, an fortunam opperiretur, qua saepe prospere usus fuerat. Quae quum multos dies noctesque aestuans[506] agitaret, forte quidam Ligus,[507] ex cohortibus auxiliariis miles gregarius, castris aquatum egressus, haud procul ab latere castelli, quod aversum proeliantibus erat, animum advertit inter saxa repentes cochleas; quarum quum unam atque alteram, dein plures peteret, studio legundi paulatim prope ad summum montis egressus est.[508] Ubi postquam solitudinem intellexit, more humani ingenii cupido difficilia faciundi animum vertit.[509] Et forte in eo loco grandis ilex coaluerat inter saxa paulum modo prona, dein flexa atque aucta in altitudinem, quo cuncta gignentium natura fert; cujus ramis modo, modo eminentibus saxis nisus Ligus castelli planitiem perscribit,[510] quod cuncti Numidae intenti proeliantibus aderant.[511] Exploratis omnibus, quae mox usui fore ducebat, eadem regreditur, non temere, uti escenderat, sed temptans omnia et circumspiciens. Itaque Marium propere adit, acta edocet, hortatur, ab ea parte, qua ipse escenderat, castellum temptet; pollicetur sese itineris periculique ducem. Marius cum Ligure, promissa ejus cognitum, ex praesentibus misit;[512] quorum uti cujusque ingenium erat, ita rem difficilem aut facilem nuntiavere. Consulis animus tamen paulum arrectus. Itaque ex copia tubicinum et cornicinum numero quinque quam velocissimos delegit,[513] et cum his, praesidio qui forent, quatuor centuriones, omnesque Liguri parere jubet, et ei negotio proximum diem constituit.

94. Sed ubi ex praecepto tempus visum, paratis compositisque omnibus ad locum pergit.[514] Ceterum illi, qui ascensuri erant, praedocti ab duce, arma ornatumque mutaverant, capite atque pedibus nudis, uti prospectus nisusque per saxa facilius foret;[515] super terga gladii et scuta, verum ea Numidica ex coriis, ponderis gratia simul et offensa quo levius streperent.[516] Igitur praegrediens Ligus saxa, et si quae vetustate radices eminebant,[517] laqueis vinciebat, quibus allevati milites facilius escenderent, interdum timidos insolentia itineris levare manu, ubi paulo asperior ascensus erat, singulos prae se inermes mittere, deinde ipse cum illorum armis sequi, quae dubia nisu videbantur, potissimus temptare,[518] ac saepius eadem ascendens descendensque, dein statim digrediens,[519] ceteris audaciam addere. Igitur diu multumque fatigati tandem in castellum perveniunt, desertum ab ea parte, quod omnes sicuti aliis diebus adversum hostes aderant. Marius, ubi ex nuntiis, quae Ligus egerat, cognovit, quamquam toto die intentos proelio Numidas habuerat, tum vero cohortatus milites et ipse extra vineas egressus, testudine acta succedere et simul hostem tormentis sagittariisque et funditoribus eminus terrere. At Numidae saepe antea vineis Romanorum subversis, item incensis, non castelli moenibus sese tutabantur; sed pro muro dies noctesque agitare, maledicere Romanis ac Mario vecordiam objectare; militibus nostris Jugurthae servitium minari, secundis rebus feroces esse. Interim omnibus, Romanis hostibusque, proelio intentis, magna utrimque vi pro gloria atque imperio his, illis pro salute certantibus, repente a tergo signa canere; ac primo mulieres et pueri, qui visum processerant, fugere, deinde uti quisque muro proximus erat, postremo cuncti, armati inermesque. Quod ubi accidit, eo acrius Romani instare, fundere ac plerosque tanturamodo sauciare, dein super occisorum corpora vadere, avidi gloriae certantes murum petere, neque quemquam omnium praeda morari. Sic forte correcta Marii temeritas gloriam ex culpa invenit.[520]

95. Ceterum dum ea res geritur, L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in castra venit, quos[521] uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret, Romae relictus erat. Sed quoniam nos tanti viri res admonuit,[522] idoneum visum est de natura cultuque ejus paucis dicere; neque enim alio loco de Sullae rebus dicturi sumus, et L. Sisenna optime et diligentissime omnium, qui eas res dixere, persecutus,[523] parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur. Igitur Sulla gentis patriciae nobilis fuit, familia prope jam extincta majorum ignavia,[524] litteris Graecis atque Latinis juxta, atque doctissime,[525] eruditus, animo ingenti, cupidus voluptatum, sed gloriae cupidior, otio luxurioso esse; tamen, ab negotiis nunquam voluptas remorata, nisi quod[526] de uxore potuit honestius consuli; facundus, callidus et amicitia facilis;[527] ad simulanda negotia altitudo ingenii incredibilis;[528] multarum rerum ac maxime pecuniae largitor. Atque illi, felicissimo omnium ante civilem victoriam, nunquam super industriam fortuna fuit,[529] multique dubitavere, fortior an felicior esset; nam postea quae fecerit, incertum habeo, pudeat magis an pigeat disserere.

96. Igitur Sulla, uti supra dictum est, postquam in Africam atque in castra Marii cum equitatu venit, rudis antea et ignarus belli, sollertissimus omnium in paucis tempestatibus[530] factus est. Ad hoc milites benigne appellare, multis rogantibus, aliis per se ipse dare beneficia, invitus accipere, sed ea properantius quam aes mutuum reddere, ipse ab nullo repetere, magis id laborare,[531] ut illi quam plurimi deberent, joca atque seria cum humillimis agere, in operibus, in agmine atque ad vigilias multus adesse,[532] neque interim, quod prava ambitio solet, consulis aut cujusquam boni famam laedere, tantummodo neque consilio neque manu priorem alium pati, plerosque antevenire. Quîs rebus et artibus brevi Mario militibusque carissimus factus.

97. At Jugurtha, postquam oppidum Capsam aliosque locos munitos et sibi utiles, simul et magnam pecuniam amiserat, ad Bocchum nuntios mittit, quam primum in Numidiam copias adduceret, proelii faciundi tempus adesse. Quem ubi cunctari accepit et dubium belli atque pacis rationes trahere,[533] rursus, uti antea, proximos ejus donis corrumpit, ipsique Mauro pollicetur Numidiae partem tertiam, si aut Romani Africa expulsi, aut integris suis finibus bellum compositum foret. Eo praemio illectus Boechus cum magna multitudine Jugurtham accedit. Ita amborum exercitu conjuncto, Marium jam in hiberna proficiscentem, vix decima parte die[534] reliqua, invadunt, rati noctem, quae jam aderat, et victis sibi munimento fore et, si vicissent, nullo impedimento,[535] quia locorum scientes erant, contra Romania utrumque casum in tenebris difficiliorem fore. Igitur simul consul ex multis de hostium adventu cognovit, et ipsi hostes aderant[536] et, priusquam exercitus aut instrui aut sarcinas colligere, denique antequam signum[537] aut imperium ullum accipere quivit, equites Mauri atque Gaetuli, non acie neque ullo more proelii, sed catervatim, uti quosque fors conglobaverat, in nostros concurrunt; qui omnes trepidi improviso metu, ac tamen virtutis memores, aut arma capiebant aut capientes alios ab hostibus defensabant, pars equos ascendere, obviam ire hostibus, pugna latrocinio[538] magis quam proelio similis fieri, sine signis, sine ordinibus equites peditesque permixti; caedere alios, alios obtruncare;[539] multos, contra adversos acerrime pugnantes, ab tergo circumvenire; neque virtus neque arma satis tegere, quod hostes numero plures et undique circumfusi erant; denique Romani veteres novique et ob ea[540] scientes belli, si quos locus aut casus conjunxerat, orbes facere, atque ita ab omnibus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim sustentabant.

98. Neque in eo tam aspero negotio Marius territus aut magis quam antea demisso animo fuit, sed cum turma sua, quam ex fortissimis magis quam familiarissimis paraverat, vagari passim, ac modo laborantibus suis succurrere, modo hostes, ubi confertissimi obstiterant, invadere; manu consulere militibus, quoniam imperare, conturbatis omnibus, non poterat. Jamque dies consumptus erat, quum tamen barbari nihil remittere,[541] atque, uti reges praeceperant, noctem pro se rati, acrius instare. Tum Marius ex copia rerum consilium trahit, atque, uti suis receptui locus esset, colles duos propinquos inter se occupat, quorum in uno, castris parum amplo, fons aquae magnus erat, alter usui opportunus, quia magna parte editus et praeceps pauca munimenta quaerebat.[542] Ceterum apud aquam Sullam cum equitibus noctem agitare jubet; ipse paulatim dispersos milites, neque minus hostibus conturbatis,[543] in unum contrahit, dein cunctos pleno gradu[544] in collem subducit. Ita reges loci difficultate coacti proelio deterrentur, neque tamen suos longius abire sinunt, sed, utroque colle multitudine circumdato, effusi consedere. Dein crebris ignibus factis, plerumque noctis barbari more suo laetari, exultare, strepere vocibus, et ipsi duces feroces, quia non fugere, ut pro[545] victoribus egere. Sed ea cuncta Romanis ex tenebris et editioribus locis facilia visa magnoque hortamento erant.

99. Plurimum vero Marius imperitia hostium confirmatus, quam maximum silentium haberi jubet, ne signa quidem, uti per vigilias solebant, canere,[546] deinde, ubi lux adventabat, defessis jam hostibus et paulo ante somno captis, de improviso vigiles, item cohortium, turmarum, legionum tubicines simul omnes signa canere, milites clamorem tollere atque portis erumpere. Mauri atque Gaetuli, ignoto et horribili sonitu repente exciti, neque fugere neque arma capere neque omnino facere aut providere quicquam poterant; ita cunctos strepitu, clamore, nullo subveniente, nostris instantibus, tumultu, terrore, formido quasi vecordia ceperat.[547] Denique omnes fusi fugatique; arma et signa militaria pleraque capta, pluresque eo proelio quam omnibus superioribus interempti. Nam somno et metu insolito impedita fuga.

100. Dein Marius, uti coeperat, in hiberna proficiscitur, quae propter commeatum in oppidis maritimis agere decreverat. Neque tamen victoria socors aut insolens factus, sed pariter atque in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere; Sulla cum equitatu apud dextimos,[548] in sinistra parte A. Manlius cum funditoribus et sagittariis, praeterea cohortes Ligurum curabat; primos et extremos cum expeditis manipulis tribunes locaverat. Perfugae, minime cari[549] et regionum scientissimi, hostium iter explorabant. Simul consul, quasi nullo imposito,[550] omnia providere, apud omnes adesse, laudare et increpare merentes. Ipse armatus intentusque, item milites cogebat;[551] neque secus, atque iter facere, castra munire,[552] excubitum in porta[553] cohortes ex legionibus, pro castris equites auxiliarios mittere, praeterea alios super vallum in munimentis locare, vigilias ipse circumire, non tam diffidentia futurum, quae[554] imperavisset, quam uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore labos volentibus esset.[555] Et sane Marius illoque aliisque temporibus Jugurthini belli pudore magis quam malo[556] exercitum coërcebat; quod multi per ambitionem fieri aiebant, pars quod a pueritia consuetam duritiam et alia, quae ceteri miserias vocant, voluptati habuisset; nisi tamen[557] res publica pariter ac saevissimo imperio bene atque decore gesta.

101. Igitur quarto denique die haud longe ab oppido Cirta undique simul speculatores citi sese ostendunt, qua re hostes adesse intellegitur.[558] Sed quia diversi redeuntes alius ab alia parte atque omnes idem significabant, consul incertus, quonam modo aciem instrueret, nullo ordine commutato, adversum omnia paratus, ibidem opperitur. Ita Jugurtham spes frustrata, qui copias in quatuor paries distribuerat, ratus ex omnibus aeque[559] aliquos ab tergo hostibus venturos. Interim Sulla, quem primum hostes attigerant, cohortatus suos, turmatim et quam maxime confertis equis ipse aliique Mauros invadunt,[560] ceteri in loco manentes ab jaculis eminus emissis corpora tegere et, si qui in manus venerant, obtruncare. Dum eo modo equites proeliantur, Bocchus cum peditibus, quos Volux filius ejus adduxerat, neque in priore pugna, in itinere morati, affuerant,[561] postremam Romanorum aciem invadunt. Tum Marius apud primos agebat, quod ibi Jugurtha cum plurimis erat. Dein Numida, cognito Bocchi adventu, clam cum paucis ad pedites convertit;[562] ibi Latine (nam apud Numantiam loqui didicerat) exclamat: ‘nostros frustra pugnare paulo ante Marium sua manu interfectum;’ simul gladium sanguine oblitum ostendere, quem in pugna satis impigre occiso pedite nostro cruentaverat. Quod ibi milites accepere, magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii terrentur, simulque barbari animos tollere et in perculsos Romanos acrius incedere. Jamque paulum ab fuga aberant, quum Sulla, profligatis iis, quos adversum[563] ierat, rediens ab latere Mauris incurrit. Bocchus statim avertitur. At Jugurtha, dum sustentare suos et prope jam adeptam victoriam retinere cupit circumventus ab equitibus, dextra sinistra omnibus[564] occisis, solus inter tela hostium vitabundus[565] erumpit. Atque interim Marius fugatis equitibus accurrit auxilio suis, quos pelli jam acceperat. Denique hostes jam undique fusi. Tum spectaculum horribile in campis patentibus: sequi fugere, occidi capi; equi atque viri afflicti, ac multi vulneribus acceptis neque fugere posse neque quietem pati, niti modo, ac statim concidere; postremo omnia, qua visus erat, constrata telis, armis, cadaveribus, et inter ea humus infecta sanguine.[566]

102. Post ea loci[567] consul haud dubie jam victor pervenit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat.[568] Eo post diem quintum quam iterum barbari male pugnaverant, legati a Boccho veniunt, qui regis verbis ab Mario petivere, duos quam fidissimos ad eum mitteret, velle de suo et de populi Romani commodo[569] cum iis disserere. Ille statim L. Sullam et A. Manlium ire jubet. Qui quamquam acciti ibant, tamen placuit[570] verba apud regem facere, uti ingenium aut aversum flecterent aut cupidum pacis vehementius accenderent. Itaque Sulla, cujus facundiae, non aetati, a Manlio concessum, pauca verba hujuscemodi locutus:

‘Rex Bocche, magna nobis laetitia est, quum te talem virum di monuere, uti aliquando pacem quam bellum malles, neu te optimum cum pessimo omnium Jugurtha miscendo commaculares, simul nobis demeres acerbam necessitudinem, pariter te errantem atque illum sceleratissimum persequi. Ad hoc populo Romano jam a principio melius visum amicos quam servos quaerere; tutiusque rati[571] volentibus quam coactis imperitare. Tibi vero nulla opportunior nostra amicitia, primum, quod procul absumus, in quo offensae minimum, gratia par ac si prope adessemus; dein quod parentes abunde habemus, amicorum neque nobis neque cuiquam omnium satis fuit. Atque hoc utinam a principio tibi placuisset: profecto ex populo Romano ad hoc tempus multo plura bona accepisses, quarn mala perpessus es.[572] Sed quoniam humanarum rerum fortuna pleraque regit, cui scilicet placuisse[573] et vim et gratiam nostram te experiri, nunc, quando per illam licet, festina atque, uti coepisti, perge. Multa atque opportuna habes,[574] quo facilius errata officiis superes. Postremo hoc in pectus tuum demitte,[575] nunquam populum Romanum beneficiis victum esse; nam bello quid valeat, tute scis.’

Ad ea Bocchus placide et benigne; simul pauca pro delicto suo verba facit: ‘Se non hostili animo, sed ob regnum tutandum arma cepisse; nam Numidiae partem, unde vi Jugurtham expulerit,[576] jure belli suam factam; eam vastari a Mario pati nequivisse; praeterea missis antea Romam legatis, repulsum ab amicitia. Ceterum vetera omittere ac tum,[577] si per Marium liceret, legates ad senatum missurum.’ Dein, copia facta,[578] animus barbari ab amicis flexus, quos Jugurtha, cognita legatione Sullae et Manlii, metuens id, quod parabatur, donis corruperat.

103. Marius interea, exercitu in hibernaculis[579] composito, cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitatus proficiscitur in loca sola, obsessum turrim[580] regiam, quo Jugurtha perfugas omnes praesidium imposuerat. Tum rursus Bocchus, seu reputando, quae sibi duobus proeliis venerant,[581] seu admonitus ab aliis amicis, quos incorruptos Jugurtha reliquerat,[582] ex omni copia necessariorum quinque delegit, quorum et fides cognita et ingenia validissima erant. Eos ad Marium, ac dein, si placeat, Romam legates ire jubet, agendarum rerum et quocunque modo belli componendi licentiam ipsis permittit. Illi mature ad hiberna Romanorum proficiscuntur, deinde in itinere a Gaetulis latronibus circumventi spoliatique, pavidi, sine decore ad Sullam profugiunt, quem consul in expeditionem proficiscens pro praetore reliquerat.[583] Eos ille non pro vanis hostibus,[584] uti meriti erant, sed accurate ac liberaliter habuit; qua re barbari et famam Romanorum avaritiae falsam et Sullam ob munificentiam in sese amicum rati. Nam etiamtum largitio multis ignota erat; munificus nemo putabatur nisi pariter volens,[585] dona omnia in benignitate habebantur.[586] Igitur quaestori mandata Bocchi patefaciunt; simul ab eo petunt, uti fautor consultorque sibi adsit; copias, fidem, magnitudinem regis sui et alia, quae aut utilia aut benevolentiae[587] esse credebant, oratione extollunt; dein Sulla omnia pollicito, docti, quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum verba facerent, circiter dies quadraginta ibidem opperiuntur.

104. Marius postquam confecto negotio, quo intenderat, Cirtam redit, de adventu legatorum certior factus, illosque et Sullam venire jubet,[588] item L. Bellienum praetorum Utica, praeterea omnes undique senatorii ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit. Legatis potestas eundi Romam fit ab consule; interea induciae postulabantur. Ea[589] Sullae et plerisque placuere; pauci ferocius decernunt, scilicet ignari humanarum rerum, quae fluxae et mobiles semper in adversa mutantur.[590] Ceterum Mauri, impetratis omnibus, tres Romam profecti cum Gn. Octavio Rufo,[591] qui quaestor stipendium in Africam portaverat; duo ad regem redeunt. Ex his Bocchus quum cetera, tum maxime benignitatem et studium Sullae libens accepit. Romae legatis ejus, postquam errasse regem et Jugurthae scelere lapsura deprecati sunt,[592] amicitiam et foedus petentibus hoc modo respondetur:

‘Senatus et populus Romanus beneficii et injuriae memor esse solet. Ceterum Boccho, quoniam poenitet, delicti gratiam facit;[593] foedus et amicitia dabantur, quum meruerit.’

105. Quîs rebus cognitis Bocchus per litteras a Mario petivit, uti Sullam ad se mitteret, cujus arbitratu de communibus negotiis consuleretur.[594] Is missus cum praesidio equitum atque peditum, funditorum Balearium;[595] praeterea iere sagittarii et cohors Peligna cum velitaribus armis, itineris properandi causa, neque his secus atque aliis armis adversum tela hostium, quod ea levia sunt, muniti. Sed in itinere quinto denique die Volux filius Bocchi, repente in campis patentibus cum mille non amplius[596] equitibus sese ostendit, qui temere et effuse euntes Sullae aliisque omnibus et numerum ampliorem vero et hostilem metum efficiebant. Igitur se quisque expedire, arma atque tela temptare, intendere,[597] timor aliquantus, sed spes amplior, quippe victoribus, et adversum eos, quos saepe vicerant. Interim equites exploratum praemissi rem uti erat[598] quietam nuntiant.

106. Volux adveniens quaestorem appellat dicitque se a patre Boccho obviam illis simul et praesidio missum. Deinde eum et proximum diem sine metu conjuncti eunt. Post ubi castra locata et diei vesper erat; repente Maurus incerto vultu, pavens ad Sullam accurrit dicitque sibi ex speculatoribus cognitum, Jugurtham haud procul abesse; simul, uti noctu clam secum profugeret, rogat atque hortatur. Ille animo feroci negat se toties fusum Numidam pertimescere; virtuti suorum satis credere;[599] etiamsi certa pestis adesset, mansurum potius quam proditis, quos ducebat, turpi fuga incertae ac forsitan post paulo morbo interiturae vitae parceret.[600] Ceterum ab eodem monitus, uti noctu proficiscerentur, consilium approbat, ac statim milites coenatos esse, in castris ignes quam creberrimos fieri, dein prima vigilia silentio egredi jubet. Jamque nocturno itinere fessis omnibus Sulla pariter cum ortu solis castra metabatur, quum equites Mauri nuntiant Jugurtham circiter duum milium intervallo ante eos[601] consedisse. Quod postquam auditum est, tum vero ingens metus nostros invadit; credere se proditos a Voluce et insidiis circumventos. Ac fuere, qui dicerent manu vindicandum neque apud illum tantum scelus inultum relinquendum.

107. At Sulla, quamquam eadem existimabat, tamen ab injuria Maurum prohibet;[602] suos hortatur, uti fortem animum gererent; saepe ante paucis strenuis[603] adversum multitudinem bene pugnatum; quanto sibi in proelio minus pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore, nec quemquam decere, qui manus armaverit, ab inermis[604] pedibus auxilium petere, in maximo metu nudum et caecum corpus ad hostes vertere. Deinde Volucem, quoniam hostilia faceret, Jovem maximum obtestatus, ut sceleris atque perfidiae Bocchi testis adesset, ex castris abire jubet. Ille lacrimans orare, ne ea crederet; nihil dolo factum, ac magis calliditate Jugurthae, cui videlicet speculanti iter suum cognitum esset. Ceterum, quoniam neque ingentem multitudinem haberet et spes opesque ejus ex patre suo penderent, credere illum nihil palam ausurum, quum ipse filius testis adesset; quare optimum factu[605] videri per media ejus castra palam transire; sese vel praemissis vet ibidem relictis Mauris solum cum Sulla iturum. Ea res ut in tali negotio[606] probata; ac statim profecti, quia de improviso acciderant,[607] dubio atque haesitante Jugurtha, incolumes transeunt. Deinde paucis diebus, quo ire intenderant, perventum est.

108. Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam, Aspar nomine, multum et familiariter agebat, praemissus ab Jugurtha, postquam Sullam accitum audierat, orator[608] et subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia; praeterea Dabar, Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere impar (nam pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat), Mauro ob ingenii multa bona carus acceptusque. Quem Bocchus fidum esse Romanis multis ante tempestatibus expertus illico ad Sullam nuntiatum mittit paratum sese facere, quae populus Romanus vellet; colloquio diem, locum, tempus ipse delegeret; consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere;[609] neu Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis licentius gereretur;[610] nam ab insidiis ejus aliter caveri[611] nequivisse. Sed ego comperior Bocchum magis Punica fide[612] quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse multumque cum animo suo volvere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; libidinem[613] adversum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse.

109. Igitur Sulla respondit, pauca coram Aspare locuturum, cetera occulte aut nullo aut quam paucissimis praesentibus; simul edocet, quae sibi responderentur. Postquam sicuti voluerat congressi, dicit se missum a consule venisse quaesitum ab eo, pacem an bellum agitaturus foret. Tum rex, uti praeceptum fuerat, post diem decimum redire jubet, ac nihil etiamnunc[614] decrevisse, sed illo die responsurum. Dein ambo in sua castra digressi. Sed ubi plerumque noctis processit, Sulla a Boccho occulte accersitur; ab utroque tantummodo fidi interpretes adhibentur, praeterea Dabar internuntius, sanctus vir et ex sententia ambobus.[615] Ac statim sic rex incipit:

110. ‘Nunquam ego ratus sum fore, uti rex maximus in hac terra et omnium, quos novi, privato homini[616] gratiam deberem. Et mehercule, Sulla, ante te cognitum multis orantibus, aliis ultro egomet opem tuli, nullius indigui.[617] Id imminutum, quod ceteri dolere solent, ego laetor; fuerit mihi eguisse[618] aliquando amicitiae tuae, qua apud animum meum nihil carius habeo. Id adeo experiri licet:[619] arma, viros, pecuniam, postremo quidquid animo libet, sume, utere; et quoad vives, nunquam tibi redditam gratiam putaveris; semper apud me integra[620] erit; denique nihil me sciente frustra voles. Nam, ut ego aestimo, regem armis quam munificentia vinci minus flagitiosum est.[621] Ceterum de re publica vestra, cujus curator huc missus es, paucis accipe. Bellum ego populo Romano neque feci neque factum umquam volui:[622] fines meos adversum armatos armis tutatus sum. Id omitto, quando vobis ita placet; gerite quod vultis cum Jugurtha bellum. Ego flumen Mulucham, quod inter me et Micipsam fuit, non egrediar neque id intrare Jugurtham sinam. Praeterea si quid meque vobisque dignum petiveris, haud repulsus abibis.[623]

111. Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice, de pace et de communibus rebus multis disseruit. Denique regi patefecit, ‘quod polliceatur, senatum et populum Romanum, quoniam amplius armis valuissent, non in gratiam habituros;[624] faciundum aliquid, quod illorum magis quam sua rettulisse videretur; id adeo in promptu esse, quoniam Jugurthae copiam haberet; quem si Romanis tradidisset, fore, ut illi plurimum deberetur; amicitiam, foedus, Numidiae partem, quam nunc peteret, tunc ultro adventuram.’[625] Rex primo negitare;[626] affinitatem, cognationem, praeterea foedus intervenisse; ad hoc metuere, ne fluxa fide usus popularium animos averteret, quîs et Jugurtha carus et Romani invisi erant. Denique saepius fatigatus lenitur et ex voluntate Sullae omnia se facturum promittit. Ceterum ad simulandam pacem, cujus Numida defessus bello avidissimus, quae utilia visa, constituunt. Ita composito dolo digrediuntur.

112. At rex postero die Asparem Jugurthae legatum appellat dicitque sibi per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum, posse condicionibus bellum poni;[627] quamobrem regis sui sententiam exquireret. Ille laetus in castra Jugurthae venit; dein ab illo cuncta edoctus, properato itinere post diem octavum redit ad Bocchum et ei denuntiat, ‘Jugurtham cupere omnia, quae imperarentur, facere, sed Mario parum confidere; saepe antea cum imperatoribus Romanis pacem conventam[628] frustra fuisse. Ceterum Bocchus si ambobus consultum et ratam pacem vellet, daret operam, ut una ab omnibus quasi de pace in colloquium veniretur, ibique sibi Sullam traderet; quum talem virum in potestatem habuisset,[629] tum fore, uti jussu senatus populique Romani foedus fieret, neque hominem nobilem non sua ignavia sed ob rem publicam[630] in hostium potestate relictum iri.’

113. Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit, ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus, parum comperimus. Sed plerumque regiae voluntates, ut vehementes, sic mobiles, saepe ipsae sibi adversae.[631] Postea tempore et loco constituto, in colloquium uti de pace veniretur, Bocchus Sullam modo, modo Jugurthae legatum appellare, benigne habere, idem ambobus polliceri. Illi pariter laeti ac spei bonae pleni esse. Sed nocte ea, quae proxima fuit ante diem colloquio decretum, Maurus adhibitis amicis ac statim, immutata voluntate, remotis ceteris,[632] dicitur secum ipse multa agitavisse, vultu [633] corporis pariter atque animo varius, quae scilicet tacente ipso occulta pectoris patefecisse. Tamen postremo Sullam accersi jubet et ex ejus sententia Numidae insidias tendit. Deinde, ubi dies advenit et ei nuntiatum est Jugurtham haud procul abesse, cum paucis amicis et quaestore nostro quasi obvius honoris causa procedit in tumulum facillimum visu insidiantibus. Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis suis inermis, uti dictum erat,[634] accedit ac statim, signo dato, undique simul ex insidiis invaditur. Ceteri obtruncati; Jugurtha Sullae vinctus traditur, et ab eo ad Marium deductus est.[635]

114. Per idem tempus[636] adversura Gallos ab ducibus nostris Q. Caepione et Gn. Manlio male pugnatum; quo metu Italia omnis contremuerat. Illique[637] et inde usque ad nostram memoriam Romani sic habuere, alia omnia virtuti suae prona esse: cum Gallis pro salute, non pro gloria, certare.[638] Sed postquam bellum in Numidia confectum et Jugurtham Romam vinctum adduci nuntiatum est, Marius consul absens factus et ei decreta provincia Gallia; isque Kalendis Januariis[639] magna gloria consul triumphavit. Ea tempestate spes atque opes civitatis in illo sitae.

Footnotes for Bellum Jugurthinum

1.

[1] Aevi brevis, ‘of short duration.’ Aevum, in the sense of aetas, is rather poetical, and does not occur till a rather late period; whence the common expression medium aevum, ‘the middle ages,’ is not exactly in accordance with the best Latinity. [2] Invenias; supply quam naturam humanam. [3] Grassatur, the same as ingreditur, ‘advances towards;’ but grassari has the additional meaning of power and vehemence, whence it is often used to mark the progress of something bad. [4] Paulisper, ‘for a short time.’ [5] Auctores contains a whole clause — ‘every one transfers his own fault, though he himself is the author of it, to circumstances;’ that is, to the things which he himself has done. [6] Quodsi, ‘if, however.’ Zumpt, § 807. [7] ‘And at the same time very dangerous.’ In many cases one feels inclined to assign to the adverb multum the meaning of ‘often,’ but with adjectives, it is used only to strengthen their meaning. [8] Regerentur; supply casibus. [9] Eo magnitudinis; that is, ad eam magnitudinem, ‘to that greatness.’ See Zumpt, § 434.

2.

[10] According to the common arrangement of words, it would be alia corporis, alia animi; but Sallust abandons this order just because it is common. For the same reason he prefers alii — pars to alii — alii. Naturam corporis (or animi) sequuntur, ‘they follow the nature (that is, they are of the same kind) of body and mind.’ Regarding the change of anima into animus, it must be observed that anima is ‘the soul,’ the seat and basis of animus (mind), which is the activity of the anima. [11] ‘But the mind is not subject to corruption’ (that is, to dissolution and annihilation), for a perfect participle with the negative prefix in frequently denotes a passive impossibility, which is usually expressed by adjectives ending in ilis or bilis; as invictus miles, an invincible soldier. [12] ‘The mind possesses all things, but itself is not possessed;’ that is, it is free. This is an imitation of a well-known Greek phrase, εχω, ουκ εχομαι. [13] Admirari signifies not only ‘to admire,’ but also ‘to wonder,’ at anything which is surprising or displeasing; and in the latter sense it is the same as mirari. [14] Respecting ceterum as an adversative conjunction, see Zumpt, § 349.

3.

[15] Hac tempestate, the same as hoc tempore. Sallust frequently uses tempestas in this sense, though certainly the time which he paints in such dark colours — namely, the period after the murder of Caesar, in B.C. 44 — was an agitated and stormy one. [16] ‘Who have obtained by fraud an honour or honourable office,’ quibus honos contigit. [17] Honestus, ‘honoured,’ or ‘honourable;’ for honestus (from honor) is both the one who is intrusted with an honourable office, and in general he who is worthy of an honour. The persons here spoken of were honesti in the first, but not in the second sense. [18] It might seem doubtful as to whether parentes here means ‘obeying persons’ — that is, subjects of the Roman state — or ‘kinsmen,’ ‘relatives.’ We believe the latter to be the case, because to control subjects by force was not deemed improper by the ancients. Sallust elsewhere also combines patria et parentes (Catil. 6, Jug. 87), thereby expressing the idea of a free and equal civitas, which is to be convinced, not forced, and to be governed by magistrates chosen by itself, and not by a despotic ruler. The word importunus properly characterises the rudeness and unbearableness of a despot or tyrant. [19] ‘Even if you have the power, and intend to punish actual crimes in the state’ — whereby Sallust intimates that a tyrannical government may actually introduce improvements, as history proves to have been the case at all times. The subjunctive is used with quamquam, because the author speaks only of a possibility, and also because an indefinite person is addressed by the second person singular. Compare Zumpt, § 831, 3. [20] Portendere is here the same as ‘to bring with one’s self,’ or ‘to be followed by.’ It is a very sound remark, that by violent changes in a constitution, improvements may indeed be effected, but that at the same time these are accompanied or followed by many acts of injustice and crime. [21] Frustra niti, ‘to strive in vain (namely, to effect improvements), if, after all, nothing but hatred is incurred by it, is extreme folly.’ [22] Nisi forte, ‘unless perhaps’ — which surely cannot be the case with any sensible man. Respecting this use of nisi forte, expressing an improbable supposition, see Zumpt, § 526. [23] Libido — gratificari, ‘the inclination to gratify;’ for libido tenet is only a paraphrase for libet. This statement is striking, and but too true, for there are men who think it an honour to sacrifice their own conviction and independence for the purpose of pleasing persons in power.

4.

[24] Memoria rerum gestarum, ‘the recording of events ;’ that is, the writing of history, the usefulness (virtus) of which is acknowledged. [25] The words per insolentiam belong to laudando extollere, and the meaning is, ‘that no one may believe me to extol my own occupation with excessive praise.’ Per insolentiam is the same as insolenter, per expressing manner. [26] ‘At least those to whom it appears to be a lofty occupation,’ &c. Respecting the omission of the demonstrative pronoun before the relative, even when they are in different cases, see Zumpt, § 765. [27] ‘And what distinguished men were unable to attain such a distinction.’ Sallust here boasts of having obtained a seat in the senate, and a high magistracy, at a time when it was a matter of difficulty, and when even men of great merit were unable to gain either. But at the same time he adds the remark, that afterwards many undeserving persons were introduced into the senate, to co-operate with whom was no honour. Quae genera hominum refers to the filling up of the senate with persons from the lower classes, and even with such as were not free-born. This connivance at ambitious upstarts, or rather this recklessness in filling up the vacancies in the supreme council of Rome, was shown not only by the dictator J. Caesar, but by his successors in power, M. Antony and Octavianus. In consequence of such things, Sallust adds, it will be evident that he was justified in withdrawing from public life. [28] That is, the celebrated Fabius Maximus, surnamed Cunctator, who distinguished himself by his prudence in the second Punic War. P. Scipio is the elder Scipio Africanus, the conqueror of Hannibal. We might indeed imagine that Sallust is speaking of Scipio Africanus the younger, but his being mentioned along with Fabius Maximus must lead every reader to think of the elder Scipio. [29] The images (imagines) of ancestors might indeed be statues, but from the mention of wax in the next sentence, it is evident that we have to understand the wax masks which constituted the greatest ornament in the vestibule of the house of a noble family. The busts (portraits) of those ancestors who had been invested with a curule office were made of wax, and their descendants used these wax portraits to dress up persons representing in public processions the illustrious deceased, adorned with all the insignia of the offices with which they had been invested. Such processions, especially at public funerals (a real kind of masquerade), were intended to keep alive in the memory of the Romans not only the names and exploits of their illustrious statesmen and warriors, but even their bodily appearance. [30] Scilicet, in this passage, is not a conjunction as usual, but, as in the earlier Latinity of Plautus and Terence, it is used for scire licet, ‘one may perceive,’ or ‘it is self-evident,’ and is accordingly followed by the accusative with the infinitive. [31] ‘The flame of their noble ambition did not become extinguished until their merit had obtained the fame and glory’ (namely, of those ancestors). [32] His moribus, ‘in the present state of morality;’ an ablative absolute. [33] Instead of neque, the author might have used aut, for both particles are used to continue a negative statement. See Zumpt, § 337. [34] Homines novi, ‘new men,’ so called by the Romans, were those persons who were the first of their family to rise to curule offices, as Cato Censorius, and at a later time Cicero. In former times, Sallust says, such homines novi distinguished themselves by their ability, while now they rise by base means, especially by party strife and party interest, which he contemptuously calls latrocinium. [35] Proinde quasi, ‘just as if,’ and afterwards perinde habentur ut, ‘they are considered as of equal value.’ Compare Zumpt, §§ 282 and 340.

5.

[36] Respecting the special meaning of this periphrastic conjugation, see Zumpt, § 498. Sallust states that he wishes to describe this war separately, because during its progress there was kindled at Rome that struggle between the populares and the optimates, which was in the end carried on with such senseless vehemence, that only the devastation of Italy put a stop to the civil discord (studiis civilibus), and that only a military despotism (first of Caesar, and afterwards of the triumvirs) was able to restore peace. This part of the description of the Jugurthine war, accordingly, is of the greatest importance, in forming a correct idea of the history of Rome at that time. [37] The same meaning might have been expressed by ut omnia ad cognoscendum illustriora et apertiora sint. See Zumpt, § 106. [38] That is, ‘after the Roman name had become great;’ for in earlier times the Roman people had suffered still greater reverses, especially when the Gauls took and burned the city of Rome itself. But the author purposely avoids speaking of those early periods. [39] Africano. See Zumpt, § 421. [40] About et after multa, see Zumpt, § 756. [41] Magnum atque late, the connection of an adjective and adverb is somewhat singular — ‘the dominion of Syphax existed as a large one, and had a wide extent;’ for he possessed the whole of western Numidia, being the hereditary king of the people of the Massaesyli, while Masinissa had only the smaller, eastern, part, and the tribe of the Massyli. [42] ‘He had left him behind in a private station;’ that is, he had not appointed him in his will ruler of any portion of his dominions. But his uncle Micipsa gave him that which his grandfather Masinissa had refused to him; namely, he recognised him as a prince of the royal family.

6.

[43] Luxu for luxui. See Zumpt, § 81. [44] ‘The favourable opportunity of his advanced age, and of the tender age of his children.’ [45] Opportunities are apt to lead ordinary persons (not endowed with great mental powers) away from the right path. Transversus, ‘that which turns away to one side.’

7.

[46] ‘In the war against Numantia.’ Numantia was the capital of the Arevaci, a tribe of the Celtiberians in Spain, and was situated on the upper Durius (now Duero), in the mountainous district whence the Durius and Tagus flow westward, and other rivers eastward, into the Iberus (Ebro), and southward into the Mediterranean. This city carried on a desperate war against Rome to defend its own independence. After a brave resistance of many years, it was taken and destroyed, B. C. 133, by Scipio the younger, the destroyer of Carthage. Its ruins are believed to be in the neighbourhood of the modern Soria. [47] Qui tum erat — that is, quem tum Romani imperatorem habebant. [48] Difficillimum in primis, like difficillimum omnium; that is, the most difficult among those that were the first or foremost in difficulty. [49] The one — namely, to be good in council — usually produces timidity; the other — namely, to be bold in battle — rashness. Alterum — alterum, takes up the things mentioned before, but in an inverse order; respecting which, see Zumpt, § 700, note. [50] Erat for the usual subjunctive esset.

8.

[51] ‘To whom wealth was of more importance than that which is good and noble.’ [52] For the meaning of pro in this and similar expressions, see Zumpt, § 311. [53] Not to make presents to individuals, quibus being used for aliquibus. Scipio must have seen with displeasure the intimacy between Jugurtha and certain young ambitious Romans of an equivocal character. [54] ‘In his own mode of acting,’ must be understood here of his honourable mode of acting; though there are also malae artes, such as faithlessness, cunning, flattery, and the like.

9.

[55] Certo scio; we also find certe scio. See Zumpt, § 266, note. [56] Verba habere is sometimes used in the sense of orationem habere.

10.

[57] Me falsum habuit for me fefellit. We remarked before (Cat. 51) that Sallust is fond of using habere in certain phrases. [58] Amicissimos. See Zumpt, § 410. [59] Per regni fidem, ‘by the conscientiousness which is observed in governing, and must be observed;’ so that it is almost the same as per regiam fidem, or per fidem regum, which kings owe to one another. [60] Adjungere; supply tibi, ‘connect yourself with strangers,’ as opposed to supporting and maintaining friendly relations with his friends and kinsmen. [61] Sallust here changes his expression. He might have said parantur, but parere also occurs in other authors in the sense of parare, or ‘to acquire.’ [62] Ante hos, ‘in preference to these.’ [63] Observare has a sense similar to that of colere, ‘to honour’ and refers to the observance of all the duties of devotedness, especially in the external relations of social life.

11.

[64] Reguli may be petty kings with small dominions as well as young kings — that is, princes. We here take the latter to be the meaning. [65] Adherbalem assedit, or Adherbali assedit, ‘he sat himself down at the right-hand side of Adherbal.’ See Zumpt, § 386, note. There accordingly remained for Jugurtha only the place on the left of Adherbal — that is, the least honourable of the three places. [66] Fatigatus is commonly construed with an ablative, which is here to be supplied (precibus); but without such an addition, fatigare signifies ‘to importune a person with prayers and requests.’ [67] ‘Within the last three years;’ but as the author is here speaking of the time at which something happened, it is used instead of ante triennium, or triennio ante. [68] Cum animo habere, the same as cum, or in animo agitare, volvere, reputare. Here, again, we must attend to the use of habere.

12.

[69] Alius alio, ‘one in one direction, and the other in another.’ See Zumpt, § 289. [70] Proximus lictor is the one of the lictors who, when they precede the praetors or consuls, walks last, and is therefore nearest to his commander; and this lictor, according to Roman custom, had the highest rank among his fellow-lictors. The customs of the Romans were imitated at the courts of allied princes. [71] Claves adulterinae, ‘imitation keys.’ [72] Respecting the quum in descriptions, where it is commonly preceded by interea, or interim, see Zumpt, § 580.

13.

[73] Parat, in the sense of se parat, ‘he prepares himself,’ or ‘sets about;’ and thus parare is not unfrequently used by Sallust absolutely in the sense of statuere and instituere. [74] Provincia here is the Roman province of Africa, consisting of the territory of Carthage which had been destroyed, and containing the towns of Leptis, Hadrumetum, Utica, and Carthage, which was gradually rising again as a Roman town. That territory now belongs to the dey of Tunis, a vassal prince of the Turkish sultan. Numidia, in the west of the Roman province, was bounded in the west by the kingdom of Mauretania, and comprised the modern Algeria which is possessed by the French. [75] Paucis diebus, ‘within a few days;’ that is, a few days after. See Zumpt, § 480. [76] Singulos ambire, ‘to go about addressing individual persons,’ has at the same time the meaning of ‘attempting to gain them over by intreaties or promises.’ [77] ‘That no severe decree might be passed against him,’ ne gravius consilium in eum caperetur.

14.

[78] Adherbal says that only the administration of Numidia belongs to him, but that the legal title and supremacy belong to Rome — the language of abject servility, by which he wishes to recommend himself to the protection of the senate. [79] Affines are those connected with one another by marriage, whereas cognati are relations by blood. [80] Sustinere is here the same as ferre. [81] ‘As I was to come to such misery;’ that is, as it had been ordained by fate that I should come to such misery. See Zumpt, § 498. [82] Adherbal wishes to be able to solicit the aid of the Romans, in consequence of his own services, rather than those of his ancestors; he then again divides that wish, considering it as most desirable that the Roman people should owe him services without his being in want of them, and next in desirableness that the services which he requires should be performed as services due to him. By this latter sentiment he returns to the point from which he set out — namely, his wish to have done good services (beneficia) to the Romans. Vellem in this sentence is followed twice by the accusative with the infinitive (posse, to which me is to be supplied, and beneficia deberi), and then by a clause with ut (uti; that is, ut — uterer). Secundum ea, ‘next to,’ or ‘next after this,’ according to the etymology of secundum from sequor. [83] In manu fuit, an expression not uncommon in the comic poets; in manu alicujus est, ‘it is in a person’s power.’ [84] ‘At a time when the good fortune of the Romans did not render it so desirable to enter into connection with them as their fidelity and trustworthiness.’ [85] ‘Do not allow me in vain to pray for your assistance.’ Me in this sentence is accompanied by two accusatives in apposition, first progeniem, and then nepotem Masinissae. [86] Observe the unusual combination Romani populi for populi Romani, which is to be explained by the fact, that here Romani is the more emphatic word, placing the Roman people in contrast with other nations. [87] ‘O I, unfortunate man! to what result, father Micipsa, have thy good services led!’ For the accusative me miserum, see Zumpt, § 402; and for the double suffix in hucine, § 132. [88] ‘Never, then, will our family be at peace!’ an exclamation to which afterwards an interrogative sentence with ne is appended. The former also might have been expressed by numquamne ergo, &c. [89] The subjunctive jussissetis indicates a repeated action. See Zumpt, § 569. The senate and people of Rome had the right to make war and peace throughout the extent of the Roman dominion, so that the allied nations and kings were obliged to regard those against whom the Romans declared war as their own enemies; as, for example, not long since, the Numantines. [90] ‘Who being a brother, was at the same time a relation.’ Respecting this use of the pronoun idem, when the two predicates are added to one subject, see Zumpt, § 697. [91] Non queo; that is, nequeo, or non possum. [92] Extorris (from terra), as exsul from solum, ‘homeless.’ Respecting the ablative denoting separation or privation, see Zumpt, § 468. [93] Tutius; the adjective tutior also might have been used. Respecting the use of adverbs with esse, see Zumpt, § 365. [94] Maxime tutos; that is, omnium tutissimos. [95] ‘Whatever was in the power of our family;’ quod per familiam nostram stetit. [96] This inserted clause belongs to the following propinquus. The demonstrative id (or is) is omitted, and the relative clause precedes the word to which it refers. See Zumpt, §§ 765, 813. [97] Pars — pars; that is, alii — alii; whence the verb is in the plural. [98] Exigere vitam for agere vitam, but implying a long and sorrowful life. [99] ‘Which out of friendly things (circumstances), have become hostile.’ The neuter necessaria also comprises the persons who are termed necessarii, ‘persons connected by ties of relationship or friendship;’ such as in particular Jugurtha, the adoptive brother of the speaker. [100] ‘Whither shall I turn myself? whom shall I call to my assistance?’ Donatus, an ancient grammarian, in his commentary on Terence, quotes from Sallust quo accidam? ‘whither shall I turn myself for assistance?’ but none of the manuscripts has that reading in this passage. [101] He alludes to the nations and kings who were still independent and had not yet been incorporated with the Roman empire, especially the kings of Syria and Egypt, and perhaps also the king of Mauritania. [102] Sallust might have said hujus imperii, but he prefers the dative, which is a dativus incommodi. [103] Secundus, ‘favourable,’ according to its derivation from sequor, is especially used of a favourable wind, but also in the general sense of ‘assisting,’ or ‘devoted to.’ [104] Fatigare, ‘to importune a person with prayers.’ See note chap. 3. [105] Quodutinam connects this sentence in an animated manner with the preceding, otherwise utinam alone might be used. ‘Yes, would that I could but see Jugurtha feigning these very things.’ [106] Nae ille — reddat; as far as the sense is concerned, this sentence forms the apodosis to the preceding wish: ‘would that I could see him in like circumstances, and would that at length the gods opened their eyes; then he would surely have to pay a heavy penalty for his impiety, for the death of my brother and for my sufferings.’ The present subjunctive in the apodosis corresponds with the same tense in the protasis, and differs very little from the future indicative. See Zumpt, § 524, note. [107] ‘Although life has been taken from thee before the age of maturity, and by a person who should have done it least of all.’ Unde, the more general relative, is here used for a quo homine. In like manner the Romans, in legal phraseology, called the defendant unde petitur; that is, the person of whom payment is demanded. [108] Doleo, ‘I grieve at,’ is construed with de, as de casu tuo, with the ablative alone, casu tuo, and also as a transitive verb with the accusative, doleo casum tuum. Laetari here follows the construction of doleo, for it is generally followed by de, or the ablative alone. See Zumpt, § 383. [109] Namely, the life and death of the persecuted Adherbal depends upon the power of Jugurtha. [110] Adherbal wishes two things: first, that a speedy death may terminate his misfortunes; and second, not to be obliged to live in contempt, if he should yield to Jugurtha. But neither of these things, says he, can be done. Jugurtha will continue to lay snares for him, and if he yields, and gives up to him his kingdom, he must live despised. These two wishes are here uttered to move the hearts of the senators, expressed as they are by a king. [111] Per vos liberos atque parentes vestros. The words per liberos belong together; to vos supply oro. See Zumpt, § 794. Adherbal intreats the senators by their children and parents, because Jugurtha has so criminally trampled on the sacred rights of the family. Others read per vos per liberos vestros; but this is wrong, and the repetition of per is bad: we never intreat persons by themselves, but by something that is dear to them. [112] Tabescere, ‘to waste away,’ ‘perish;’ the proper meaning is, ‘to be consumed by some disease.’

15.

[113] Ante facta, &c. It would have been more common to say factis suis anteponerent. In Cicero, ante is not used to denote preference as in Sallust, Cat. 53: Graeci ante Romanos fuere for Graeci Romanis praestabant. [114] According to Sallust’s mode of speaking, we should have expected depravati, pars being only another form for alii. But nothing can be said against the grammatical agreement pars depravata, it being that form which, according to grammar, should be used. [115] Scaurus dreaded the stained audacity of those who accepted bribes from Jugurtha without any scruple or shame, and would have liked to stir up against them the hatred and envy of others. Licentia is the conduct of a man who thinks he is allowed to do anything, and accordingly here signifies to accept bribes by which statesmen disgrace themselves. The adjective which properly refers to men (pollutus) is here transferred to licentia. Sallust describes Aemelius Scaurus, one of the most eminent men of his age (he was twice consul and princeps senatus), as a prudent aristocrat, anxious to keep up a respectable appearance, and to avoid suspicion as much as possible; although in secret he, too, had recourse to unfair means to obtain influence and wealth. The events which Sallust has related hitherto, the murder of Hiempsal, the expulsion of Adherbal by Jugurtha, and Adherbal’s flight to Rome, belong to the year B.C. 116, a time when, if we except some trifling wars against barbarous tribes on the frontiers, the Roman Republic was not engaged in any military undertaking.

16.

[116] Opimius had been consul in B.C. 121, and in that year he had, with the authority of the senate, crushed the democratical party of G. Gracchus by force of arms. In consequence of that victory, several very harsh measures had been adopted by the aristocracy to strengthen and increase the power of the senate and the nobility. Opimius, too, was a statesman of loose principles, as is clear from the narrative of Sallust. [117] Fide for fidei. See Zumpt, § 85, note 3. [118] Possedit, ‘he took possession of.’ The present possideo only means ‘to possess;’ but the past tenses, possedi, possessum, at the same time have the meaning of ‘taking possession,’ as if they were formed from a present possido, possidere. Compare the similarly-formed compounds of sido, sidere, in Zumpt, § 189.

17.

[119] Frequentata sunt, ‘they have been frequented.’ The participle is in the neuter, the subjects being both animate and inanimate. Asperitas refers to the inaccessible nature of mountainous districts. [120] Other editions have in partem tertiam, and this deviation from the common mode of speaking (which is to use pono with in and the ablative) commentators explain by the remark, that the division was not yet made, but only supposed. But the Latin language knows of no such distinction. [121] In the earliest times, before the earth was divided into three parts, it was rather customary to consider Africa, especially Egypt and the countries about the Nile, as belonging to Asia. To connect Africa with Europe could only have been an idea of those who divided the earth into an eastern and a western half, and did not know the vast extent of Africa to the south. [122] Fretum, &c.; that is, the Fretum Herculeum, or the Straits of Gibraltar. It is clear that Sallust wants to state only the northern frontier of Africa on the Mediterranean, and the frontiers in the east and west. The extent of Africa southward was too little known to him to speak about it. [123] ‘The inclined plain,’ or, as the geographer Mela says, ‘the valley which inclines towards Egypt.’ The length of this valley extends from south to north as far as the Mediterranean, and in the upper part it separates the immense desert in the west from the oasis in the east, which is considered as a part of Egypt. The easternmost country in Africa on the Mediterranean was Cyrenaica. It is therefore quite clear that Sallust does not include Egypt in Africa. [124] Sallust wants to give a short account of the original inhabitants of Africa, and their amalgamation with new immigrants, such as it was translated for him from the Punic books of King Hiempsal. This Hiempsal is not the same as the one already mentioned, who had been murdered by Jugurtha, but a later descendant of Masinissa, who ruled after Jugurtha, and was still alive in the days of Cicero, about B. C. 60. Interpretatum est, in a passive sense. See Zumpt, § 632.

18.

[125] Within the clause expressed by the ablative absolute (multis — petentibus) there is inserted another stating that each did so for himself, and that in the nominative case, because multis petentibus is, after all, only a different form for quum multi peterent. Grammatically speaking, it ought to be sibi quoque; but no Latin would have understood this, since he would have taken quoque as an adverb. See Zumpt, § 710. Passim, ‘in different places,’ ‘scattered everywhere,’ but not ‘here and there.’ The tradition of the immense conquests extending to the western extremities of the known earth, which are ascribed to Hercules (Heracles), who occurs in the traditions of various nations, runs through the whole of ancient history. [126] Nostrum mare is the Mediterranean, the African coast of which was occupied by the parts of Hercules’ army here mentioned; and the Persae, it is farther stated, occupied that coast which is more within (that is, ‘on this side,’ as a person writing at Rome would say) the ocean. [127] Gnarus and ignarus have most commonly an active meaning, denoting ‘one who does know,’ or ‘one does not know;’ but sometimes, and especially in Sallust and Tacitus, they have a passive meaning, ‘he who is known,’ and ‘he who is not known.’ So here ignara lingua is the same as ignota lingua. [128] ‘They tried the fields;’ that is, ‘the soil,’ as to whether it was fruitful, and in this manner they sometimes inhabited one place, and sometimes another. Alia, deinde alia, is the same as alia atque alia, as in chap. 26. Hence they were called in Greek Νομαδες, and the Greek accusative of this word, Nomadas for Nomades, is used by Sallust in the next sentence. See Zumpt, § 74. [129] The Medes and Armenians in the army of Hercules joined the Libyans, the ancient inhabitants of Africa. Libyes is the accusative, for accedere is joined with the accusative as well as the dative of the person whom one joins. See Zumpt, § 386, note. [130] This derivation of the name Mauri is very improbable. The Mauri are the inhabitants of the western part of the African coast of the Mediterranean. They lived to the west of the mouth of the river Mulucha (which separated them from the Numidians), opposite Malaga and Cadiz, and also on the coast of the ocean extending southward as far as those countries were known to the ancients. The modern name of Moors is derived from the ancient Mauri. [131] Utrique refers to parentes and their descendants, the Numidae. One part of the nation trusted to the other (alteris freti), and was supported by it.

19.

[132] To aliis — avidis supply sollicitatis. [133] All three are cities in the territory of Carthage, which afterwards became the province of Africa. Hippo with the surname of Diarrhytus, (there being another town, Hippo Regius, on the coast of Numidia,) is said to be the modern Bizerta; Hadrumetum, southeast of Carthage, and Leptis, surnamed minor (there being another town, Leptis magna, more to the east), are now in ruins. [134] ‘To their origin;’ that is, to their mother country Phoenicia, whence the settlers had come. [135] The transition to Carthage by the conjunction nam presupposes the ellipsis of some such sentiment as — ‘I only meant to mention these Phoenician settlements on the African coast, for it is well known that Carthage also was a settlement of the Phoenicians.’ [136] Secundo mari, ‘along the sea,’ is said according to the analogy of secundo flumine (see Caes. Bell. Gall. vii. 58) secundo flumine ad Lutetiam iter facere coepit. The sea has indeed no current like a river, but the direction is determined by the person travelling on the coast, and in this case it is the direction from east to west. Theraei are the inhabitants of the island of Thera, in the Greek Archipelago, south of Peloponnesus, whence the first Greek settlers at Cyrene proceeded in B. C. 631, under the leadership of Battus. Respecting the Greek genitive on, instead of orum, see Zumpt, § 52, 1. [137] Syrtis major and Syrtis minor are two large sandbanks near the coast of Africa between Cyrene and Carthage. They were very dangerous to navigation, and between them lay the route to Leptis magna, a city of considerable importance. Compare chap. 78, where Sallust describes these sandbanks and the bays named after them. [138] The origin of the name of this place is stated by Sallust, chap. 79. As it was situated above the great, that is, the eastern Syrtis, it is clear that deinde is used somewhat vaguely, since only the great Syrtis, but not the town of Leptis and the small Syrtis, precede the place Arae Philaenon in the order of succession. [139] ‘Above Numidia;’ that is, southward, towards the inland, the coast being always, or at least being always conceived to be, lower than the inland districts. [140] Novissime, ‘latterly;’ that is, at the beginning of the third Punic war, the result of which was, that Carthage and its territory became a Roman province. [141] Cetera ignarus, ‘otherwise unknown.’ Compare p. 87, note 4 [note 127]; and on cetera, Zumpt, § 459.

20.

[142] Questum, the supine, ‘in order to complain’ [143] ‘The war previously undertaken had turned out unsuccessfully.’ About secus, see Zumpt, § 283.

21.

[144] Cirta, the capital of Numidia, situated in that part of the country nearest to Carthage, or the Roman province. It is said to be ‘not far from the sea,’ only in consideration of the vast extent of Numidia to the south. Cirta is the modern Constantina, which name it received in honour of the Emperor Constantine, and is situated at a distance of four days’ march from Bona, the ancient Hippo Regius. [145] Plerumque for the more common plurimum, ‘the greater part.’ See Zumpt, § 103. [146] As Sallust in other passages connects pars and alii, so here partim and alios, partim being the same as partem. [147] Togati are Roman citizens, for they alone wore the peculiar and privileged dress called toga. But it may be that other Italians also are comprised under the name; for Romans and Italians resided in great numbers in all the towns subject to the Roman dominion, for the sake of commerce, and in them they formed a distinct conventus. Moenibus prohibere. See Zumpt, § 468. [148] It would be more in accordance with the ordinary usage to say, et se et illis. See Zumpt, § 338.

22.

[149] Literally, ‘but this report was mild;’ that is, it spoke of the battle and siege as if they had been mild or moderate; which was not the case, as Jugurtha carried them on with all his energy. [150] Pro bono facere; literally, ‘to act in accordance with what is good,’ and hence ‘to act well,’ bene agere. [151] Utrique refers to both parties — the Roman ambassadors on the one hand, and Jugurtha on the other. The ambassadors were not allowed to speak with Adherbal.

23.

[152] Arrigere, the same as excitare; hence frequently animum arrigere, ‘to rouse courage.’

24.

[153] Nisi tamen intellego refers to the preceding plura scribere nolo, and expresses an exception, as is always the case with nisi after a negative: he will write nothing else, but still add the remark that Jugurtha aimed at something beyond the kingdom of Adherbal; namely, that he intended afterwards to attack the Romans themselves, because he saw that the acquisition of the kingdom of Adherbal was irreconcilable with the friendship of Rome. Plura non scribam nisi hoc intellego is an elliptical expression, equivalent to plura non scribam, nisi hoc scribam, me intellegere. [154] ‘Whatever may have been our mutual acts of injustice, it is no concern of yours;’ that is, they must be indifferent to you. Consider only the fact, that he has taken possession of the kingdom of your ally. [155] Adherbal, for the purpose of exciting the sympathy of the senate, represents it as a fact that he is born only to exhibit (endure) the crimes of Jugurtha. Respecting the dative ostentui, see Zumpt, §§ 90 and 422. [156] Adherbal prays the senate to prevent (deprecor) his enemy from acquiring the sole sovereignty, and from killing him amid tortures.

25.

[157] Consuleretur; supply senatus; ‘that the subject of the disobedience shown by Jugurtha should be brought for decision before the senate.’ [158] Enisum est, ‘it was carried.’ Observe the passive meaning of the deponent verb. [159] Quam ocissime, ‘as speedily as possible.’ The positive of ocissime is not in use in Latin. Zumpt, § 293, note. [160] Cirtam irrumpere is a peculiarity in the style of Sallust, the common expression being, in urbem irrumpere. See Zumpt, § 386, note. [161] By engaging the enemy’s troops in different places, and thus dividing them. This is the meaning of the inseparable particle dis or di.

26.

[162] ‘Although he considered everything else to be of more weight than the faithfulness (promise) of Jugurtha.’ The conquest of Cirta, and the putting to death of Adherbal, belong to the year B. C. 112.

27.

[163] Interpellando, ‘by interrupting the speakers, and introducing other topics.’ [164] By this law of the tribune G. Sempronius Gracchus, in the year B. C. 122, it had been ordained that every year previous to the election of the consuls for the next year, the senate should determine those provinces which should be assigned to the consuls about to be elected, after the expiration of the year of their office. As two provinces were thus fixed upon, the consuls afterwards determined by lot which should have the one, and which the other. The object of this law was to prevent intrigues in the senate, which would be carried on by the ruling consuls if they had to choose their own provinces. [165] Obvenit, ‘fell to the lot.’ Whenever Italy is called a province, it is implied that the consul undertaking its administration was to remain at Rome, and was to be ready for any other war which might break out. For in the first place, there were now no wars in Italy, and in the second place, Italy was not a province in the ordinary sense of the term. The consuls here mentioned entered upon their office on the 1st January, B. C. 111.

28.

[166] Venum eo, or contracted veneo, infinitive venire, ‘to go to be sold,’ or ‘to be sold;’ the passive of vendo (I sell) is not in use. Zumpt, § 187. [167] Adventabant, with the accusative, see Zumpt, § 489. [168] In diebus, &c.; for in, with words denoting time, see Zumpt, § 479. Deditum is a supine. [169] Legare properly signifies ‘to despatch,’ and ‘to add to;’ whence the word legatus means both ‘an ambassador,’ and ‘a person added to an officer,’ who, when necessary, supplies his place. See Catil. chap. 59. It was the business of the senate to supply such legates to a magistrate (senatus legat aliquem alicui), but as this was commonly done on the proposal or recommendation of the magistrate himself, we also read legat sibi, ‘he chooses some one to be his legate.’ [170] Supra. See chap. 15. [171] Respecting the omission of in before Siciliam, see Zumpt, § 398, note 1.

29.

[172] Aeger avaritia, ‘sick with avarice;’ a very appropriate expression, describing moral defects as a disease. [173] A principio; that is, in principio. See Zumpt, § 304. The faction of Scaurus is that of the nobility or aristocracy. [174] Vaga, a considerable town in Numidia, to the south-east of Cirta. [175] ‘A truce was observed on account of (or during) the delay of the surrender,’ which Jugurtha had promised, but which could not yet be carried into effect. [176] Secreta refers to reliqua, so that the other negotiations were secret, whereas the proposal to surrender had been made in presence of the war council. It would have been more in accordance with ordinary usage to employ the adverb secreto belonging to the verb. [177] The opinions of the persons invited to the war council were asked only en masse (per saturam). The Latin expression is taken from lanx satura, a dish offered as a sacrifice to the gods, and containing different kinds of fruit. Its figurative application to other mixtures is here indicated by quasi. [178] Pro consilio; that is, in consilio. See Zumpt, § 311. [179] To cause the magistrates for the year B.C. 110 to be elected. The president in the elective assembly rogat populum (requests the people) to appoint new officers; hence rogare, the usual term.

30.

[180] Parum constabat, ‘was not firmly determined upon;’ namely, iis, patribus — that is, they had not yet made up their minds.

31.

[181] Dehortantur a vobis — that is, ad causam vestram suscipiendam, ‘many things dissuade me to undertake your cause.’ According to the context, the expression might, or rather should be, multa me dehortantur, ni superaret; but the present represents the act of superare as an actual fact, and is at the same time more impressive. [182] The number XV., which is found in all good manuscripts, points to the year B. C. 125, in which the aristocracy gained a decisive victory through the praetor L. Opimius, who destroyed the town of Fregellae, and thereby crushed the first attempt of the Italian allies (socii) to obtain the Roman franchise. It may be supposed that this attempt of the allies was even then supported by the Roman plebs, as was the case afterwards in the time of Marius. [183] Ab ignavia is to be taken in the sense of ‘in consequence of,’ or ‘on account of your cowardice.’ See Zumpt, § 305. [184] ‘When your political enemies (in consequence of the crime which they have committed) are deserving of punishment, and in your hands.’ [185] Animus subigit. ‘My feelings compel me to stand out against the faction (of the optimates), in spite of your lukewarmness.’ [186] Ob rem, ‘effectually,’ ‘with success.’ [187] ‘They must ruin themselves.’ [188] ‘I will grant that everything has been done with justice, which cannot be punished without again shedding the blood of citizens;’ that is, the cruelties then committed by the optimates in crushing Tib. and G. Gracchus may be considered as legitimate, since the perpetrators cannot be punished without fresh executions. Ulciscor, usually a deponent, is here used in a passive sense, just as the participle ultus is sometimes used in the sense of vindicatus. For the same reason, the passive form nequitur has been chosen; respecting which, see Zumpt, § 216. [189] Parum habuere, ‘they considered it too little’ (this is the meaning of parum): it was not enough for them that they had committed such disgraceful acts. [190] Incedere per ora hominum, ‘to walk in the eyes’ or ‘in the sight of men.’ [191] ‘The cruelties committed against the defenders of the plebs, serve them as a bulwark;’ that is, make them only the more audacious. [192] About quam maxime — tam maxime, expressing a proportionate increase, see Zumpt, § 725. [193] A complicated expression — ‘they have transferred their fear, which they ought to have on account of their crime, to your cowardice;’ that is, to you who are cowards, or whom they consider as cowards. [194] In unum coëgit; that is, conjunxit, copulavit. The infinitives here are the subjects of the sentence: the same fear and the same greediness have united all your opponents into one league. Compare Cat. 20: idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est. [195] Benejicia vestra; that is, honores, magistratus, imperia. [196] The speaker refers to the two most important secessions of the Roman plebs — the one in which they obtained their tribunes in B.C. 510, and the other, which was undertaken in B.C. 449. to restore the consulate and the tribuneship after the overthrow of the tyrannical rule of the decemvirs. Both led to the establishment of a legitimate state of things (jus), and the latter, in particular, to the establishment of the decisive authority of the people against the magistrates and the patricians. This sovereignty of the Roman people was termed majestas. These secessions, according to the statements of the ancients, were made to the Mons Sacer, and not to the Aventine; but Sallust here follows other ancient authorities; and it is probable enough that the plebs may have occupied both hills. [197] Respecting the form of this sentence, see Zumpt, § 781. The answer to this question is contained in the clause atque eo vehementius, to which we must supply nitendum vobis est. Atque introduces the answer with emphasis. [198] Vindicare is construed with in and the accusative, as well as vindicare scelus in aliquo and vindicare aliquam rem. Vindicare in aliquem, ‘to use force against a person for the purpose of taking revenge.’ Vindicare sibi rem, ‘to claim a thing for one’s self,’ or ‘to appropriate a thing.’ [199] Quaestio, ‘a judicial inquiry into a crime,’ ‘a criminal trial.’ [200] Nisi forte supposes, with a strong irony, a case which cannot be conceived. See Zumpt, § 526. [201] Quantum importunitatis habent, ‘according to the high degree of impudence and arrogance which they possess.’ Sallust might have said, quae eorum importunitas est, or pro eorum importunitate. See Zumpt, § 705. [202] Rex, according to Roman notions, always contains the idea of an absolute ruler, and is therefore frequently used in the sense of ‘a tyrant.’ The idea of a constitutional or limited monarchy was not known in antiquity, except perhaps at Sparta. [203] Perditum eatis; that is, perdatis. See Zumpt, § 669. [204] Practically, it is quite correct, that in the administration of a state it is more necessary to punish criminals than to reward good services; for it is impossible that all good citizens should be rewarded with external distinctions; but if a criminal remains unpunished, he does harm by his example, and undermines the organism of the state.

32.

[205] Arcessere, ‘to summon before a court of justice,’ governs the genitive of the thing for which a person is summoned. [206] Rogatio, ‘a proposal to the people,’ because, in making a proposal, as well as at elections of magistrates, the people were requested (rogabatur) to pass a resolution.

33.

[207] Per sese, ‘as far as lay in him,’ ‘as much as he could,’ as in the phrase per me licet. [208] Respecting Romae Numidiaeque, where Numidiae by a kind of attraction takes the same case as Romae, instead of in Numidia, see Zumpt, § 398, note 1. [209] ‘He (Jugurtha) would not, indeed, thereby be a safety to his accomplices, but destroy his own hope (of obtaining pardon).’

34.

[210] The words quae ira fieri amat are very surprising, but were regarded by the ancients themselves as a Graecism of Sallust, from whom Quinctilian quotes the words quae vulgus amat fieri, which occurred in a work of Sallust that is lost. In both cases, we must construe ira (vulgus) amat with an accusative with the infinitive after it: ‘anger likes that this or that should happen.’ [211] Animus augescit, ‘courage grows’ or ‘increases.’ For the plural animi, see Zumpt, § 92.

35.

[212] We here enter the year B.C. 110. [213] Urgueat, ‘presses Jugurtha;’ that is, he is hindered by the indignation on account of his past crimes, and at the same time by the apprehension with which the Roman people regard him. [214] He would like best that it should be done in secret; but if this should not succeed, he would like it to be done in any way, whatever it might be. Instead of maxime, the author might have said potissimum. See the same expression chap. 46. [215] Profiteri indicium, ‘to declare that you will state everything.’ We must understand that in the defective administration of justice at Rome, the index (informer) received a promise of impunity. [216] Manifestus, with the genitive of the crime, is a person qui mani festo tenetur, or against whom there is most decisive evidence. [217] Animum adverto, the same as the compound animadverto, like venum eo for veneo. [218] Jugurtha had given fifty sureties in the name of Bomilcar, in order that he might remain at liberty. These sureties were of course fifty Roman citizens. As Bomilcar fled, those sureties had to pay the money with which each guaranteed his appearance, and there can be no doubt but that Jugurtha secretly paid the money. [219] Paucis diebus. See Zumpt, § 480.

36.

[220] This season was usually the middle of the year, but was frequently delayed until the autumn. The consul Albinus seems to have been commissioned to preside at the elections, because his colleague, who had obtained Macedonia, was at a still greater distance. [221] Jugurtha protracted the war, delayed the negotiations for peace, and in this manner thwarted the consul. We have here restored the active form ludificare, because it exists in all the manuscripts. It is found also in Cicero, though the deponent ludificari is more frequent. [222] Some were convinced that after the hurry which the consul had shown at the beginning, the war was protracted, not so much by his carelessness, as by his cunning designs. Non magis quam is expressed in modern languages as if the Latin were dolo magis quam socordia: ‘they believed that the war was protracted by his cunning designs rather than by his carelessness.’ See Zumpt, § 725.

37.

[223] Continuare magistratum, ‘to continue for another year in a magistracy which has been given for only one year.’ In the case of some magistracies this was forbidden by law; in that of tribunes of the people, it occurs rather frequently in the early times, that they were re-elected twice or oftener in successive years. The last in stance of a tribuneship lasting for two years is that of G. Gracchus, in B.C. 123 and 122; and even then this re-election was the cause of violent commotions, and it was impossible to carry it for the third year. [224] Around the wall, which had been built on the extreme edge of a precipitous rock, the clayey soil had formed a marsh. Respecting extremum used substantively, see Zumpt, § 435.

38.

[225] Respecting the frequentatives ductare and missitare, which last is a secondary derivative from mittere (as currere, cursare, cursitare), see Zumpt, § 231; and about vitabundus, § 248. [226] The usual arrangement of the words would be: corrumpere, ut alii (partim) transfugerent, alii — desererent. The ut is here repeated in the second clause, which is rather unusual. [227] Trepidare, in its proper sense, is, ‘to run about with fear and trembling.’ [228] Anceps, ‘twofold,’ on the part of the enemy and of that of nature. [229] The author here distinguishes the infantry (cohors) and cavalry (turma) of the auxiliaries, and the common soldiers from the Roman legions. [230] The primus pilus in a Roman legion is the first company (manipulus) of the third class of legionaries, who were called pilani or triarii, and were employed in battle as a reserve, while the two other classes of legionaries, the hastati and principes, began the engagement. A legion thus contained ten maniples of every class; that is, altogether thirty maniples, each of which consisted of two centuriae, and each centuria was commanded by a centurio. Out of these sixty centurions of a legion, the two commanding the primus pilus (they themselves also were called, like their companies, primi pili) were the first in rank, and again the ductor prioris centuriae primi pili was the principal centurion in a legion. The treachery of such an officer, therefore, is the more surprising. To the pronoun ea supply via; ea, with this ellipsis, is used as an adverb in the sense of ‘there.’ See Zumpt, § 207, 288. [231] In accordance with the rules on the oratio obliqua, Sallust ought to have written teneat. [232] A jugum was formed by two lances fixed in the ground, and a third fastened across them so as to form a gate. When an army confessed itself to be conquered, and after capitulating, was allowed to depart, the troops had to march under a yoke of this description. [233] Literally: ‘because the disgrace was exchanged for the fear of death;’ that is, by enduring it, they became free from the fear of death.

39.

[234] Dolere pro gloria, ‘to be grieved for reputation;’ that is, as they were interested in the glory of their country, they were grieved at the disgrace (dedecore or propter dedecus) they had suffered. Timere libertati, ‘to be afraid of losing one’s freedom,’ it appearing to be in danger. See Zumpt, § 414. [235] Nomen Latinum is the same as socii Latini, or Latini alone. The expression properly signifies those who are called Latins; for this class of people comprised not only those who really belonged to the nation of the Latins — such as the inhabitants of the ancient Latin towns of Tibur and Praeneste — but those also whose towns subsequently received the same privileges. The latter were termed coloniae Latinae — such as Alba in the country of the Marsians, Beneventum in Samnium, Cremona and Placentia on the Po. [236] Ex copia rerum, ‘according to his present resources,’ ‘according to the state of affairs.’

40.

[237] In a few manuscripts we read neglegisset, respecting which see Zumpt, § 195. [238] Quin faterentur, ‘without confessing.’ See Zumpt, § 539. [239] M. Scaurus, who, as Sallust stated before, was himself bribed by Jugurtha, had availed himself of the time when the people were rejoicing at his victory, when the city was still under apprehensions respecting the war, and when many other nobles, from a consciousness of guilt, kept back; and there can be no doubt that, through the influence of his friends, he contrived to be himself elected one of the commissioners who had to institute inquiries about these briberies, and thus escaped being tried himself. [240] Ex here signifies ‘with respect to.’ The people after this victory were insolent, so that the commissioners yielded to the wishes of the multitude.

41.

[241] ‘The custom of (forming) parties among the people, and of factions in the senate;’ the people are divided into partes, the senate into factiones; the latter evidently implies intriguing combinations. [242] ‘From the abundance of those things which mortals deem of the first importance.’ Prima is used substantively, and with it the relative pronoun (quae) agrees. Sallust might have said quas — primas. [243] Scilicet, ‘naturally,’ is used here as an adverb. See Zumpt, § 271. [244] The annexation of small free farms to the adjoining large estates, is described by all the ancient authors as the cause of the great misery of the Roman state, and, as Sallust remarks, it was facilitated by the absence of many of the free citizens who were serving in the armies; for their fathers or children, who were left behind, were easily induced to sell their small farm to a wealthy and powerful neighbour. For force was certainly not always applied, and pellere here signifies ‘to displace,’ rather than ‘to expel.’ The large estates thus formed were called latifundia. [245] Permixtio terrae is said figuratively, as is indicated by quasi, ‘a chaos — a mixture of elements.’

42.

[246] Tib. Gracchus was slain in B.C. 133, and his brother, G. Gracchus, in B.C. 121. Sallust here states that the faction of the optimates threw obstacles in the way of the two brothers, sometimes by means of the socii (in Italy), and sometimes by means of the Roman equites, who had been drawn into the senate by the popular party. This refers, in the first place, to the opposition made, through the instrumentality of the Latins, to the scheme of the Gracchi to settle poor Roman citizens in Latin colonies; and secondly, to the ingratitude of the equites, to whom G. Gracchus had transferred the administration of justice, after having taken it from the senate. Respecting modo — interdum, instead of modo — modo, see Zumpt, § 723. [247] Sallust admits that the Gracchi went somewhat too far, but blames the violence with which the faction of the optimates took vengeance upon them; ‘for,’ says he, ‘a good man prefers being conquered, to taking revenge for injury done to him in a violent manner’ — intimating that the optimates ought to have borne the injury done to them by the Gracchi, rather than avenge it with murder and assassination. [248] Acerbius; that is, nimis acerbe, or acerbius quam par est. [249] Omnis civitatis for totius civitatis, in opposition to the patres. Parem; that is, velim, which is followed in the apodosis by the same subjunctive present, or the future indicative. See Zumpt, § 524, note 1. Res, the same as materia, argumentum, ‘subject.’

43.

[250] The consuls here mentioned entered upon their office on the 1st of January, 109 B.C. The preparation for the campaign accordingly belongs to the latter part of the year 110. [251] ‘An opponent of the popular party;’ adversus being used as a substantive, in the sense of adversarius; as an adjective, it is construed with the dative. [252] Cum collega, a short expression for conjuncta cum collega, ‘everything else he considered as common between himself and his colleague, but to the Numidian war he alone directed his attention, as though it were his own exclusive business.’ [253] Praesidia is generally ‘resources;’ but here the same as auxilia, ‘auxiliary troops.’ [254] Contusae, from contundere, for imminutae, debilitatae, fractae.

44.

[255] Praedator, belonging to exercitus, is the same as praedas agens, ‘carrying off booty.’ See Zumpt, § 102, note 2. [256] Aestivorum tempus is the time suited for the campaign. To aestivorum supply castrorum, ‘a summer-camp,’ and ‘a campaign made in summer;’ hence, also, ‘a campaign’ in general, inasmuch as warlike operations were but rarely carried on in winter. [257] Albinus, during a portion of the summer of the year 109 B. C., continued to command as proconsul, while the consul Metellus was detained at Rome by the election of the consuls for the year B. C. 108. [258] Odos for odor. See Zumpt, § 7. [259] Cum mercatoribus, ‘in intercourse with merchants.’ The merchandise, in return for which another commodity is given, is expressed by the ablative. See Zumpt, § 456.

45.

[260] Ambitio, ‘courting favour;’ hence here in the sense of ‘indulgence,’ ‘connivance,’ these being the ordinary means to obtain the favour of the multitude. [261] Ceteris arte modum statuisse still depends upon comperior, ‘I learn (that is, we are informed) that for the rest (of the wants) he fixed the measure in a close (niggardly) manner;’ for arte is the adverb of artus, which is frequently, though not correctly, written arcte. It must not be confounded with arte from ars. Sallust might have said, ceteris (rebus) artum modum statuisse.

46.

[262] Supplicia here, as elsewhere, are supplices preces, ‘humble prayers,’ or ‘petitions.’ Compare chap. 66. [263] ‘He applies to the ambassadors one by one;’ that is, he tries them one by one, temptat singulos. [264] Maxime, the same as potissimum. Compare chap. 35. [265] ‘What would be in accordance with his wish;’ namely, the granting of his request. [266] The plural equitatus is rare; here it refers to different troops of cavalry, as in Caesar, Bell. Civ. i. 61. To propulsarent supply eos. See Zumpt, § 766.

47.

[267] ‘Most frequented;’ for celeber, bris, bre, is commonly used of densely peopled or much frequented places. [268] Metellus placed a garrison in the city, partly to test the sentiments of the inhabitants, and partly on account of the advantages offered to him by the nature of the place, in case the inhabitants should not object to a garrison of the Romans. The common reading, si paterentur opportunitates loci, must be rejected, for the words si paterentur must refer to the inhabitants of the place, and explain the preceding temptandi gratia. Another reading, opportunitatis, to which gratia must be supplied by the mind, has the same meaning as opportunitate, the ablative of cause. [269] ‘He believed that the great number of merchants (in the town) and the corn would be of use to the army, and protect the provisions (of the Roman army) already accumulated,’ so that the Roman stores might be saved. [270] Impensius modo; that is, praeter modum, ‘beyond measure,’ ‘immoderately;’ literally, ‘stronger than the measure observed in such matters.’

48.

[271] Exercitum antevenit. See Zumpt, § 386, note. [272] ‘In an equal direction;’ that is, likewise extending from south to north. [273] In the midst of this range there arose another group, extending far and wide; and, as will be seen hereafter (chapter 49), in a transverse direction (transverso itinere) from the range to the river running parallel with it. In immensum, however, must be understood relatively of a very great extent, and not absolutely of an infinite extent. [274] ‘On dry and sandy ground’ is a very singular expression, and has been noticed as such by the Roman grammarians themselves; for humi (on the ground) is otherwise used without an adjective as an adverb. The adjective is here put in the ablative, to denote the place where, and in the neuter gender, humi being regarded as indeclinable. In ordinary language, it would be in humo arida.

49.

[275] ‘The battle-line being long, but not deep.’ [276] Montem, the same as monti. See Zumpt, § 411. [277] Decuerint. Sallust might have written decuerit in the singular. Compare Zumpt, § 226. [278] Quum interim Metellus — conspicitur, is the apodosis. ‘Then, in the meantime, Metellus appears.’ Respecting this use of quum with the present indicative, see Zumpt, § 580, 2; for the circumstance of interim being used here, where we might expect subito, does not alter the case, and only expresses that Jugurtha was yet engaged in encouraging his army when Metellus became visible. [279] Incerti is here used passively and personally, ‘uncertain what it might be,’ for de quibus incertum erat, quidnam esset; and the neuter quidnam is used in the sense of the masculine plural, ‘it was uncertain whether they were men, and what sort of men.’ In like manner we have seen (chapter 18) ignarus used passively. [280] ‘With an alteration in the ranks,’ those soldiers who had before marched by the side of one another now being placed behind one another, as the man who had till then been on the right wing of his detachment suddenly turned to the right, with his face towards the hill. On the right of the whole marching army, he now formed the front towards the enemy (aciem), and strengthened by a threefold reserve. [281] ‘The principia standing transversely’ (to the direction in which till then the column had been). The march of the Roman army was from east to west; the enemy appeared on the right flank, and the Roman vanguard (principia) therefore turned round to face them (that is, turning its face to the north), and it is this direction which is expressed by transversus. Principia is the vanguard, because in a Roman legion the ten companies of principes formed the front line, while the hastati constituted the second, and the triarii the third. In this manner the principes here faced the enemy, while the other divisions of the army drew up behind them as a reserve.

50.

[282] Transversis proeliis, ‘by attacks on the flanks’ — namely, if the Roman army should resume its march westward. [283] Temptare lassitudinem militum, the same as lassos milites aggredi. [284] The army was drawn up in battle array facing the north, so that, if it resumed its march westward, the part which formed the left wing became the head of the column (agmen). [285] Priores; that is, superiores, ‘superior.’ [286] Ea, ‘on this road,’ or ‘there.’ Evadere, ‘to ascend.’ Vero in the apodosis renders it strong and emphatic. See Zumpt, § 716.

51.

[287] Respecting the omission of et, see Zumpt, § 782. Arma and tela are the two kinds of arms, the one being used in a close contest, and the other at a distance; the use of either of them depended on chance (fors regebat). Itaque in the next clause is the same as et ita, and not the conjunction itaque = igitur. [288] They had no camp, no fortifications into which they could retreat. Illis refers to the Romans addressed, and is rendered by the emphatic they; instead of illis, the speaker might have used ipsis whereby he would have included himself, whereas now he is speaking only of the soldiers. Compare Zumpt, § 702.

52.

[289] Diei; other editions have die, an obsolete form of the fifth declension. Adverso colle evadunt, ‘they worked their way up the opposite hill.’ The author might have said in adversum collem, ‘they ascended it.’ [290] The neuter predicate tutata sunt here refers to two feminine nouns, instead of tutatae sunt; but it is quite in accordance with the custom of Sallust. See Zumpt, § 377. [291] ‘What the enemy were doing in every place;’ for ubique signifies ‘in every place;’ not absolutely, but in every one of the places where anything was done by the enemy. Ubique stands to ubivis in the same relation as quisque to quivis. Compare Zumpt, § 710. [292] ‘He had drawn up his corps close together.’ About arte, see Cat., chap. 59, and p. 110, note 4 [note 261].

53.

[293] ‘They held out only so long as they believed that they had an assistance in their elephants.’ When they were disappointed in this hope, they took to flight; for fugam facere is here the same as fugere, though generally it is equivalent to fugare. [294] ‘Tired and worn out.’ [295] The two detachments of the Roman army approaching each other, threw each other into fear and confusion by the noise of their march, as they imagined lhat the enemy was approaching. We have retained adventarent, the reading of the early editions; the one now generally received, adventare, must be rendered, ‘when they were not far from one another, they approached in a noisy manner, like enemies, (and) filled each other mutually with fear.’ But here the verb adventare is offensive, it having already been said that they were not far from one another; so also is the mere ablative strepitu adventare and the omission of et, for which we cannot see any reason. [296] Supply esset. [297] ‘Misfortunes lower even good men;’ that is, diminish their reputation.