Volume 8 — Evans’s Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles—1818 (continued 5)

Whilst in this place I was on board a boat, with the captain of which I had become acquainted at the [213] mouth of the Cumberland. To this gentleman, a foppish French barber introduced himself; and played with his crew a pretty deep game. The barber was profoundly polite, and extremely disinterested. He begged the captain to sit down and have his hair cut, saying, that it was “all for de pleasure,” and that he “no value de money,” &c. So much apparent good will, although troublesome, seemed to deserve condescension; and the captain yielded 320to the importunity. After the work was accomplished, payment was tendered, and refused; the barber still insisting, with a thousand flourishes, that it was “all for de pleasure.” The barber then turned his attention to the boatmen, who all admired his liberality, saying, “come sare, me cut your hair bery vel.” The boatmen, one after another, sat down; the Frenchman all the time clipping away as for his life, grinning like a monkey, and declaring, with many airs, “me barber de Buonaparte!” After the barber had effected his object, and had rolled up his napkin, he, with much gravity, and an altered tone, addressed the boatmen, saying, “yentlemen, you be please to pay me.” The poor fellows were ashamed to acknowledge their mistake, and inquired how much it was a piece. The Frenchman replied, with a concerned animation, “Oh sare! only one quarter dollar.” They produced their money, and the barber, well pleased with his success, strutted off.

In the city of Natches slaves are very numerous. There is no branch of trade, in this part of the country, more brisk and profitable than that of buying and selling negroes. They are a subject of continual speculation, and are daily brought, together with other live stock, from Kentucky and other places to the Natches and New-Orleans market. How deplorable is the condition of our country!—[214] So many bullocks, so many swine, and so many human beings in our market! The latter are rated in our prices current.—Enviable distinction!

Notwithstanding the difficulties so frequently suggested, relative to the abolition of slavery within the United States, the evil can easily be removed. Let the people instruct their representatives in Congress to purchase the freedom of every slave in the Union; and to hold the slaves for the discharge of the debt thus incurred: each individual 321of them to receive an unconditional manumission as soon as they shall, by their labour, offset the amount paid for them.

The law under which the purchase should be made, ought to declare the slaves to be free, and as possessing all the rights and privileges of the white people of the United States; with the declaration, however, that these slaves are individually indebted to the government, according to the price paid for each. The government would then be the guardian of the blacks, for a particular purpose. The latter would be free; they would have no master, and they might, under proper regulations, sue for any invasion of their rights. The government should, in the supposed act, provide for the appointment of agents in all the slave-holding states; which agents should contract for the purchase of the slaves, and for the letting of their services for a length of time sufficient to cancel the debt thus incurred.

I have no doubt that slave holders would, generally, sell their slaves to the United States, for this purpose, upon liberal terms. Indeed, I know it to be a fact, that some of the planters would deduct, in relation to this subject, from 25 to 50 per cent. from the real value of the slave. Many of the planters too, would also hire the slaves of the government [215] according to the proposed plan. Some of the planters prefer hiring to purchasing negroes. This preference is grounded upon many considerations.

As soon as the slaves, upon the supposed plan, should discharge their obligations to the United States, they would be as independent as any of her citizens, and would let their services upon their own contracts, and according to their own calculations.

Some may object to having so many free blacks in the 322United States; but I think that no danger need be apprehended from them. I am not particularly partial to blacks; but I have a good opinion of their intelligence and disposition. Much of their bad conduct arises from their being slaves. Were they free, they would be more industrious, more honest, and would have no extraordinary grounds for irritation and crime. Besides, being free, they would be much less numerous in one place. They would spread themselves over the country. Some would go to the west and east, and become farmers and day labourers; some would plough the ocean, and some would emigrate to Europe, and perhaps to Africa. Surely, within a territory so vast as ours, we need not fear a population so limited, even if it were a population hostile to the country and to human nature. But the fact is otherwise. They would form a highly valuable population. Under proper systems of instruction, they would become as virtuous as any class of white people in the United States. The free blacks in the West-Indies, are industrious and peaceable. It is the case too, with those in this country; and, as to the abstract question, it may be added, that the freed vassals of Russia, Denmark, and Sweden are equally inoffensive.

This subject suggests many ideas in opposition to popular objections: but my limits will not permit a particular investigation of them.

[216] Under the system proposed, the United States need not incur any expense, or make any pecuniary advances. In most cases, those who should sell their slaves would hire them of the government, and of course no money need be advanced. The expense of transacting the business, and also the interest upon any advance of cash, might be added to the amount of the purchase. The price of the slaves in the United States would not, probably, average more than 300 dollars each.

323I know it to be the case, that the slave holders, generally, deprecate the practice of buying and selling slaves, and they would, no doubt, aid the government in its efforts to enfranchise them.

Should the government act upon the supposed plan, she would greatly increase her reputation and security; relieve an unfortunate and oppressed portion of the human race, and remove forever this dark stain upon her glory. Should she make this uncostly effort, Freedom would call us her own peculiar people, and in some future, trying day, might remember and defend us.

Why do we boast of liberty, when, every day, we violate its most sacred principles? As it is in our power to give freedom to the slaves within our jurisdiction, we do, by delaying to take this step, sanction and support their oppression. Should a slave endeavour to obtain his freedom, which, no doubt, he has a right to do, the law of the land,—the whole power of the Union, would enforce his obedience, and again rivet his chains. Oh, cruel nation! Oh, detestable system! The slave holder cannot, consistently with the law of the land, take the life of his slave; but he may scourge him, overwhelm his heart with grief, and by a lingering torture bring him to a premature grave. This is frequently the case. Indeed, slaves are often killed [217] at once, and that with impunity. How is the act to be known, when it is committed on a plantation?

The oppressor is hateful to the eye of Heaven: and Heaven’s justice may be preparing for us pestilence, famine, and subjugation. The wisdom of the world, the policy of states, the pride of birth, the love of wealth, the calculations of avarice, the luxuries of indolence, and the thoughtlessness of inhumanity, may all prate about the inexpediency of giving freedom to the slave; but there is an 324Almighty arm, and the cause of the oppressed will not always be unavenged.

Whilst in Natches I met with a company of Indians, of the Choctaw tribe. Most of them were intoxicated, and all highly painted. A few days before my visit to this place, an Indian had, in a moment of passion, murdered one of the company. The law of the tribe declared the act worthy of death; and the criminal was immediately called upon to meet his fate. With a fearless and composed aspect, he marched off, faced his executioners, and opened his arms to receive their fire.—In a moment he was a dead man. It is a singular fact, that Indians when condemned to die for the violation of the laws of their tribe, never attempt to escape.—The rules of education are more operative than those of legislatures.

Before I left Natches, I witnessed an interesting race between two Indians. Their speed was very great.

Having, in the course of my tour, seen hundreds of Indians, both of the northern and southern tribes, I was able to form an opinion as to their relative aspect. The northern Indians are more athletic than the southern. They are also more grave, and as to manner resemble the Germans. The southern [218] Indians are slender, volatile, cunning, vindictive, and in their manners resemble the Italians.

In Natches there are a great many Turkey Buzzards; and their colour and tameness remind one of Pliny’s crows. The Buzzard is nearly as large as a small turkey. By day these birds fly about the city, occasionally lighting upon the houses, and in the yards, like pigeons. Towards night they all retire to the highest part of the precipice fronting the river, and there remain until the morning. Seeing them thus assembled, suggests the idea of Milton’s conclave in Pandemonium.

325These birds are very useful in warm climates, as they devour animals which die and remain upon the surface of the ground. In the southern states they are numerous, and are protected by law.

During the last summer, business in Natches was dull. But the constant arrival of boats from up and down the river, gave an active appearance to the place. The profits attending the business of steam boats upon the western rivers are almost beyond belief; but the competition arising from this circumstance is daily lessening them. The steam boats move with so much velocity, even up the river, that the expenses of a trip are not great, whilst the freight of goods, and the price of passage are very high.

I think there can be no doubt, that foreign goods will for the future, be transported from New-Orleans to the settlements above, in steam boats, instead of proceeding down the rivers from the east and south. Although the western rivers present a dangerous navigation to steam boats, yet they may be very profitably employed, even after paying a reasonable premium for insurance, and reducing the price of freight thirty per cent.

[219] After remaining at Natches two or three days, I progressed towards New-Orleans. About sixty miles below the former are Loftus’ Heights, and just below these, stands Fort Adams.^[196] Not far from the fort, the country becomes in some measure settled; and for about one hundred miles above New-Orleans, both banks of the river are under a high state of cultivation. The country continues thus cultivated for twenty miles below the city. The plantations within these limits are superb beyond description. Some of them resemble villages. The dwelling houses of the planters are not inferior to any in 326the United States, either with respect to size, architecture, or the manner in which they are furnished. The gardens, and yards contiguous to them, are formed and decorated with much taste. The cotton, sugar, and ware houses are very large, and the buildings for the slaves are well finished. The latter buildings are, in some cases, forty or fifty in number, and each of them will accommodate ten or twelve persons. The plantations are very extensive, and on some of them there are hundreds of negroes. The planters here derive immense profits from the cultivation of their estates. The yearly income from them is from 20,000 to 30,000 dollars. Their produce is sent down to the New-Orleans market, at which place prompt payment in specie is immediately realized. At Natches and New-Orleans, gold and silver are as plenty in the market as any other article. Some of the noted plantations above mentioned are those of Balay, Arnold, Baronge, and Forteus.

The plantations on the Mississippi produce vast quantities of sugar and cotton. The latter article grows in pods, upon a stalk; and the appearance of the latter is not much unlike that of the bean. These pods, when ripe, open; and the cotton is then [220] gathered from the stalk, and separated from the seeds by a machine which will clean 1000 pounds in a day. An acre of land will yield about 800 pounds.

Cotton is sewed in drills about eight feet apart. The seed is thrown in thick; and after they spring, the stalks are thinned so as to make them eighteen inches apart. They are then weeded, and the earth taken from the upper roots, so as to leave them bare. A few weeks after this process, the earth is hoed up to the stalk, and the roots covered. Then there is a third hoeing like the second. If the ground is well prepared, and the growth 327favourable, the rows of cotton, when fully grown, will nearly meet each other.

The sugar cane is a jointed stalk, not unlike that of corn; and it grows from three to seven feet in length, and from one half inch to an inch in diameter. It is pithy, like the corn stalk, and affords a copious supply of juice. No sweet is less cloying, and no vegetable substance so nutritious as the sugar cane.

Sugar is cultivated by cuttings, set two inches from each other, in drills eight feet apart. Each cutting possesses one joint; and one setting answers for two years. In getting in the harvest the first year, the stalks are cut within about eight inches of the ground. In the production of sugar, the stalks are passed end ways through smooth brass nuts, and the juice thus extracted is boiled down to a thick syrup. It is then put into other vessels, and as it becomes cool, it forms into small grains, and thus becomes sugar. Molasses is produced from the drainings of the sugar; and after this process there is another by distillation; and here rum is obtained. The sugar and molasses of New-Orleans are celebrated for their excellence.

[221] Most of the planters on the lower parts of the Mississippi are French; and there are in New-Orleans, and on other parts of the river many French people, who have, since the restoration of the Bourbon dynasty, emigrated thither from France. Many of them are very interesting characters.

Before reaching Natches, I had travelled considerably in the state of Louisiana, on the west side of the river; but there is nothing here to distinguish it from the lower part of the Missouri Territory.

The old line of demarcation, between the United States and Florida, is about sixty miles below Natches. At 328Point Coupe on the right side of the river, there are many elegant dwelling houses, and they are superbly furnished.^[197] At the front and back of the houses, there are piazzas, and the doors and windows extend to the floor. In summer the former are removed, and their place supplied with duck, which excludes the sun, and, by its motion, creates air. In the front yards are many ornamental trees, and the yards back of the houses are filled with a great variety of domestic fowls. Here one almost supposes himself in the West-Indies.

When I arrived at this village, the weather and prospects were delightful. A tree in blossom there presented colours, the powers of which seen at a distance, are indescribable. These colours wore an astonishing combination of crimson and pink; and viewed through the medium of the sun’s reflection, appeared celestial. How great and various are the powers of the human eye, when aided by fancy! The blossoms of Point Coupe spake of the bright colours of heaven, and the livery of angels.

Opposite this settlement is Bayou Sara; and here there are a few buildings.

Not far from these situations there is another settlement; but it is not so large as Point Coupe. [222] When I passed through it the weather was mild, and the sun about setting. Large herds of cattle were feeding luxuriantly upon the banks of the river; the negroes had finished their work, and some of them were wrestling on the green, some fishing near the shore, some swimming in the stream, and some running their horses. The scene was interesting.

Above Point Coupe, and near a little village, called Tunica, is Red River. This river enters the Mississippi from the west, and is navigable to a great distance. About one hundred and fifty miles from its mouth, is Nachitoches. 329Black river enters the Red river about fifty miles from the junction of the latter with the Mississippi. Red river is becoming of considerable note, and will, in time, furnish much produce for the New-Orleans market. A little below this river, is the Bayou Chafalia.

On the east of the Mississippi, and not far below the old line of demarcation, is Baton Rouge. About the same distance above this line is Clarkeville. Baton Rouge is a very considerable place. The plantations near this situation are superb indeed. The buildings upon them evince great wealth, and refinement in modes of living. Ships of 500 tons sometimes ascend the river to the vicinity of Baton Rouge, and receive from the plantations, cargoes of sugar and cotton.^[198] The enclosed fields of the planters are very spacious, and highly cultivated. The negroes upon these plantations are numerous; and vast herds of cattle feed upon the banks of the river. The cattle are large and beautiful. The horses are fleet, and well calculated for labour; but they are small, and far from being handsome.

The river below Baton Rouge is very spacious. Here, towards evening, the piazzas and porticos of the dwelling houses are filled with ladies. Their [223] appearance, together with the expansive and serene aspect of the river, the mild azure of the heavens, the silver moon, rising in the majesty of meekness, and the almost celestial music, which proceeds from the gently gliding boats, remind one of primeval innocence, and point the heart to that Being, in whose smile is everlasting life.

In this part of the country there are many Bayous, which I have not mentioned. The principal of them are Manchac, Plaquemine, and De la Fourche. There are here also many churches, some of which are Contrelle, 330Bona Cara, and Red Church. In the morning and evening, cavalcades of gentlemen and ladies, may frequently be seen going thither, to attend marriage and other ceremonies.

About seventy miles below Baton Rouge, the country is wonderfully fine. No description of mine can do justice to the appearance of its principal establishments. There are here the most superb dwelling houses. They are second to none in size, architecture, or decorations. The gardens attached to them are spacious, and elegantly ornamented with orange and fig trees. At a little distance from them are vast buildings, occupied for sugar mills and cotton presses, and for the storage of the immense productions of the plantations. Near these, are from fifty to one hundred neat buildings, for the negroes, beyond them are spacious and elegant oblong fields, constituting one hundred acres, and under the highest state of cultivation.

In many places, along the banks of the river are large orange groves, and here almost all kinds of fruits are raised for the New-Orleans market. My journal says, this is, indeed, a fascinating country! Here are all the splendours of wealth, and the blandishments [224] of beauty: but to the rocky land of my birth, my heart will ever be supremely attached.

Upon the banks of the Mississippi, there is a luxuriant growth of white clover, which feeds thousands of cattle. These cattle drink from the river. Some of the planters yearly mark thousands of calves, and send them into the prairies to feed. Here their maintenance costs nothing.

The cattle of this part of the country are not often fat. This circumstance is, probably, owing to many causes; some of which are, their being much troubled by flies, not being salted, and the food which they eat being of rapid growth, and of course unsubstantial. The latter does not 331possess the consistency of the New-England grass. The flies and musquetoes on the Mississippi are so numerous and voracious, that nothing is more common here than to see horses tied in the fields to feed, and a small fire by them for the purpose of keeping at a distance these troublesome assailants.

The cattle in this part of the country are not worth, in the market, more than one fourth of the price of New-England cattle. The cows seldom calve more than once in two years, and they give very little milk. The milk of a Yankee cow will make more butter than that of ten of them.

In progressing towards the tropics, appearances peculiar to the various degrees of climate were continually presenting themselves. Many kinds of trees, flowers, and grasses, and many species of birds and quadrupeds, entirely new to me, made their appearance. The rains, winds, thunder and lightning too, of the country, towards the equator, are peculiar. The latter are here more sudden, loud, and vivid than those of the north. The rains near the Mississippi resemble, in a measure, those of the West-Indies. Here it frequently rains violently at a little [225] distance, whilst where one stands there is a clear sunshine. These showers sound quite loud, and present an interesting appearance.

I have repeatedly spoken of the slaves in the south and west. Some of them are treated kindly; but some suffer all the evils incident to this wretched condition. All the pride, all the ill-nature, all the petulance of man are frequently wreaked upon these friendless beings. I speak from experience. For a venial fault, I have witnessed cruel inflictions. Whilst passing a plantation on the lower part of the Mississippi, my ears were assailed by sounds novel and distressing. The shriek of anguish, and 332the sound of the hateful lash quickly brought me to the theatre of suffering. There I witnessed a madning sight. A poor negro, fastened to the ground, in vain implored for mercy; whilst an iron-hearted overseer, enraged by his own cruelty, was inflicting unlimited vengeance. I believe my presence unbound the victim.—Shame frequently achieves what conscience cannot accomplish. I could mention cruelties inflicted upon slaves, which would excite the tears of humanity, the blush of virtue, and the indignation of freedom. On the Mississippi there are large oak frames for whipping slaves,—without law, and without any rule, excepting that of self-will and uncontrolled power.

Man, when uncontrolled, is a tyrant; and no human being should, for a moment, be without the protection of natural, or municipal law.

There are prejudices against the race of blacks, and I pronounce them vulgar! Some even pretend that negroes are not human beings; but history and daily observation prove the contrary. Oh! how detestable are the prejudices of avarice and inhumanity. Our vanity teaches us to think better of our own colour than of theirs. They entertain the [226] same opinion of white, which we do of black. On the coast of Africa the Evil Spirit, which we call Devil, is there imagined under the hideous semblance of a white man.

Many too, speak against the disposition of Negroes. They no doubt possess strong passions; but their passions may all be enlisted on the side of virtue. The quickness and strength of their feelings, connected with their intelligence, prove their greatness. It is evident that negroes are capable of being rendered great philosophers, divines, physicians, legislators and warriors. They are likewise capable of being, in their principles and conduct, real gentlemen; 333and as to fidelity and affection, they are second to no people on the face of the earth. Some will sneer at these ideas; but I rejoice in defending this despised and oppressed race of men; and, would to heaven that my power was equal to my regard for them! In the course of the last war there was as much courage and patriotism evinced by a negro, as by any individual in the nation. During a naval engagement he was dreadfully mangled by a cannon ball; and just as his soul was departing, he exclaimed, “no haul a colour down!”

The slaves are accused of committing crimes; but are not white men sometimes criminal? and, I would ask, are they not as frequently so? Besides, what can be expected of slaves? Why do we not give them their liberty, and admit them to the privileges of citizenship? We are men of like passions; yet does God grind down and oppress us?—No, but has enabled us to preserve our liberty, and sends his Holy Spirit to regenerate and redeem us. Oh! what a requital of his goodness do we display in the thraldom of our brethren. Among slaves, nature, in her own defence sometimes lifts the arm of death. Can she bear every thing? Oppressed, and scourged, and [227] without refuge, self protection is her only law; and God, under such circumstances, justifies homicide. The brethren of Moses were enslaved; and seeing an Egyptian smite a Hebrew, he slew him. Has a slave a right to his liberty? Certainly. Then no one has a right to deprive him of it; and in attempting to do so, the assailant must abide by the consequences. Will the laws of this country condemn the slave to die in this case? If so my country sanctions murder as well as robbery. What should we think of a christian system which should warrant slavery, or even be silent respecting it? Stand forth ye ministers of our holy religion, ye vicegerents of a righteous God, 334and speak the truth in behalf of the slave. Why should our pulpits be silent upon this great subject? Why do not our Christian preachers constantly pray as David did, “break thou the arm of the oppressor.” Why do they not inquire with the voice of authority, and in the Almighty’s name, “what mean ye, that ye beat my people to pieces, saith the Lord God of Hosts.”

I am disposed to offer a few ideas upon the origin of the race of blacks. Their colour is generally supposed to arise from climate; but the idea is not well supported. Some too, imagine that their colour is a peculiar mark which the Creator put upon them for some special purpose; but these suggestions are chimerical. The speculations upon this topic have ever been very numerous: for my own part, however, I think there is no difficulty involved in the subject. Where an effect cannot be satisfactorily accounted for but upon one principle; and this principle is conclusive in point of analogy, we need not look any further.

Now, certain it is that Nature, in all her works, evinces a great fondness for variety, both in relation to colour and form. Man, as to his physical nature, [228] is an animal; and black and white in men, are as easily accounted for as black and white among beasts and birds, or any other part of animated nature. There is no species of animal, among which a greater variety of form and of simple colours exist, than among men. Here we see every shade of complexion, from jet black to the clearest white; here too, we find every variety of feature. Why should there not be the same variety among men as among mere animals? We see this variety in every particular, and yet as to black we doubt the universality of the principle. Why do we not inquire as to the cause of the colour of the black horse? Why do we not ask, whether his remote 335ancestors were not born in the Torrid Zone? Besides, the variety of which I speak exists in the vegetable world; and in order to remove the principle upon which the argument is predicated, the most conspicuous attribute of nature must be disproved.

Some learned writers have supposed the negro race to be the descendants of Cain, and that their colour is the mark which the Deity set upon their great progenitor, on account of the murder of his brother Abel. Others imagine that the negroes have proceeded from the loins of Ham; and that he was rendered black by the hard cursing of his father Noah. As to Noah’s curse producing this effect, if such a notion deserves any thing but ridicule, it may be observed, that the descendants of Ham occupied Africa; and that here the inhabitants are not all black. In that part of Asia too, where it is supposed the descendants of Seth, a favourite son, reside, the people are full as black as any of the negroes of Africa.

The heat of the climate cannot be the cause of blackness in negroes; for a great part of the continent of America lies within the Torrid Zone, and [229] yet there were no black people here until Europeans transported them thither from Africa.

Climate, education, modes of living, customs and manners, do, no doubt, affect the form, aspect, and features of individuals; but all these causes are not sufficient to produce a total change in complexion or any other particular.

About the middle of June I arrived at New-Orleans. The general aspect of the city, viewed at a little distance from it, is much in its favour. It appears large, ancient, and populous. I entered the city at noon day. Its streets were crowded with people of every description. Perhaps no place in the world, excepting Vienna, contains 336a greater variety of the human race than New-Orleans. Besides foreigners of all nations, there are here a various population peculiarly its own. These are of every shade of complexion. Here may be seen in the same crowd Creoles, Quadroons, mulattoes, Samboes, Mustizos, Indians, and Negroes; and there are other commixtures which are not yet classified. As to negroes, I may add that whilst in this place I saw one who was perfectly white. This peculiarity, however, is rarely witnessed in this country.

Dissipation in New-Orleans is unlimited. Here men may be vicious without incurring the ill opinion of those around them:—for all go one way. Here broad indeed is the road to ruin; and an insulated spectator, sees the multitude passing down the stream of pleasure to the gulf of remorse. Surrounded by the fascinations of wealth, the blandishments of beauty, and the bewitching influences of music, they do not realize that they are losing the dignity of their nature, and preparing for themselves the most bitter self-reproach:—they do not realize that an eternity cannot undo an ignoble deed.

“Fair laughs the morn, and soft the zephyr blows;

While proudly riding o’er the azure realm,

In gallant trim the gilded vessel goes,—

Youth on the prow, and Pleasure at the helm!

Regardless of the sweeping whirlwind’s sway,

Which, hush’d in grim repose, expects his ev’ning prey.”

The gambling houses in this city are almost innumerable, and at any hour, either by night or day, the bustle of these demoralizing establishments may be heard. Here too, the Sabbath is devoted to recreation. On this day the negroes assemble, and amuse themselves and spectators by dancing. Religion, in behalf of the slave, has thus benevolently wrested one day in seven from hardhearted avarice.

337I am happy in being able to say, that New-Orleans is much less corrupt, in many particulars, than it used to be. The American population there is rapidly increasing; and New-England customs, manners and habits, are there gaining ground. This population will, no doubt, be contaminated; but it is sincerely hoped that there will be a balance in favour of morality. The police of this place is still in the hands of the French.

The city of New-Orleans is situated on the east bank of the Mississippi, about eighty-five miles from the Gulf of Mexico. The city stands immediately upon the bank, and upon a curve or bend in the river. The land here, like the whole country below Natches, and indeed generally below the mouth of the Ohio, is low and level. The water is kept from flowing into the city by a Levee or embankment, which was raised by the Spanish government. The Levee extends from Fort Plaquemine, about forty miles below the city, to one hundred and twenty miles above it. This embankment is about four feet high and fifteen feet wide. A great deal [231] has been said respecting this road; but it is not deserving of much notice. The undertaking was not great, and its execution displays no ingenuity or neatness. All the market-people bring their produce upon the Levee; and here the inhabitants of the place take their evening walk.

The city extends, on the river, about a mile and a quarter; and its breadth is about a half mile. The streets cross each other at right angles, and the side walks of some of them are paved with flat stones or bricks. Most of the streets are narrow. On the river side of the city the buildings are large, and many of them are built of brick and covered with slate or plaster; but those on the back of the place are very small, and consist of wood. The former are compact, and the latter scattered. From 338the Levee to the buildings fronting the river the distance is about seven rods. At the upper part of the city, near the river, is the Custom-House; and at the lower part of it is the Fort and Cantonment. Not far from these is a spacious establishment, which is occupied by an association of Nuns. The Cathedral stands near the centre of the town.

The streets near the Levee are generally crowded with thousands of women, who are employed in vending fruits and goods. There is in this city much female beauty:—fine features, symmetry of form, and elegance of manners; but the virtuous man often perceives in these the fatal testimony of moral aberration. Here the fascinations of accomplished dissipation move in the guise of delicacy, and captivate the youthful heart; but the moralist views their momentary and belittling influence, with the indifference,—not of pride, but of reason, religion, and sentiment. Youths of my country, to conquer ourselves is victory indeed!—to foil temptation in the doubtful field, is imperishable renown!

[232] New-Orleans is situated on the island of Orleans. This island is formed by the Mississippi, the Lakes Pontchartrain and Maurepas, and the river Ibberville. The latter river is an outlet of the Mississippi fifteen or eighteen miles below Baton Rouge. Lake Pontchartrain is about thirty miles long, and nearly the same distance in breadth. Its depth is ten or fifteen feet. Lake Maurepas is about ten miles long, and seven or eight broad.

It may here be observed that the Louisiana purchase was made in 1803. This territory is of immense extent; but its boundaries are doubtful. It would be well for the government to satisfy themselves upon the subject, and to run their lines, and establish their forts without delay. Seasons of public tranquillity are the seasons for such business.

339The city of New-Orleans is a place of immense business. In the course of fifty years it will probably be, in a mercantile point of view, second to none in the world. At this place inland and maritime commerce combine their energies. An immense tract of the most productive country in the world, is continually sending its produce, through a thousand channels, to this great mart. Already five or six hundred vessels, some of which are very large, may occasionally be seen lying at the Levee; and upon this embankment are vast piles of produce of every description. Foreign vessels frequently arrive here with from 500,000 to 1,000,000 dollars in specie, for the purpose of purchasing cargoes of sugar, cotton, and tobacco. Perhaps in no place is specie more plenty, or more free in its circulation than at New-Orleans. The banks here sometimes refuse to receive it as a deposit. From the future imports into this city, and the shipping employed here, the General Government will derive an immense revenue. The country above is more and [233] more supplied with foreign goods from New-Orleans, by steam boats and other vessels, instead of receiving them, as formerly, from Baltimore and Philadelphia, by the way of Pittsburg; and from Richmond by the rivers Cumberland and Tennessee.

Vast quantities of provisions of every kind, proceed from the Ohio, the Mississippi, and their tributaries, for the consumption of the people of New-Orleans, for ship stores, and for foreign markets. The immense value and rapid rise of real estate in this place, proves the flourishing condition of its trade. A small lot of land there is almost a fortune; and a large building lets for 3000 dollars per year,—an interest upon 50,000. Within twelve months, real estate there has risen from fifty to seventy-five per cent.

340New-Orleans is, no doubt, an unhealthy place; but I believe it is much less so than is generally supposed. Much might be done to improve it in this respect. When the municipal concerns of this city shall be directed by Americans, which will probably be very soon, the place will become less unhealthy and less dissipated than it is. In this case, people who now go thither merely for the purposes of trade, will permanently reside there, and will, of course, be more interested in the destinies of the place. The police of the city is, at present, quite inefficient. Murders here are frequent, and sometimes not enquired into; and the streets are suffered to be very dirty. It may be observed too, that but little respect is paid to the dead at New-Orleans. The burying-ground lies in the heart of the city, is in an exposed situation, and the surface of it is covered with human bones. People here generally go armed, particularly the Spaniards, French, and Portuguese. Owing to the unhealthiness of this place, its principal characters spend the summer months at [234] the Eastward, and in some cases at the Bay of St. Louis, situated about fifty miles from the city.^[199] This is said to be a healthy situation. The American population at New-Orleans are hospitable.

The orange groves, and the Levee, at and near this place, and which travellers have glowingly described, by no means equal their representations. Of the latter I have already spoken, and as to the former they are small and unflourishing.

The market, at New-Orleans, is very long and spacious. Near this place are a great many poultry-boats, which are employed in bringing poultry from the plantations in the 341vicinity. The beef in the market is very inferior. Owing to the climate, or bad management, the cattle, although large and elegant, are poor. All the wealth of New-Orleans could not purchase there a piece of any kind of flesh equal to what is every day seen in the New-England markets. Vegetables are plenty at New-Orleans, but provisions of every kind are here very high. Turkies are from four to six dollars apiece, fowls one dollar each, beef about twenty cents, and butter seventy-five cents per pound. The best boarding here is eighty dollars per month. Some of the hotels are superb establishments. Money is here easily obtained and expended; its circulation is free. Wages are here very high, and labourers in great demand. Indolence characterizes a portion of the people. There are two theatres and a circus at New-Orleans. The principal season for amusement is the winter. In the summer, a very considerable proportion of the population leave the city, and during this period but little business, comparatively, is done.

I have mentioned the Nunnery at New-Orleans.^[200] In entering some of the apartments of this interesting seclusion, I was much less disposed to censure than to venerate the motives of its inmates. Man [235] is a religious being: and he often realizes that this world is not his home. This is particularly the case in seasons of affliction. Here the human mind, sensible of its unworthiness, and of its dependence upon God, seeks the favour of that Being, who only can forgive and render happy. When the affections of man are weaned from the world, he sighs for the purity and peace of heaven. Human society no longer interests him. He wishes well to mankind; but prefers to their society, the seclusions of meditation. Sometimes 342this is the immediate effect of the spirit of regeneration; and sometimes it proceeds from the loss of some earthly friend, upon whom the heart continually dwelt; and in whom it might be said to move and have its being:—some friend, the remembrance of whose lovely life,—whose almost superhuman aspect, manner, and converse, alienates the affections from earth, and points them, with a pure and tranquil spirit, to an anticipated reunion in a better world.

Under such circumstances have females, of the most enlightened minds, and purest hearts, received the veil.

There is, probably, in New-Orleans and its vicinity, a population of about 40,000. About a third part of these may be presumed to be slaves. The French here are more numerous than any other distinct class. Among them are many persons, who have lately emigrated from France. Some of these persons are gentlemen of great talents and noble principles. It seems unnatural that they should have left their native country in the hour of her adversity; but, no doubt, their object is to preserve their lives, in this land of liberty, for the service of France when she shall again be true to herself. Colonel L. who was at the fatal battle of Waterloo, is a real Frenchman. He considers Buonaparte a [236] great and good man; but says, that in several instances he acted imprudently. The Colonel almost hates his country for abandoning that great General, who had so long defended France, and who had acquired for her unparalleled fame. France was, indeed, great; and Frenchmen have had much cause for pride. All Europe combined for her subjugation. The coalition of a world was necessary to subdue a single nation, acting under the auspices of the mighty genius of her Emperor. This man, even in his humiliation, is the terror of all Europe; and this terror arises from their sense 343of his superiority. All Europe are now engaged in legislating upon this wonderful character; whole fleets are employed in guarding him; and vast armies are stationed on the confines of France, to prevent the rise of that spirit which he had created in her bosom. Shame to England! shame to her Continental allies! Why do not these Powers who boast of their strength and their magnanimity, leave this King of men to choose his own residence? He overthrew Monarchs, but he did not trample upon them,—he generously restored them their crowns and their liberty. If England,—if the powers of the continent wish to destroy Buonaparte, why do they not issue, at once, an order for his execution? Why do they disgrace themselves, by the infliction of contemptible privations? Well may this great man say, when deprived of that liberty which is essential to health, “if these proceedings should be fatal to me, I bequeath my death to the reigning house of England.”

I am not sensible of any undue partiality for France. I wish, in this world of error, to be a candid spectator of passing events, and, in my humble sphere, to approve of what is great, and to censure what is mean. Many persons cannot bear the name of France, on account of the horrors of her Revolution; [237] but they should reflect, that these excesses were the natural consequence of oppression. The Monarchy of France was corrupt and tyrannical. Her religion was foul, and deceptive. When the light of liberty shone upon the recesses of her pollutions, the people were shocked; and in a paroxism of astonishment, and indignation, declared that the Christian Religion itself was a mere name. Did not England go as far as this? Previous to the Restoration, her Parliament declared the Decalogue to be without authority.

Opposite the City of New-Orleans the river is more 344than a mile wide. The channel is very deep, and the current rapid. Boats, destined for the city, are sometimes swept down the stream for several miles, before they can make a landing. The inhabitants of the place procure all their water from the Mississippi; but it is generally filtered before using. The boatmen, however, drink it as it is; and some suppose it, in this state, conducive to health. It must not, however, be taken from the eddies.

The numerous stories, which have so often been circulated, and believed, respecting the cruel modes of fighting, prevalent among the boatmen of the west, are, generally speaking, untrue. During the whole of my tour, I did not witness one engagement, or see a single person, who bore those marks of violence which proceed from the inhuman mode of fighting, said to exist in the west, particularly in Kentucky and Tennessee. The society of this part of the world is becoming less savage, and more refined.

The judicial proceedings at New-Orleans are recorded both in the French and English languages; and the juries there consist of men of both nations. In all cases, excepting those of a criminal nature, the Code Napoleon prevails; but in criminal cases, [238] the Common Law is the rule of action. Here genius is not trammelled by the rules of special pleading. The allegations of the parties, if intelligible, have to encounter no quibbles.

The science of special pleading is, no doubt, a science purely logical; and so far the courts of New-Orleans recognize it; but in the New-England states many rules, in relation to this subject, which have no foundation in reason, and which are the vestiges of ancient sophistry, are adhered to, by some of our lawyers, with all the pedantry of ignorance, and the pertinacity of dullness. Many a genius has left the bar of our judicial tribunals, because 345he would not consent to argue upon rules which had no foundation in common sense, and to quibble upon points, upon which effrontery and nonsense may prevail over modesty and reason.

The lawyers in New-Orleans acquire immense fortunes by their profession; and it may be added, that physicians and surgeons are equally successful. It requires almost a fortune there to fee a lawyer, or to obtain medical advice; and real estate is so valuable, that actions upon land titles often involve several hundred thousand dollars.

In this city, a building is about being erected for a Presbyterian society. Over this congregation, the Rev. Mr. Larned is to be ordained. The eloquence of this gentleman is highly spoken of.

There is, perhaps, no place in the civilized world, where the influence of the gospel is more needed than at New-Orleans. There the light of Revelation exists; but the people walk in moral darkness. The thunder of divine displeasure alone can arouse them from their deep slumber. It may, indeed, be supposed, that they are “dead in trespasses and sins.”

Here I may observe, that the success of the gospel [239] depends, as far as it respects human means, upon modes of preaching; and these modes should always have a reference to the education and habits of the people. Where there is little or no sense of the obligations of morality, it is truly unwise to expatiate upon abstruse doctrinal points. It is very doubtful whether discussions upon the mysterious parts of scripture are ever useful; and it is certain that such discussions are often productive of contention, discouragement, and unbelief. Although a layman, I would respectfully recommend to some of our clergy, to doubt their own wisdom; to suspect their ability to understand those secret things which belong unto God; and to take 346with them the following words of the son of Sirach:—“Seek not out the things which are too hard for thee, neither search the things which are above thy strength; but what is commanded, think thou upon with reverence.”

The love of money in New-Orleans is conspicuous; and the vast sums, which may there be accumulated, render keen the spirit of avarice. This spirit is too prevalent throughout the United States, and much fraud is the consequence of it. It is truly disgusting to hear people continually inquiring respecting this and that man’s property; as though property was the only subject worthy of remark, and the only test of merit.

The love of wealth in this country is making rapid inroads upon the love of principle; and nothing can retard its progress but the exclusive patronage of virtue and talents.

These two last terms constitute true taste; and this should be the only distinction in society. The distinction of wealth is odious; and that of birth is nonsensical. Neither is learning the exclusive test of merit. High talents may exist without much learning, [240] and can easily overthrow the tinsel of the schools. Integrity, noble principles, polished sentiments, and a becoming deportment, constitute the real gentleman; and such a man, whether he originated in a palace, or in a straw-built shed, is an ornament to society, and an honour to any company.

There are, no doubt, public and private advantages in wealth. As a motive, it enlists the passions in behalf of science, industry, and commercial enterprise; but no man is justified in desiring a great estate, excepting for the purpose of aiding private charity, and institutions which have in view the welfare of mankind. Gold and silver are of consequence to a state, both as a circulating medium, 347and as a means of dividing property, and distributing it to those, whose gains are small, and whose pecuniary independence is important both to them and to the community; but those who regard this shining dross more than justice and prudence warrant, ought to be despised. Compared with the vast estates frequently accumulated for selfish purposes, mankind want but little. Artificial views incur unnecessary expenses, and fraud is frequently made to cater for their discharge.

It may be supposed that I ought, ere this stage in my tour, to have mentioned some particular, relative to the prevailing manners and customs of the people situated in those parts of the country through which I passed. But my course did not lead me through many settled places, and I met with no peculiarities, in relation to this subject, worthy of remark. Indeed, the Yankees are so scattered over the whole country, and their influence in society is generally so considerable, that their habits and modes of living are, in a greater or less degree, imitated every where. These observations apply particularly to that part of the country west of the Ohio. At [241] New-Orleans, the population being principally French, the manners and customs of the place are, generally speaking, peculiar to them.

Upon my arrival at New-Orleans, and in looking back upon my course, I could not but be forcibly impressed with the wonderful wealth and physical force of the United States. In comparing the present situation of the country with what it was when first discovered by Europeans, the mind is astonished; and in dwelling upon its probable increase, in the course of one hundred years, numbers fail, and calculation becomes alarmed. Here too, the hand of Providence is visible in the discovery and settlement of the country; in the protection of the infant 348colonies of our forefathers, and in the great events of our history to the present time. With reference to these ideas, the thoughts of the Psalmist interestingly apply:—“Unto thee will I give the land of Canaan, the lot of your inheritance.” And again: “When there were but a few men in number, yea, very few, and strangers in it; He suffered no man to do them wrong!—He reproved kings for their sakes.”

Any comparison, which I may make between the country situated on the Mississippi, and the New-England States, will, perhaps, be partial. That I prefer the latter, in every point of view, will be readily accounted for. It may appear strange, however, that my principal objection to the former, is the productive capacity of its soil. Both in a moral and political point of view, this is a serious evil. Industry is indispensable to the health of the mental and physical nature of man; and also to the preservation of his virtue. On the Mississippi, plenty may be obtained by a very small degree of labour. An additional exertion produces wealth; and indolence, luxury, and dissipation are, in this [242] part of the United States, its general consequences. This is too, in a measure, the case with all the western country. There are many other objections; but they are too numerous to mention. The country on the Mississippi is not a grazing country. The hills of New-England feed, on the contrary, the finest cattle, furnish the most delightful prospects, and produce the hardiest plants of freedom. New-England too, is a peculiarly happy country with respect to religion, morals, education, and health. Here industry gives a zest to the ordinary enjoyments of life, strengthens the mind for the acquisition of knowledge, prepares the heart for the defence of principle, and nerves the physical man for the maintenance of national right.

349I might now consider my pedestrious tour as finished; but it may not be amiss to continue my narrative to the time of my arrival in New-Hampshire. As this, however, will be rather an unproductive field, I must introduce, in my course, some brief reflections upon foreign topics.

About the first of July I sailed from New-Orleans for Boston. The course of a vessel from and to these places is circuitous, and nearly as long as that of a voyage across the Atlantic. The distance is about 2,500 miles.

Having hauled off from the Levee into the current, we beat down the river with a light breeze; at length took in our top-gallant-sails, moved briskly about thirty miles, and moored along the bank for the night. I had previously been below the city, about seven leagues, for the purpose of visiting General Wilkinson. In the General’s library I met with many rare and interesting works. During this excursion I viewed the celebrated battle ground, five miles below New-Orleans.^[201] The Americans were fortified, having a marsh in front, the river on [243] the right, an impervious wood on the left, and the resources of the city in the rear:—an admirable position! The enemy displayed the most desperate courage in attacking the Americans thus situated. British glory never shone brighter than upon this occasion; and British troops never experienced a greater overthrow.

Below New-Orleans snakes, lizards, and alligators are numerous; and the bees and grasshoppers are very large. Here one almost supposes himself in the West-Indies. Cotton does not flourish well so low down as General Wilkinson’s plantation; but sugar cane is here remarkably productive. The craw-fish, which naturalists say is 350a fresh water lobster, here passes under the banks of the Mississippi to a considerable distance, and comes up through the earth into the fields. This circumstance proves that the land in this part of the country is afloat, and also that this species of animated nature is amphibious. It is exceedingly interesting to notice the economy of nature in her transitions from the vegetable to the animal world; and in some measure, from the mere animal to human existence. With respect to the former we may inquire whether the oyster and sponge are animals or vegetables? The oyster is rooted to the earth like a plant, and yet it feeds upon animals. The dexterity which it displays in closing its shells upon those worms, which are so unfortunate as to creep into them, is worthy of remark. There are two amphibious plants as well as amphibious animals. The flag is considered an aquatic; but it flourishes best between land and water. An amphibious fish, such as the craw-fish appears to be, is a new link in the chain of existences.

About eighteen miles below New-Orleans is the English Turn.^[202] This is a bend in the river, which [244] is thus called, because the English ships, in their first attempt upon the city, were obliged to return. Twenty-five miles below the Turn is Fort Plaquemine.^[203] This fort is on the left side of the river, and makes a very elegant appearance. Not far from this place, the country immediately becomes very low; trees soon disappear; and the river 351flows over both its banks, watering immense marshes, covered with flags and high grass.

Two days after leaving New-Orleans for the eastward, we passed the above mentioned fort, and towards evening, anchored near the shore. Here the prospect from the top gallant-masts of the vessel was gloomy. In the course of the evening, a black and ragged little schooner floated by us; and she proved to be the vessel, from the fore-yard of which the Indian Chief Hemattlemico, and the Indian Prophet Francis were hung, by order of General Jackson.^[204]—

“Oh! what doth that vessel of darkness bear!

The silent calm of the grave is there:—

Save now,——and again, a death knell rung;

And the flap of her sails, with night fog hung.”

The late conduct of General Jackson has excited much interest, both in Europe and America. Some advocate his proceedings, and like himself, seem determined to brave the tempest which is ready to overwhelm him. That is a dear and glorious cause, which involves moral strength and physical weakness; and I should rejoice in enlisting under the banners of a virtuous man, when unjustly assailed by popular prejudice, and popular indignation. But General Jackson has violated the principles of humanity, and tarnished the glory of the nation. Whatever may be the services of our public men they must be taught that they are the servants of the [245] people, and at all times officially accountable to them. No one is disposed to deny that General Jackson has done 352much for the United States; but this is only one side of the subject: Julius Cesar was a celebrated general, and achieved great victories for Rome; but Julius Cesar became a tyrant.

I do not pretend to know what were the motives of General Jackson in putting to death the above mentioned Indians, who, it appears, had been decoyed into the custody of his officers, and were prisoners of war; but we have reason to believe that they were bad motives. Conscious of his high military reputation, the native ferocity of his disposition, cloaking itself under the garb of energy, burst upon these poor, ignorant savages, who, being prisoners of war, were perfectly harmless. And why was this? because they refused to answer a question which he put for the purpose of entrapping them.—The very essence of tyranny!

Neither General Jackson, nor the government had any more right to take the lives of these Indians, than the British, even setting aside the idea of rebellion, would have had to execute General Washington, had he, during the Revolutionary war, been taken prisoner. The Indians, engaged in the Seminole war, were at issue with the United States. The parties were equally independent,—their rights were equal. The law of nature is the original source of all national right, and Indian tribes are in a state of nature.

General Jackson’s conduct upon this occasion is a disgrace to the country. The act was as unmanly as it was inhuman. It may be said by ignorance, affectation, and prejudice, that Indians sometimes destroy our men when taken prisoners. What! shall we abandon the precepts of religion, the principles of humanity, and the polish of civilization, to [246] learn manners and customs in the ferocious schools of savage life? The displeasure of the 353American people alone can remove from themselves the disgrace, with which such conduct on the part of a public servant naturally clothes them.

As to the course which General Jackson took, relative to the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister, it was entirely inconsistent with that dispassionate investigation which ought ever to characterize the American Government.^[205] Admitting, for the sake of argument, that this course is sanctioned by the law of nations, is this law our only guide? And is this law perfect?—It is the work of man,—the work of those civilians, whose dust has long since been scattered by the winds! It is, too, the common law of independent communities. But what are they? Precisely what their courts are made of:—tyranny, intrigue, and dissipation. Oh! there is a higher rule of action than the law of nations. Our conduct should be regulated by those great and pure principles, which will stand the test of reason and conscience, both on earth and in heaven.

Why is General Jackson so fond of blood? Why so disposed to crush every forsaken individual, whom the fortune of war places in his hands? Is this moral energy?—or is it a barbarous animal impulse? With the modesty of a true soldier, General Jackson should have transferred to the Government his prisoners and his trophies. Time might have thrown some light upon the subject of 354the persons executed; and they might, at some future period, have had a fairer trial. There is reason to believe, that both General Jackson and the Court Martial were prejudiced against the prisoners. As these persons were supposed to have been the instigators of the war—a war which was, at first, so lamely [247] maintained on our part—a war which resulted in the death of some of our people, it was natural for General Jackson, and the persons composing the Court Martial, to entertain hostile feelings towards the accused. And shall prejudice and hostility be the triors in a case of life and death? This transaction too, is a disgrace to the country; and although, as Mr. Secretary Adams says, General Jackson will not, in relation to it, incur the censure of the Government, those of the people who wish to see their country exemplary in every thing, will endeavour, by condemning the act, to shield that country from reproach.

Mr. Adams’ letter to our Minister at the Court of Spain, relative to this subject, does the nation injustice; and it is surprising that it should be so much eulogized.^[206] I am disposed to entertain a high opinion of the talents and patriotism of Mr. Adams; but his communication is undignified. It evinces spirit, but it is the ephemeral spirit of political paragraphists. Why does this great man condescend to flourish about “M’Gregor’s mock-patriots, and Nicholls’ negroes?” To say nothing respecting the ostentatious threats, which the communication contains, its pinks and posies but illy become the silvered brow of a diplomatic veteran. To threaten is the peculiar privilege 355of little minds. To warn with gravity, and to act with decision, become the United States in her negociations with Spain.

Admitting, as I have said, that the proceeding, relative to Arbuthnot and Ambrister, is warranted by the law of nations, yet as this law, as far as it respects the present question, is unjust and unreasonable; and as it also is grounded upon principles which, relative to expatriation, we have ever contested, both duty and policy dictate our decided opposition to it. It is a rule which originated in the [248] despotic courts of Europe; and one which Freedom detests. May not an individual expatriate himself? And if so, may he not become a citizen or subject in a foreign country? He may become a member of a savage as well as of a civilized community. And by acquiring the right of citizenship under a foreign government, an individual may attain to the distinction of a leader. By being a citizen he becomes interested in the destinies of the state, and is bound to defend its rights.

If Arbuthnot and Ambrister expatriated themselves, and united their fortunes with those of the Indians, they were, upon every view of the subject, mere prisoners of war; and as such should have been treated. By taking it for granted that they had not expatriated themselves, we act upon the ground that there can be no such principle as expatriation, and thereby do injustice to the cause of liberty, and expose our own citizens to terrible inflictions from those tyrannical governments, who advocate this side of the question.

As to General Jackson entering the territory of Spain, and taking possession of Spanish posts, it was illegal, because unnecessary; and highly improper, because not authorized by the government. The Indians were dispersed; and an immediate renewal of the war on their 356part was not apprehended. So far this proceeding was without a legitimate object. And if the Spanish government were to blame in relation to this war, the United States, and not General Jackson, who was a mere servant of the people, acting under limited orders, were to decide as to the course to be pursued.

The day after leaving Fort Plaquemine we arrived at the Balize.^[207] There are here the remains of an old Spanish fort, and three or four miserable dwelling houses. The latter are occupied by pilots. The [249] place presents a most wretched aspect, being scarcely above the water, and covered with flags and reptiles. About three miles below this situation are the principal passes into the Gulf of Mexico. The water of the Mississippi, when the river is high, rushes with such force through these passes, that fresh water may be obtained several miles from the land. Old passes are frequently filled, and new ones made, by the rapid descent of the water of the river during the seasons of its rise. The coast, viewed from the Balize, presents, as far as the eye can reach, a broken and desolate aspect, reminding one of the destruction of the Antedeluvian world.

After waiting one or two days for a wind, we received a pilot, sailed through the north-east pass, and with a light breeze nearly ahead, moved slowly in a south-south-east course. We left quite a fleet of vessels at the pilot-ground, and there were, at this time, several large ships beating into the Balize. The north-east pass is not more than eight rods wide; and on both sides of it are low banks of mud. There are several other passes, which are taken 357by the pilots according to the wind and the draught of the vessel.

For many days we experienced light winds on our larboard bow; our progress, of course, was inconsiderable. For many days too, previous to our making the islands of Tortugas, and even after reaching the island of Cuba, our progress was completely retarded by calms and light head winds. Being in the calm latitudes at this season of the year is very unpleasant. An almost vertical sun pours his rays upon the deck, and produces an insufferable heat.

During this state of things, I may look back, for a moment, to New-Orleans. No place in the world furnishes a greater field for speculation upon physiognomy, and for reflection upon national characteristics, [250] than this city. The former is a science too much neglected. A knowledge of human nature is of consequence to all; and particularly so to the philosopher, and man of business. The human countenance is the index of the human heart. But little dependance, however, can be placed upon those rules, which relate altogether to the lines of the human face. In relation to this subject men of penetration, who have acquired a habit of forming an opinion upon every stranger who presents himself, experiences, upon these occasions, a kind of inspiration, which seldom errs. This effect is not surprising, because the human countenance always expresses, both morally and physically, the ruling passions of the heart; and practice, in all sciences and arts, produces wonderful proficiency.

With respect to national characteristics, I fear that I cannot be impartial without giving offence. But the truth is as much against myself as any other person. I speak only of national characteristics; of course the opinion 358is general, and there may be individual exceptions. Besides, as to individuals, transplanting sometimes improves the original stock. This, I apprehend, is particularly the case with the English in America. My partiality, perhaps, begins to display itself. How natural is it for one to think well of his own country! Yet truth should be more dear to a man than his native land. The Americans are a mixed people; but the institutions of the country direct their affections to one common centre. They are, therefore, one people; and their principles and feelings comport with our noble systems of polity. All nations have their faults; but I think the Americans possess the greatest virtues and the fewest imperfections. I need not occupy much ground upon this subject. The most prominent nations are the best tests of national characteristics. [251] Small communities are almost innumerable; and they, generally, partake, more or less, of the dispositions of long established, and mighty sovereignties. I confine my views to the English, Irish, French, and American nations. The Irish are intelligent, hospitable, and courageous; but they are credulous, resentful, and violent in all their affections:—great virtues, and great vices characterize them. The English are sensible, generous, and brave; but they are supercilious, overbearing, and vain glorious. The French are perspicacious, enthusiastic, and intrepid; but they are fickle, vain, and, in prosperity, impertinent. The Americans seem to be a people distinct from every other.—They possess all the good qualities of the English, and they are real gentlemen in the bargain.

I now return again to the Gulf of Mexico. Here we frequently experienced heavy squalls, accompanied by severe thunder and lightning. In one instance several of our men were stricken by the latter. The squalls generally 359commenced at day break. Such a scene as they produce is truly sublime. Here man feels, that however small may be his merit, his nature is noble. In the midst of an apparently shoreless ocean, his little bark, tossed by the winds and waves, he is sensible of the grandeur of his temerity, and prides himself in the efficacy of his skill. It is not surprising that sailors are generous. A little mind could not exist upon the deep. Its mighty influences will either enlarge or petrify the heart:—raise the noble soul, or drive the narrow spirit into the cockboats, and creeks of the interior. The rough manners too, of the children of the sea are perfectly natural:—they have long conversed with winds and waves.

Whilst in the Gulf of Mexico, we caught a great many dolphins; and sharks frequently came around [252] our vessel. Several times, about a dozen of these voracious creatures presented themselves. Our mate caught one of them, and it measured ten feet in length. The pilotfish, which attends the shark, is only a few inches long; and like the jackall, accompanying the lion, seems to cater for prey, and to partake of the spoil. The suckerfish, frequently found on the shark, is worthy of notice. It is very small, and its colour is black. Its gills are on the top of the head, instead of being in the usual place; and the sucker itself is under the head, and has the appearance of the bars of a gridiron. Its capacity to adhere to any thing, by suction, is great. Nature seems so fond of variety, and her modes of existence appear to be so infinite, that there is much reason to deny the existence of a vacuum. The flying-fish is remarkable, for its uniting the aspect of the fish with the principal capacity of the bird. The dolphin is the implacable enemy of this fish; nature has, therefore, given it the power to fly. Whilst at sea, I witnessed an interesting chase between these two species 360of fish. When the dolphin, the speed of which is very great, overtakes the flying-fish, the latter rises out of the water, and descends at a considerable distance; but the dolphin, swimming on the surface, often sees its prey alight, and speedily overtakes it. The dolphin furnishes an excellent model for ship building.

Sixteen days after leaving the Balize we discovered land from the top-gallant-mast-head; and it proved to be the principal island of Tortugas. After running up within three leagues of it, we bore away, and made the island of Cuba. This is the largest of the West-India islands. Its length is about seven hundred miles; and the face of the country is mountainous. In coasting along this island we came within a league of the Moro Castle, which, together [253] with several Forts, protect the city of Havana. On all the works are mounted about one thousand cannon. The Havana is a great commercial place. It is the usual station of the principal maritime force of Spanish America, and the place of rendezvous for the vessels from the Colonies, on their homeward voyage. It is too, a place of immense wealth, and its population amounts, probably, to 80,000.

Whilst coasting along the Island of Cuba, and particularly during the evening of our arrival off the Havana, we experienced high winds. In one instance the aspect of every thing around us was black, windy, and wild; and we found it necessary to lower our topsails, and take two reefs in our mainsail. At this time there were several ships in sight; and each laboured, in darkness, her boisterous course.

The next day a land bird, of the heron species, having been driven from the coast by the late gale, sought an asylum on board of our vessel. For hours, she wandered, like the Antedeluvian dove, and found no rest for her feet. 361It was interestingly painful to see the exhausted bird winging her tedious way along the surface of the deep; and it spake of the hopeless spirit,—a wanderer over the fields of its own desolation.

After passing Port Matansas, we doubled Cape Florida, entered the Gulf of this name, and came in sight of the Keys, and of the principal island of Bahama. Here the Gulf stream quickened our progress about three knots per hour. The waters of this stream, influenced by the trade winds and other causes, flow through the Caribbean islands, and enter the Mexican Gulf between Cuba and the Promontory of Yucatan. Compressed by the surrounding coasts, it pursues its course between East-Florida and the Bahama Islands, and runs along the coast of North America to the Banks of Newfoundland. From thence, it passes through the Azores [254] to the south, and gradually mingles its waters with those of the ocean. Some suppose, that this impetus is preserved until the water strikes that part of the Equator from whence it commenced its course. It is probable that the trade winds operate, at first, with great violence; because, owing to the centrifugal force of the water, occasioned by the diurnal motion of the earth around its axis, the sea is elevated at the Equator, much more than at the poles.

The nearest distance of the Gulf Stream from the United States is about seventy-five miles; and its breadth is about forty miles. Such is the rapidity of this stream, that it retains a considerable degree of its tropical heat, even after reaching its most easterly point of destination. The colour of the water of the Gulf is dark, and its depth very great. This latter circumstance is, probably, occasioned by the force of the current at the bottom, and by its curvilineal form on the surface. It may be presumed, that in the vicinity of the Gulf the progress of vessels, 362bound to the north is retarded. Some portion of the Gulf water will, by being propelled faster than that which precedes it, fly from the centre, and rebound so as to produce a counter current.

When opposite Cape Canaveral, in latitude 49, we experienced a high wind on our larboard quarter. Here we lowered our topsail, and took two reefs in our fore and mainsail. At this time there was a large English ship under our starboard bow. The next day the weather again became variable, and we experienced another squall.

As nothing worthy of remark occurred for a day or two from this period, I again suppose myself in New-Orleans, for the purpose of noticing some of the languages spoken there.

The French is the principal language spoken in this city; and it is of consequence for an American to become acquainted with it, not only because it [255] introduces him to many valuable French authors, whose genius is peculiar and interesting, but because it is the language most generally spoken throughout Europe.

The Spanish language is also much spoken in New-Orleans. This language resembles the Latin; but is inferior to it. The Emperor Charles the fifth, however, entertained a different opinion. He observed, that he would speak to his horse in German; converse in French; make love in Italian; and pray in Spanish. His partiality was very natural. He thought the latter most precise and comprehensive. The Portuguese language also is often heard in New-Orleans; and it is very much like the Spanish.

The Greek language, although so long dead, is, no doubt, the best of the known languages of the world. The Latin is nearly as good; and the English is probably 363not inferior to any of the others. But all languages, abstractedly considered, are poor:—poor as to the precision of thought, the expression of sentiment, and the harmony of diction.

The usual manner of acquiring a knowledge of foreign languages, is both unnatural and tedious. Foreign languages should be acquired precisely as we learn our native tongue. In becoming acquainted with our own language, we acquire a knowledge of language in the abstract; and this knowledge applies to all foreign languages. There must, for example, be in every language a name attached to a thing, and also a mode of conveying an idea of the qualities of that thing. The particular meaning of a word, the manner of its pronunciation, the combinations of the several necessary parts of speech, and other peculiarities of language, depend upon compact;—upon the common consent of each distinct people. Hence the great diversity of languages.

[256] To become what is generally understood by the phrase a linguist, it is necessary to possess only a common understanding, accompanied by a good memory and by application; but to become a real philological scholar requires genius.

I now return to the vessel, and find her in the latitude of Cape Fear. Here we experienced a very heavy squall, took in several of our sails, lowered our main peak, and scud. The scene was highly interesting. At this time a little black schooner from Bassatere hurried by us, like the messenger of death, and our captain hailed her, through night. The sea laboured in wrath, and the moon, partially covered by a cloud, looked at the storm askance.

The next day the weather was calm, and for several succeeding evenings delightful. During these, there were 364many vessels in sight, and we spoke the brig Commerce.

From Cape Hatteras to the latitude of 40, we experienced very favourable winds; and during most of the time progressed at the rate of ten knots per hour. I now considered my course nearly finished; and it was natural for me to reflect upon the voyage of human life. The ocean is, in many respects, a true emblem of man’s probationary state.—Its rolling waves resemble successive generations; its storms and calms remind him of human vicissitudes; the rocks of its coasts speak of the stability of virtue; and its havens direct the thoughts to the security and peace of a better world.

After a passage of thirty days, I arrived at Boston, immediately proceeded to New-Hampshire, and there found my friends in the enjoyment of that protection, which results from the wisdom of our laws, when aided by the approbation of a virtuous community.

THE END

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TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

Typos fixed; non-standard spelling and dialect retained.

Used numbers for footnotes, placing them all at the end of the last chapter.