Bellum Catilinarium. (continued 2)

30.

[152] That is, ‘on the 6th day before the 1st of November,’ or on the 27th of October. In such computations with ante and post, the point of time from which the calculation begins is included. See Zumpt, § 867. But we here reckon according to the calendar such as it was subsequently reformed and rectified by J. Caesar. [153] Portenta are chiefly human beings or animals presenting at their birth anything abnormal or monstrous; prodigia, on the other hand, are strange phenomena in the heavens; and the superstition of the ancients regarded both as signs sent by the gods to warn men. [154] Senati for senatus. See Zumpt, § 81. [155] Hi utrique for horum uterque. Zumpt, § 141, note 2. [156] Both had received the military command (imperium) from the senate and people: Marcius Rex as proconsul of Cilicia, and Metellus for the purpose of subduing Crete. After their return from their provinces, they tarried for a time outside the walls of Rome (ad urbem), because, by entering the city, they would have lost their imperium, which they were anxious to retain until their solemn entrance in a military procession (the triumph), to which the senate had not yet given its sanction. Accordingly, as they were still generals in active service, they could legally be intrusted with the military command in the disturbed districts of Italy. [157] The intrigues of some influential members of the senate, who had either received bribes from the opponents of the two commanders, or expected some from the commanders themselves, prevented the resolution of the senate here alluded to. Respecting mos erat vendere, see Zumpt, § 598. [158] Supply to the two names of places missus est, which is implied in the preceding sentence. [159] Sestertia centum; that is, centum millia sestertiorum, or the ancient census of the citizens of the first class; for the neuter sestertia was used in calculations as an imaginary coin of mille sestertii or ten nummi aurei. [160] ‘According to the means of every town.’ As the Roman gladiators might easily be tempted to join in conspiracies, they were quartered at a distance from Rome, in the towns of a certain class of Roman citizens (municipia); and the citizens of such places were ordered to watch over those bands of gladiators, that they might not make their escape. Familiae, in its proper sense, signifies the whole body of slaves belonging to one master. [161] Minores magistratus are those officers who did not, by virtue of their office, become members of the senate. The quaestors, accordingly, did not belong to them, but they comprised the masters of the mint, the superintendents of the paving of the roads, and especially the superintendents of all matters connected with prisons, and the decemviri litibus judicandis.

31.

[162] Quibus. Sallust more frequently uses the accusative in such expressions. See chapter 8. [163] Afflictare sese, ‘they worried themselves.’ The expression is properly used of that kind of grief which manifests itself in inflicting pain on the body, by pulling the hair, striking the breast or loins, or by throwing one’s self on the ground. So also plangere denotes the physical expression of pain. [164] A law de vi enacted in the year B.C. 89, and aimed at those who might attempt by violence to subvert the existing constitution of the state. On the ground of this law Catiline had already been summoned before a court of law, though no formal charge had yet been brought against him. [165] Sicuti is here used for quasi, velut, or perinde ac si, ‘as if.’ [166] This is the first of Cicero’s speeches against Catiline, which was delivered A.D. 6, Id. Novemb.; that is, on the 8th of November. [167] ‘When he had sat down;’ that is, when he had finished his speech, for those who spoke in the senate did so standing. [168] The imprudence of this speech, independent of the audacious denial of facts, consists in his boasting of his patrician descent, and in the insinuation that Cicero, who was born in the municipium of Arpinum, was only an alien at Rome, although in regard to political rights there no longer was any difference between patricians and plebeians, nor between the citizens of Rome and those of a municipium. Respecting the construction of opus est, with the ablative of a participle, see Zumpt, § 464, note 1.

33.

[169] The adjective expers here is joined in the same sentence with two different cases; this is an unusual construction, though expers may be joined with the genit. as well as with the ablat. See Zumpt, § 437, note 1. [170] From what he quotes as the substance of the law, we see that he means the lex Papiria Poetelia, which had been passed in B.C. 326, and according to which the property of a debtor served as a security to the creditor, while his person or his personal liberty could not be touched. [171] Vestrum; it would be more in accordance with the common usage to say vestri, but the genitive of the personal pronoun also may be used. See Zumpt, §§ 424 and 431. [172] Literally, ‘the borrowed silver was repaid in copper;’ that is, instead of the ordinary silver coin, the sestertius, the value of four copper ases, only one copper as was paid. By this means debtors gained three-fourths of the capital they had borrowed. This reduction of debts took place in B.C. 86, during the ascendancy of the Marian party. [173] Amittit; that is, missam facit, dimittit or omittit, ‘he gives up.’

34.

[174] Massilia (the modern Marseilles) was a free and independent city, leagued with the Roman people by treaty. It had been founded about the year B.C. 600, by Greek emigrants from Phocaea in Asia Minor. As Massilia thus was not subject to the civil law of Rome, the Romans who withdraw from the laws of their own country — that is, who went into exile — might choose that city as a safe place of residence, without fear of being delivered up to their own country.

35.

[175] Catiline writes that he will not undertake a detailed defence of his new design of taking up arms, but he says that he wishes to justify himself in regard to one point, and that merely because he is not conscious of any criminal act. Satisfactio is nearly the same as defensio, but less formal. A man defends himself against opponents, but before friends he merely gives an explanation, whereby they may be gained over to his side. Ex nulla conscientia, ‘in consequence of his not being conscious of guilt.’ The expression is rather harsh and artificial, and seemingly in Catiline’s own style of writing. [176] Medius fidius, the same as mehercules. See Zumpt, § 361. [177] ‘I could not maintain the position of my dignity;’ that is, I could not maintain my position in society after my enemies had deprived me of the consulship. [178] ‘Not as if I could not pay my own debts out of my property, since Orestilla has paid even other persons’ debts out of her own purse;’ she would accordingly have done the same much more for me, her husband. Aes alienum meis nominibus is the same as meum ipsius aes alienum, ‘debts on my own account.’ Nomen, in money transactions, is something put down to a person’s account. Hence aes alienum alienis nominibus is the same as aliorum debita, ‘other persons’ debts,’ aes alienum being understood from the preceding clause. [179] ‘I felt that I had become estranged by false suspicions,’ namely, ‘from the Roman people,’ who confer the honours which have been obtained by unworthy persons. [180] Hoc nomine, the same as ideo, ‘accordingly,’ ‘for this reason.’ [181] This is said in allusion to the consul Cicero, as if he had intended to arrest Catiline, and imprison him. Catiline evidently has recourse to this expedient for the purpose of avoiding his awkward explanation. They are hollow phrases about honour, the republic, and persecution, and well suited to the ruined circumstances of that nobleman. [182] Haveto. It is much more common to use this word in meeting a person, while vale is the ordinary expression in parting from a friend.

36.

[183] In agro Arretino, ‘in the territory of Arretium,’ in the heart of Etruria, near the lake Trasimenus. [184] Sine fraude, ‘without injury’ — that is, without the fact that hitherto they had been with Manlius, drawing any punishment upon them. [185] Praeter, adverbially for praeterquam; but he might also have used praeter as a preposition: praeter — condemnatas. [186] Perditum irent. See Zumpt, § 669.

37.

[187] Aliena; supply a republica. [188] Adeo renders the sentence emphatic, ‘nay, the common people seemed to do this even according to their custom.’ Adeo in this sense is always preceded by a demonstrative pronoun. See Zumpt, § 281. [189] Boni. In the political signification of this word, the ideas of quiet conduct, aversion to innovations, and acquiescence in the actual state of things, are combined with solid wealth. The reason of this is easily perceptible; for he who possesses property, dreads every change, and supports the existing state of things. A still more decided political meaning is implied in the term optimates, which denotes the party in the state which we now call Conservative, but at Rome it implied at the same time the idea of ‘faction,’ and of a tendency to occasional violence. [190] ‘Poverty (that is, poor people) maintains itself, or continues in all disturbances without suffering any loss;’ for he who has nothing, cannot sustain any loss. [191] Ea vero, ‘this in particular. Vero indicates the transition to that circumstance, which in the present case is of the greatest importance. Compare Zumpt, § 348, note. [192] Sentina properly signifies the sediment which, in a vessel filled with water, sinks to the bottom. Hence ‘the residue,’ or the place where all that is bad or impure is collected. [193] The largesses in money and provisions with which the state supported the needy population of the capital, and by which private persons, anxious to gain partisans, catered numbers of clients, attracted to Rome many people from the country: the city plebs was thus constantly increasing. [194] ‘They were as much concerned about the good of the state as about their own good’ — that is, just as little. [195] Connect quorum with parentes and the following words, bona and jus. Sulla had excluded the sons of those whom he proscribed from all public offices, and thus curtailed their rights of free citizens.

38.

[196] In B. C. 70, these consuls restored the power of the tribunes in its full extent, after it had been greatly reduced by Sulla in B. C. 81. The Roman people received this restoration of the tribunian power with the greatest joy; but Sallust does not seem to approve of it. [197] Senatus specie; under the pretence of supporting the senate, the nobiles formed opposition to the tribunes, but in reality it was for their own aggrandisement. [198] Quo for ut eo, ‘that the authority of the senate might be the highest in the state.’

39.

[199] Innoxius has a twofold meaning, one active, ‘one who does no harm’ (noxa), and a passive, ‘one who is not injured,’ ‘one to whom no harm is done,’ qui non afficitur noxa, and in this latter sense it is used in this passage. [200] ‘In order that, when in office, they themselves might guide the populace more gently,’ since those who excited the multitude would be kept in awe by the terror of the law. Placidius, ‘without harshness,’ ‘without severity,’ harshness and severity being applied only against the popular leaders. [201] Dubiis rebus, the ablative absolute; cum res dubiae essent, ‘the state of affairs being dangerous.’ [202] ‘A more powerful man would even have wrested their freedom from them.’ About quin, see Zumpt, § 542; and about the imperfect in the sense of a pluperfect, § 525.

40.

[203] The Allobroges inhabited the country from Lacus Lemannus and the Rhone as far south as the Isara. They were subject to Rome, but, with a certain degree of independence, they governed themselves within their own country. Their chief towns were Vienna and Geneva. [204] Aliena consilii. See Zumpt, § 470. [205] Respecting the orthography of accersit, see Zumpt, § 202. [206] Magnus animus is the usual Latin expression for ‘courage,’ and amplior is the same as major.

41.

[207] Manifestum habeo aliquem, ‘I catch a person in the act,’ so that he can be convicted of his crime by unexceptionable evidence.

42.

[208] Gallia citerior is Gaul south of the Alps, or the province of Cisalpine Gaul. Gallia ulterior is Gaul north of the Alps, as far as the Cebenna mountains. The part of modern France beyond those mountains was not yet subject to Rome, but became a Roman province by the conquests of Caesar. [209] Bruttium is the peninsula of Italy, which extends towards Sicily. It was a mountainous country with many forests. [210] He was legate to his brother L. Murena, who had then already left the province of Gaul, being a candidate for the consulship for the year B.C. 62, which he obtained.

43.

[211] Signum, in military phraseology, is the visible or audible signal for a movement which the army is to execute. The attack of the tribune of the people on Cicero during his address to the people was to be the signal. ‘After this signal had been given’ (eo signo), dato being understood. Conjurationis for conjuratorum. [212] Sed. According to ordinary Latinity, the sentence ought to have been introduced by autem; see Zumpt, § 348, note. But it must be observed that in the historical style of Sallust sed very frequently expresses not only opposition, but also mere transition from one thing to another, which seems to be an affectation of simplicity. [213] The idea expressed by filius familias is ‘a son who is not yet independent, who has not yet a household of his own.’ [214] Inter haec, &c.; that is, dum haec parantur atque decernuntur.

44.

[215] Conveniunt, with the accusative. See Zumpt, § 387. [216] Qui for quis. See Zumpt, § 134, note. [217] He means to say, ‘even from the slaves, who, as is now seen, have not been received by Catiline into his army.’

45.

[218] Cuncta. Respecting this accusative, see Zumpt, § 391, note 1. [219] Pons Mulvius, a bridge across the Tiber, about one mile from the city, outside the porta Flaminia. It still exists under the name of ponte Molle, and is passed by all travellers who go from Rome to the north. [220] Obsidunt. For this verb, see Zumpt, § 189, under sido. [221] Ad id loci; that is, ad eum locum. [222] He betrayed his treasonable designs even by surrendering to the public authorities, as if they were a foreign and hostile power, and by praying them to spare his life.

46.

[223] See Zumpt, § 662. [224] The meeting of the senate was held in the Temple of Concord, close by the Forum. Temples were often used instead of the Curia Hostilia, which was the regular place for the senate to assemble in. Lentulus was taken to the senate by the consul himself; the others were conducted thither by guards, to be brought before the assembly after the business had been opened.

47.

[225] ‘He was ordered to make his statement on the ground of the promise made to him, on behalf of the state, that he should not be punished.’ Sallust might have used the more complete expression, fide publica data or accepta; but such expressions are to be completed by the sense rather than by any grammatical ellipsis. [226] Sibylla is the ancient Greek name for a prophetic woman; and at Rome prophecies and counsels (libri Sibyllini) were kept in the Capitol which were believed to have been given as early as the time of the kings by a Sibyl of Cumae. They contained information about festivals, sacrifices, and other religious observances, and the means by which calamities which threatened the state might be averted. They were under the superintendence of a special college of priests, by whom alone they were consulted, on the command of the senate, in cases of public distress or apprehension. This college was called at different times, according to the number of its members, duoviri, decemviri, or quindecemviri sacrorum. [227] The gens Cornelia comprised a large number of families, such as the Scipios, Dolabellas, Merulas, Sullas, Cinnas, Cethegi, and Lentuli. L. Cinna, by repeated consulships, and as the leader of the Marian party, obtained the highest power at Rome after the death of C. Marius, but was slain in B.C. 84 by his own soldiers, whom he intended to lead against L. Sulla. Sulla, after having been consul as early as the year B.C. 88, became dictator in B.C. 82. Respecting the expression urbis potiri, see Zumpt, § 466. [228] Haruspices were the interpreters of the signs which were believed to be contained in the entrails of victims sacrificed to the gods, as well as of the phenomena in the atmosphere (monstra), and other occurrences in nature, which seemed to be contrary to the ordinary course of things. The system of this kind of superstition had been principally developed by the ancient Etruscans, and the haruspices engaged in the state religion of the Romans were generally natives of Etruria; and the Romans, owing to the uncertainty of their knowledge of things divine, dreaded this kind of superstition rather than practised it. [229] Libera custodia is opposed to the carcer publicus, in which the prisoners were treated like slaves, and kept in chains. There were at Rome no prisons for those persons whose guilt was not yet established, or whose punishment consisted merely in confinement; but private persons, or the relatives of the accused, were obliged to keep the person of a criminal in their own houses, until the final decision upon his offence was given by the ordinary courts of justice.

48.

[230] Such transitions from the historical infinitive to the present or imperfect, and vice versa, are not uncommon in Sallust. See chapters 18, 23, 56, 58. [231] Erant; according to the style of Cicero, it would be essent. See Zumpt, § 565. [232] For deprehensio Lentuli et aliorum, which would be more in accordance with the usage of modern languages. [233] In tali tempore. See Zumpt, § 475, note. [234] They demanded that the consul should bring forward the matter, as to whether the statement of Tarquinius was to be believed, in order that the votes might be taken upon it. For without a special relatio by the magistrate authorised to make it (commonly the presiding consul, but sometimes also a tribune of the people), no senatus consultum could be made. [235] Potestatem; supply from the context indicandi. [236] Praedicantem. See Zumpt, § 636.

49.

[237] These two leaders of the party of the optimates had been consuls, Catulus in the year B.C. 78, and C. Piso in B.C. 67; and Catulus had also been censor in B.C. 65. Both were enemies of Caesar, who had defeated Catulus in his canvas for the office of pontifex maximus, and had caused a judicial inquiry to be instituted against Piso, about the manner in which he had conducted the proconsular administration of Gaul. Caesar was even then considered as the leader of the popular party, and as an opponent of the senate and its influence in the constitution. [238] It was at that time that Caesar, on going from home to the elective assembly, said to his mother, ‘To-day you shall see your son either as pontifex, or you shall never see him again.’ Caesar, however, is here called an adolescentulus only in comparison with the aged Catulus, for he was at that time thirty-six years old. [239] ‘In public life by the greatest exhibitions;’ for munera are exhibitions by means of which a private person, and still oftener a magistrate, endeavoured to win the favour of the people. As regards Caesar, that which is said here refers to the brilliant exhibitions in his aedileship, and the games which he gave while invested with that office. But he had thereby got so deeply into debt, that when, after his praetorship — with which he was invested in B. C. 62, the year after the Catilinarian conspiracy — he wanted to leave Rome to go to his province of Spain, he was kept back by his creditors; and he was not allowed to depart until M. Crassus had given security for him. [240] Dicerent. Respecting this subjunctive, see Zumpt, § 551. [241] Mobilitas animi, ‘irritability,’ or that state of mind which is easily excited, or upon which it is easy to make an impression. Clarius esset is an explanation of gladio minitarentur.

50.

[242] Multitudines; that is, catervae, factiones, crowds or bands of men united for the purpose of creating disturbances among the people. [243] This is the customary form of condemnation in a decree of the senate, whereby it is declared that a wrong has actually been done to the state, or that an attempt has been made upon the constitution. The verdict of ‘guilty,’ therefore, had been pronounced by the senate itself. [244] Sententiam rogatus. See Zumpt, § 393, note 1. [245] He had declared that at the voting, which took place after the members of the senate had expressed their opinions, he would vote for the opinion of Tib. Nero; for the voting took place by a division (discessio), only one proposal being voted upon at a time, so that those who supported it separated from those who did not support it, but intended to vote for any other opinion (alia omnia). [246] This opinion then aimed only at an adjournment of the matter. Its issue was to be waited for; but in the meantime, the posts of guards were to be strengthened, and a fresh proposal was to be made respecting the punishment of the prisoners. The Tib. Nero here mentioned is the grandfather of the Emperor Tiberius, who was raised to the imperial throne in A. D. 14, in the fifty-sixth year of his age.

51.

[247] Male consulere, ‘to form bad’ or ‘injurious resolutions.’ [248] Perse. Respecting the forms of this name, see Zumpt, §§ 52, 54. [249] An must be explained by supplying another interrogation before it, such as alione? ‘had that speech any other object, or had it this one?’ for an is used only in the second part of a double question. [250] ‘To be sure words will fire him on, whom the thing itself did not move’ — that is, words are sure not to rouse him whom the thing itself did not move; for scilicet has an ironical force. [251] Injuriae suae, ‘the injuries done to him.’ [252] ‘Many have taken them more seriously to heart than was necessary.’ It is more common to say gravius tulerunt. The perfect, habuere, in expressing a general truth, has the sense of a present, or rather of a Greek aorist, denoting that which once happened, and still continues to happen. Compare p.22, note 2 [note 68]. [253] Vitam habent for vitam agunt, which is more common. Sallust is very fond of the verb habere in certain phrases. See Jug. 10. [254] Equidem ego for ego quidem. See Zumpt, § 278. [255] Inimicitiae. About this plural, see Zumpt, § 94. The singular inimicitia is not used at all. [256] ‘Such I know to be the character of the man.’ [257] Subigere here, as in many other passages of Sallust, has the meaning of cogere, invitum impellere (‘to force a person to something’), followed by an infinitive instead of a clause with ut. [258] Id quod res habet, ‘that which is in the nature of the thing.’ Caesar hereby means to represent his opinion as philosophically correct, and in accordance with nature. Id quod belong together. [259] Such had indeed been the custom in former times. The condemned person, previous to being beheaded with the axe, was bound to a post and scourged. This barbarous punishment continued to be inflicted sometimes even at a later period, when it was expressly mentioned in the verdict that the criminal should be punished more majorum. Animadvertere is the proper expression for the infliction of bodily punishment by a lictor, who has to pay attention to his orders; but it is also used of the person who gives the order, and causes it to be carried into effect, just as interficere is said both of the executioner and the person who orders a man to be put to death. [260] This law, proposed by one Porcius, and passed by the people, forbade the scourging of Roman citizens on the naked body; so that, after the passing of that law, an execution consisted simply in beheading a criminal with the sword; and if he was a soldier, flogging took the place of scourging. The celebrated M. Porcius Cato, about B. C. 160, recommended this bill to the people; but it was not he who proposed it, but an unknown person of the name of Porcius, probably a tribune of the people. [261] There were no Roman laws forbidding capital punishment, or substituting exile in its place, and for this reason Caesar does not refer to any such law. He supports his view only by the circumstance that, in all the more recent laws, especially in the criminal law of Sulla, exile (interdictio aquae et ignis) was fixed upon as the extreme penalty; and that according to the usual indulgence (not sanctioned by any law), accused persons, if they denied being guilty, and were defended by some one, remained in the enjoyment of their freedom until the sentence was passed. Thus it happened that a person, foreseeing his condemnation, might quit the Roman territory, and take up his abode within the territory of some town or city where the Roman law was not in force, and where the Roman state placed no obstacles in his way. [262] ‘How is it consistent?’ Respecting qui for quomodo or quo pacto, see Zumpt, § 133, note. The minus negotium is the scourging, and the majus negotium the execution. [263] At enim introduces an objection raised by the orator himself. At represents the objection, and enim introduces an explanation of it. See Zumpt, § 349. [264] Caesar means to say that the present senate, which, as he flatteringly says, consists of worthy men, will not abuse the power of putting Roman citizens to death; but that a subsequent senate, taking such an example as a precedent, might abuse its power. It must be observed that the Roman senate possessed the power over the life and death of citizens, not by virtue of legal enactments, but only by ancient custom. This power legally belonged only to the people assembled in the Comitia Centuriata, or to those to whom the people expressly intrusted it — namely, the ordinary and extraordinary courts of justice. It may seem surprising that Caesar does not express himself more energetically against the right claimed by the senate; but he would certainly have spoken in vain, for it was every senator’s interest that the power of the senate should be recognised in its greatest extent, even though it should not be exercised in every particular case. [265] That is, the so-called thirty tyrants in the year B. C. 404. [266] Ea; for this accusative, see Zumpt, § 385. [267] Damasippus was only a surname of the praetor M. Junius Brutus, who in the year B. C. 82 put to death a great many Roman nobles of the party of Sulla. [268] Namely, by Sulla, after he had been made dictator. [269] Pleraque; most of the ensigns and distinctions by which the magistrates were distinguished from private persons, especially the toga praetexta, sella curulis, fasces (which were carried by the lictors), and, above all, the splendid procession of the triumphatores. [270] Legibus is here a pleonasm, and might have been omitted. We must here repeat that Caesar makes an artful application of the circumstance that, in all the late criminal laws, the interdictio aquae et ignis was fixed as the severest punishment, as if thereby a person had been simply permitted to withdraw from the republic. The interdictio was a much more severe punishment, inasmuch as the person on whom it was inflicted lost all his rights as a citizen, and as every one was forbidden to receive him into his house, so that he was a complete outcast. Wherever these regulations were not carried into effect, and even in case a criminal made his escape before the sentence was pronounced, we can see nothing but an abuse of clemency. [271] Quominus is here used because the leading clause conveys the idea of a hindrance; but ne also might have been written. [272] Per municipia, ‘among the municipia.’ See Zumpt, § 301.

52.

[273] Cato says, ‘When I consider the danger of our situation, I form quite a different view from what I do when I reflect upon the opinions expressed by some about the punishment of the criminals; for the present danger demands energetic measures of defence, while some of you are speaking only about the punishment of a crime already committed. But such a view is incorrect, for we are still surrounded by the greatest dangers.’ [274] Pluris facere, ‘to esteem higher.’ [275] Capessere rem publicam, ‘to take part in the administration of the state,’ or ‘to devote one’s self to its service.’ [276] Verba facere, ‘to speak,’ or ‘to make a speech.’ [277] ‘I who had never connived at any of my bad acts’ — that is, I who had never given way to my own weaknesses. About this subjunctive expressing the reason why the orator does not allow the faults of others to pass unnoticed, see Zumpt, §§ 555, 558. [278] ‘The strength of the state bore the negligence’ in restraining the arbitrary proceedings in which individuals indulged. [279] ‘And here any one will speak to me of clemency and mercy!’ alluding to Caesar. The negative pronoun quisquam is used because the meaning implied is, that no one ought to have done so. See Zumpt, § 709. [280] Equidem for quidem, as often in Sallust, but never in Cicero. The meaning is: ‘We have indeed (quidem) long since lost the habit of calling things by their true names, but this erroneous application of the word mercy is not to be borne.’ [281] Eo; Cicero would have said ea re. [282] Instead of et, the author might have used neve (neu), since from the preceding clause we have to supply ne to et. This is not a very common mode of speaking; but it occurs most frequently when, after a negative clause, et introduces a kind of antithesis, and thus acquires the power of sed. [283] Et non corrects the untrue supposition, that there were no rebels except at Rome. In such a case we can neither use non without et, nor neque. See Zumpt, § 334. [284] ‘If Caesar alone is unconcerned, it is more requisite (necessary or important) that I should be concerned for me and for you.’ About refert, see Zumpt, §§ 23, 449, note. [285] Habetote; this future imperative denotes that something is to be done when something else shall take place. Zumpt, § 583. [286] The meaning is: ‘All will be there immediately’ — that is, they will rise to make the attack. [287] Cato means to say, ‘It is a wrong opinion that our state has become great by arms; for if this were true, it would now be in the most flourishing condition, as our military power is now greater than it ever was. The republic has become great much more by the activity of the citizens, and by the justice of the government, and it is this activity and stern justice that must be restored.’ [288] Obnoxius, ‘subject to a punishment,’ or ‘to be injured (noxa);’ hence, figuratively, ‘bound,’ ‘dependent.’ Our ancestors, says Cato, could deliberate and judge without bias, for their minds were not crippled either by crimes they had committed, nor by immoderate desires and passions — a hint intimating that those who were in favour of lenient measures were conscious of their own guilt, and not free from bad intentions. [289] Hic — that is, in the senate, in discussing matters of public importance, you allow yourselves to be guided only by your desire to gain money and popularity, being anxious not to offend any one who may be in your way. [290] Vacuam — namely, a defensoribus, ‘defenceless,’ ‘helpless.’ [291] Incendere, a free use of the infinitive for ad patriam incendendam. [292] A question expressive of wonder, in which the interrogative particles are commonly not used. See Zumpt, § 351, note. [293] Ironically: ‘I am of opinion that you should have mercy, and dismiss the criminals.’ The subjunctive without ut depends upon the verb censeo; it is not a subjunctive for an imperative. [294] ‘Assuredly this clemency of yours will end in misery.’ Respecting nae, see Zumpt, § 360; and on the transitive sense of vertere, § 145. [295] The sentence beginning with scilicet is again ironical. The sense, without the irony, is: ‘Nor can it be supposed that you consider the matter indeed difficult, but that you are without fear. You are, on the contrary, full of fear, but you hesitate.’ [296] Immo vero, ‘oh no; on the contrary.’ See Zumpt, § 277. [297] Respecting this form of hypothetical sentences, see Zumpt, § 524, note 1. The verb in the apodosis might be implorabis, without altering the meaning. [298] This statement differs in two points from the current tradition of history. First, the praenomen of this Manlius is commonly Titus, and so we must no doubt correct here, even though the manuscripts have Aulus. Secondly, he did not show his severe military discipline towards his son in the Gallic war, but in the great Latin war, which ended, in B.C. 340, with the subjugation of Latium. Manlius ordered his son to be executed in presence of the army; and to characterise that harsh severity, the orator uses the word necare instead of interficere or occidere. [299] Quidquam is stronger than siquid — that is, the expression of the negative is more strongly marked in the protasis. [300] ‘If there were room for a mistake’ — namely, in the resolution to be come to. The meaning is: ‘No time is to be lost, since, if you come to a wrong determination, you will be ruined before you have time to correct your decision.’ [301] ‘Is upon our necks,’ a figurative expression, properly applied to a wrestler who seizes another by the throat.

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[302] ‘What has chiefly helped in carrying out such great undertakings.’ Negotium sustinere, ‘to be able to carry out a business,’ representing the negotium as a burden. [303] Sallust states that, after mature consideration of all the circumstances, he has come to the conviction that the merit of individual citizens had raised Rome to its supremacy over the world, but that afterwards there were no men of importance, or excelling others by mental superiority, and that the state, as a whole, alone made the faults of individuals bearable. We must honour the judgment of Sallust, but cannot agree with it; we must rather believe that the unvarying ability of the whole Roman people, notwithstanding the not very prominent minds of individuals, was the cause of the rapid progress of the Roman dominion. In the later times, on the other hand, we meet a Scipio the younger, a Marius, a Sulla, a Pompey, and a Caesar, all of whom were men or generals of eminent talent, while all those who served under them were persons of inferior abilities. [304] Effeta parentum, the same as effeta parens, ‘a mother who has had children, but can have no more.’ Respecting the partitive genitive (as in aliqui militum for aliqui milites), see Zumpt, § 430. The author in the progress of his sentence abandons the construction with which he began, and which ought to have been continued thus: Roma haud sane quemquam virtute magnum protulit, for which he says, Romae haud sane quisquam virtute magnus fuit. This deviation from the construction may be explained still more easily, if in our mind we add facit to the words sicuti effeta parentum, ‘as is the case with an aged mother.’ Multis tempestatibus, ‘during a long time.’ The singular tempestas in the sense of ‘time’ is not uncommon, but the plural tempestates in the sense of ‘periods of time’ occurs only in Sallust in this passage, and Jug. 73, 96, and 108. [305] Quin is used regularly for ut non after a negative clause: ‘I would not pass them over in silence, without unfolding their characters.’

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[306] ‘But the one a different one from the other.’ The Latin custom of repeating the same word obliges the author, having once said alia, to use alii, which, strictly speaking, should be alteri, as he is speaking of only two persons. [307] ‘The less he strove after fame, the more it followed him of itself,’ so that gloria must be supplied.

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[308] Dicessit; that is, after the senate, a division having taken place, had decided in favour of Cato’s opinion. Compare p. 50, note 2 [note 245]. [309] Read tresviros; each one by himself was called triumvir ‘one of the college of the three.’ These officers belonging to the magistratus minores, had the superintendence of the public prison, and the carrying of the sentence into execution; whence their complete title was tresviri capitales. The singular, triumvir, does not justify the plural triumviri, since the ordinary grammatical laws require tres viri. In manuscripts, we usually had III. viri. Compare Zumpt, § 124. [310] The preposition de in this compound adds to the idea of the simple verb ducere, that of the place to which a person is led, and in which he is to remain; hence it is frequently used in the expression domum deducere, ‘to take’ or ‘lead a person home.’ [311] Locus, quod. Respecting the gender of the relative pronoun, see Zumpt, § 372. [312] The whole structure was called carcer Mamertinus, and its main parts still exist, being changed into a Christian church, San Pietro in carcere. It is situated not far from the ancient forum Romanum, to the north-east, at the foot of the Capitoline hill. According to Sallust’s description, persons on entering had to go down a few steps leading to the entrance of the Tullianum, a subterraneous apartment cut into the rock, and covered over with a roof; and this was the place where prisoners were executed. Their corpses were afterwards publicly exhibited in the adjoining Scalae Gemoniae. The name Tullianum is derived by the Romans from their king, Tullius Hostilius. [313] ‘The roof is bound together by arches of stone,’ to make it strong, for otherwise, wooden beams were used for such purposes. [314] Incultus, a substantive of rare occurrence, denoting ‘want of cleanliness,’ ‘the absence of care.’ [315] ‘Punishers of capital offences’ is only a paraphrase for carnifices, ‘executioners.’ [316] Cornelius Lentulus had been consul as early as B.C. 71, but the year after, he had been ejected from the senate by the censors, on account of his base conduct. In order to be able to re-enter the senate, he caused himself to become praetor a second time in this year, B.C. 63, in which he ended his life so disgracefully. It is mentioned that he was of a manly and handsome appearance; but the baseness of his character is attested also by other authors. [317] The only one among the others who was a member of the senate was Cornelius Cethegus; Gabinius and Statilius were men of equestrian rank, and Caeparius was a native of the municipium of Terracina.

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[318] A regular military force is more commonly called copiae, but the singular, copia, also occurs in the sense of ‘army,’ especially when it consists of an irregular mass of troops. [319] Cohortes complet cannot mean in this passage, ‘he makes the cohorts complete,’ for such a completeness (consisting of at least 420 men) is incompatible with the addition pro numero militum, ‘according to the number of his soldiers’ in each cohort was not the usual number of a complete cohort. Complet refers to the number of cohorts, ten of which made a legion. Translate therefore, ‘he makes the full number of cohorts.’ [320] Duobus milibus, Sallust might have said duo milia, with the ellipsis of quam so customary with plus, amplius, and minus. See Zumpt, § 485. [321] Sparus is said to be a wooden kind of weapon, resembling a shepherd’s staff, turned at the top; and lancea a spear with a handle in the middle. Both these weapons were not used by Roman soldiers, for the latter, besides the short and broad gladius, used the pilum, as long as a man is high, and as thick as a fist, the upper end of which was strongly provided with iron, and sometimes the hasta, which was still longer, and had an iron point. [322] L. Antonius, the colleague of Cicero in the consulship, B.C. 63. [323] Servitia, cujus magnae copiae; a singular construction, which cannot be explained otherwise than by taking cujus as a neuter, ‘slaves, of which large numbers flocked to him.’ This explanation, however, is supported by the consideration that slaves were regarded as things, and were designated by names of the neuter gender, as servitia, mancipia. In ordinary language, we should say cujus generis, ‘of which class of men.’ [324] Videri for se videri, ‘he thought it contrary to his interest to appear to have maintained the cause of citizens with the aid of runaway slaves.’ Respecting the omission of the subject of the infinitive when it is a personal pronoun, see Zumpt, § 605.

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[325] The territory of Pistoria, in the north of Etruria, not far from Faesulae, and to the north of Florentia, is in the Apennines. The regular road from Pisae to Genoa, and thence across the Alps into Transalpine Gaul, ran along the sea-coast. Cisalpine Gaul was likewise protected against Catiline by Metellus, so that he could reach his goal (Transalpine Gaul) only by mountain passes. [326] Antonius followed the bands of Catiline, which were not inconvenienced by baggage, as they were fleeing (in fuga; that is, fugientes). Antonius’s army marched on smoother roads, but had to carry heavier baggage. From all this, we see why Antonius, though not far from the enemy, yet could not reach him. Respecting the adverb utpote, see Zumpt, § 271. Utpote qui, ‘the which,’ is used as a conjunction for quippe qui, generally with the subjunctive, and indicates the cause of the preceding statement.

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[327] Officere is properly ‘to oppose,’ ‘obstruct,’ aliquid alicui rei; then omitting the object (aliquid) with the dative alone, ‘to be an obstacle to,’ or ‘to hinder,’ therefore, officia famae tuae, ‘I oppose something to your fame.’ ‘Internal fear is a hindrance to the ear,’ so that admonitions are either not heard at all, or do not penetrate into the mind. [328] Catiline assigns the circumstance that he had expected aid and succours from Rome itself, as the cause of his not having set out for Gaul earlier, when he might have accomplished his end. Opperior, ‘I wait for,’ or expecto dum aliquis veniat. [329] Quo in loco, ‘in which situation.’ The preposition in might have been omitted. See Zumpt, § 481. [330] Egestas, ‘want,’ with the genitive of the thing wanted, is of rare occurrence for inopia or penuria. Egestas is commonly used absolutely in the sense of ‘poverty,’ ‘neediness.’ [331] Haec is here used in the general sense of ‘these circumstances;’ that is, this honourable but difficult war. This we must infer from the haec following. [332] For the construction of mutare, see Zumpt, § 456. [333] Quis for quibus. Ea, not id. Zumpt, § 372. [334] ‘Give me courage,’ or ‘give me hope,’ for hortari is applied to persons doing good things, and admonere to persons doing bad ones: hortamur properantem, admonemus cunctantem. [335] Cavete — amittatis, neu trucidemeni for cavete, ne amittatis, neve (neu) trucidemini. See Zumpt, § 586.

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[336] Canere is used in different ways: tubicen canit signum, ‘the trumpeter blows the signal;’ tubicen canit, ‘the trumpeter blows (his instrument);’ signa canuntur, ‘signals are blown’ or ‘given;’ and lastly, signa canunt, ‘the signals sound.’ The last expression is the one used in our passage. [337] Rupe aspera, &c. ‘For in accordance with the nature of the plain between hills on the left-hand side, and on the right a rugged rock, he drew up (only) eight cohorts in front.’ A simpler construction would have been et rupem asperam a dextra, but the manuscripts are decidedly in favour of the ablative, which must be considered as an ablative absolute, and as forming a distinct clause. Other editions have the correction rupis aspera, ‘the rough part of a rock’ (aspera being the neut. plur.), but this is a poetical expression. See Zumpt, § 435. [338] Literally, ‘The signals (vexilla) of the other cohorts he places in the rear as a reserve, more closely together.’ Signa here denotes the separate divisions of the troops; that is, the cohorts and the three maniples in each cohort, which are distinguished from one another by their flags or banners (vexilla). When an army was drawn up in a spacious plain, a space was left between the several divisions, but in this case, the plain being too narrow, there were no such spaces. [339] ‘From among these who were drawn up as a reserve, he draws, for the purpose of strengthening the van, all centurions, picked men (in apposition), and the volunteers who had not been enlisted, as well as the ablest of the common soldiers who were provided with arms.’ The word lectos belonging to centuriones, shows that Catiline had appointed to the office of centurions only chosen men who were personally known to him as able soldiers. Evocati were those soldiers in a Roman army who did not serve in the ranks of the other common soldiers, but as a separate corps, and were exempt from the ordinary military duties of standing as sentinels, making fortifications, foraging, and the like. They derived their name from the fact that they were invited (evocare) by the general to serve in the army as volunteers; they, moreover, were generally more advanced in years than the regular troops. [340] Curare, ‘to command.’ [341] Catiline himself stood nearest the standard (eagle) with his most faithful followers, whose personal fate depended upon him; that is, the freedmen of his family and the tenant farmers of his estates. The Roman nobles, as early as that time, used to parcel out their estates in small farms, which were tenanted especially by their freedmen, who were thus patronised by their former masters. [342] Pedibus aeger. He had the gout. Dion Cassius, a later historian of Rome, who wrote in Greek, states that Antonius only pretended to be ill, in order not to have to fight against his friend Catiline. [343] A legatus, in this sense (for it also means ‘ambassador’), supplied, in a Roman army, the place of a commander possessing the imperium. Accordingly, consuls and praetors, when intrusted with the command of an army, had one or more legates, according to the number of legions which they had under their command. The office of legate was given by the senate to such men as had held a magistracy, generally the praetorship, or at least the quaestorship, and the senate appointed them on the proposal of the commander-in-chief. When there were several legates, the commander-in-chief might intrust one of them with the command of the whole army; but the commander-in-chief was answerable for all the acts of his legate. [344] Tumulti for tumultus, as senati for senatus.

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[345] Ferentarii are light-armed troops fighting at a distance with javelins. [346] The banners being turned hostilely against one another. Respecting cum, see Zumpt, § 473; for we also find infestis signis concurrere, without cum, as an ablative of the instrument. [347] The cohors praetoria was a battalion which, in forming an army, was composed of the ablest and most tried soldiers, as the bodyguard of the commander-in-chief. They had to protect him, and assist him in contriving to bring any engagement to the point where he wished it to be. Under the emperors, the cohortes praetoriae, nine or ten in number — the emperors having several armies under their command — formed the body-guard of the emperor and the garrison of Rome.

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[348] ‘There you might indeed have seen.’ See Zumpt, § 528, note 2. [349] In the centre of the army where they were drawn up. [350] Adversa vulnera, ‘wounds in the breast,’ or ‘in the front part of the body’ generally. Aversa vulnera, on the other hand, are ‘wounds in the back,’ such as are inflicted on cowards that run away. [351] Quisquam for ullus. See Zumpt, § 676. [352] Juxta, ‘equally little.’ They had spared the life of their enemy as little as their own. Compare p. 41, note 3 [note 194]. [353] These four substantives form contrasts, though intentionally not in the regular way, for gaudium and moeror denote a joyous and sad state of mind, ‘joy’ and ‘sadness;’ laetitia and luctus at the same time express the audible expressions of joy and grief. Accordingly, laetitia contrasts with luctus, and gaudia with moeror. Respecting the omission of the conjunction in describing contrasts of this nature, see Zumpt, § 783.