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Bradford's History of 'Plimoth Plantation'

The 2. Booke. (continued 6)

Reading edition

I shall here first inserte a few lines that was write by their own agente from thence.

Sr: &c. Ye Masschuset men are coming almost dayly, some by water, & some by land, who are not yet determined wher to setle, though some have a great mind to ye place we are upon, and which was last bought. Many of them look at that which this river will not afford, excepte it be at this place which we have, namly, to be a great towne, and have comodious dwellings for many togeather. So as what they will doe I cannot yet resolve you; for this place ther is none of them say any thing to me, but what I hear from their servants (by whom I perceive their minds). I shall doe what I can to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason; as that we were here first, and entred with much difficulty and danger, [212] both in regard of ye Dutch & Indeans, and bought ye land, (to your great charge, allready disbursed,) and have since held here a chargable possession, and kept ye Dutch from further incroaching, which would els long before this day have possessed all, and kept out all others, &c. I hope these & such like arguments will stoppe them. It was your will we should use their persons & messengers kindly, & so we have done, and doe dayly, to your great charge; for ye first company had well nie starved had it not been for this house, for want of victuals; I being forced to supply 12. men for 9. days togeather; and those which came last, I entertained the best we could, helping both them (& ye other) with canows, & guids. They gott me to goe with them to ye Dutch, to see if I could procure some of them to have quiet setling nere them; but they did peremtorily withstand them. But this later company did not once speak therof, &c. Also I gave their goods house roome according to their ernest request, and Mr. Pinchons letter in their behalfe (which I thought good to send you, here inclosed). And what trouble & charge I shall be further at I know not; for they are com̅ing dayly, and I expecte these back againe from below, whither they are gone to veiw ye countrie. All which trouble & charg we under goe for their occasion, may give us just cause (in ye judgmente of all wise & understanding men) to hold and keep that we are setled upon. Thus with my duty remembred, &c. I rest

Yours to be comanded

Johnnathā Brewster.

Matianuck, July 6. 1635.

Amongst ye many agitations that pased betweene them, I shal note a few out of their last letters, & for ye present omitte ye rest, except upon other occasion I may have fitter opportunity. After their thorrow veiw of ye place, they began to pitch them selves upon their land & near their house; which occasioned much expostulation betweene them. Some of which are such as follow.

Brethren, having latly sent 2. of our body unto you, to agitate & bring to an issue some maters in difference betweene us, about some lands at Conightecutt, unto which you lay challeng; upon which God by his providence cast us, and as we conceive in a faire way of providence tendered it to us, as a meete place to receive our body, now upon removall.

We shall not need to answer all ye passages of your larg letter, &c. But wheras you say God in his providence cast you, &c., we tould you before, and (upon this occasion) must now tell you still, that our mind is other wise, and yt you cast rather a partiall, if not a covetous eye, upon that wch is your neigbours, and not yours; and in so doing, your way could not be faire unto it. Looke yt you abuse not Gods providence in such allegations.

Theirs.

Now allbeite we at first judged ye place so free yt we might with Gods good leave take & use it, without just offence to any man, it being the Lords [213] wast, and for ye presente altogeather voyd of inhabitants, that indeede minded ye imploymente therof, to ye right ends for which land was created, Gen: 1. 28. and for future intentions of any, & uncertaine possibilities of this or that to be done by any, we judging them (in such a case as ours espetialy) not meete to be equalled with presente actions (such as ours was) much less worthy to be prefered before them; and therfore did we make some weake beginings in that good worke, in ye place afforesaid.

Ans: Their answer was to this effecte. That if it was ye Lords wast, it was them selves that found it so, & not they; and have since bought it of ye right oweners, and maintained a chargable possession upon it al this while, as them selves could not but know. And because of present ingagments and other hinderances which lay at presente upon them, must it therfore be lawfull for them to goe and take it from them? It was well known that they are upon a barren place, wher they were by necessitie cast; and neither they nor theirs could longe continue upon ye same; and why should they (because they were more ready, & more able at presente) goe and deprive them of that which they had wth charg & hazard provided, & intended to remove to, as soone as they could & were able?

They had another passage in their letter; they had rather have to doe with the lords in England, to whom (as they heard it reported) some of them should say that they had rather give up their right to them, (if they must part with it,) then to ye church of Dorchester, &c. And that they should be less fearfull to offend ye lords, then they were them.

Answer: Their answer was, that what soever they had heard, (more then was true,) yet ye case was not so with them that they had need to give away their rights & adventurs, either to ye lords, or them; yet, if they might measure their fear of offence by their practise, they had rather (in that poynte) they should deal with ye lords, who were beter able to bear it, or help them selves, then they were.

But least I should be teadious, I will forbear other things, and come to the conclusion that was made in ye endd. To make any forcible resistance was farr from their thoughts, (they had enough of yt about Kenebeck,) and to live in continuall contention with their freinds & brethren would be uncomfortable, and too heavie a burden to bear. Therfore for peace sake (though they conceived they suffered much in this thing) they thought it better to let them have it upon as good termes as they could gett; and so they fell to treaty. The first thing yt (because they had made so many & long disputs aboute it) they would have them to grante was, yt they had right too it, or ells they would never treat aboute it. The[DP] which being acknowledged, & yeelded unto by them, this was ye conclusion they came unto in ye end after much adoe: that they should retaine their house, and have the 16. parte of all they had bought of ye Indeans; and ye other should have all ye rest of ye land; leaveing such a moyety to those [214] of New-towne, as they reserved for them. This 16. part was to be taken in too places; one towards ye house, the other towards New-townes proporrtion. Also they were to pay according to proportion, what had been disbursed to ye Indeans for ye purchass. Thus was ye controversie ended, but the unkindnes not so soone forgotten. They of New-towne delt more fairly, desireing only what they could conveniently spare, from a competancie reserved for a plantation, for them selves; which made them the more carfull to procure a moyety for them, in this agreement & distribution.

Amongst ye other bussinesses that Mr. Winslow had to doe in England, he had order from ye church to provid & bring over some able & fitt man for to be their minister. And accordingly he had procured a godly and a worthy[DQ] man, one Mr. Glover; but it pleased God when he was prepared for the viage, he fell sick of a feaver and dyed. Afterwards, when he was ready to come away, he became acquainted with Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would not ingage him selfe to this place, otherwise then he should see occasion when he came hear; and if he liked better else wher, to repay ye charge laid out for him, (which came to aboute 70li.) and to be at his liberty. He stayed aboute a year with them, after he came over, and was well liked of them, & much desired by them; but he was invited to Ipswich, wher were many rich & able men, and sundry of his aquaintance; so he wente to them, & is their minister. Aboute half of ye charg was repayed, ye rest he had for ye pains he tooke amongst them.

Anno Dom: 1636.

Mr. Ed: Winslow was chosen Govr this year.

In ye former year, because they perceived by Mr. Winslows later letters that no accounts would be sente, they resolved to keep ye beaver, and send no more, till they had them, or came to some further agreemente. At least they would forbear till Mr. Winslow came over, that by more full conferance with him they might better understand what was meete to be done. But when he came, though he brought no accounts, yet he perswaded them to send ye beaver, & was confident upon ye receite of yt beaver, & his letters, they should have accounts ye nexte year; and though they thought his grounds but weake, that gave him this hope, & made him so confidente, yet by his importunitie they yeelded, & sente ye same, ther being a ship at ye latter end of year, by whom they sente 1150li. waight of beaver, and 200. otter skins, besids sundrie small furrs, as 55. minks, 2. black foxe skins, &c. And this year, in the spring, came in a Dutch man, who thought to have traded at ye Dutch-forte; [215] but they would not suffer him. He, having good store of trading goods, came to this place, & tendred them to sell; of whom they bought a good quantitie, they being very good & fitte for their turne, as Dutch roll, ketles, &c., which goods amounted to ye valew of 500li., for ye paymente of which they passed bills to Mr. Sherley in England, having before sente ye forementioned parcell of beaver. And now this year (by another ship) sente an other good round parcell that might come to his hands, & be sould before any of these bills should be due. The quantity of beaver now sent was 1809li. waight, and of otters 10. skins, and shortly after (ye same year) was sent by another ship (Mr. Langrume maister), in beaver 0719li. waight, and of otter skins 199. concerning which Mr. Sherley thus writs.

Your leters I have received, with 8. hoggsheads of beaver by Ed: Wilkinson, master of ye Falcon. Blessed be God for ye safe coming of it. I have also seen & acceped 3. bills of exchainge, &c. But I must now acquainte you how the Lords heavie hand is upon this kingdom in many places, but cheefly in this cittie, with his judgmente of ye plague. The last weeks bill was 1200. & odd, I fear this will be more; and it is much feared it will be a winter sicknes. By reason wherof it is incredible ye number of people yt are gone into ye cuntry & left ye citie. I am perswaded many more then went out ye last sicknes; so as here is no trading, carriers from most places put downe; nor no receiving of any money, though long due. Mr. Hall ows us more then would pay these bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in ye cuntrie, 60. miles from London. I write to him, he came up, but could not pay us. I am perswaded if I should offer to sell ye beaver at 8s. pr pound, it would not yeeld money; but when ye Lord shall please to cease his hand, I hope we shall have better & quicker markets; so it shall lye by. Before I accepted ye bills, I acquainted Mr. Beachamp & Mr. Andrews with them, & how ther could be no money made nor received; and that it would be a great discredite to you, which never yet had any turned back, and a shame to us, haveing 1800li. of beaver lying by us, and more oweing then ye bills come too, &c. But all was nothing; neither of them both will put too their finger to help. I offered to supply my 3. parte, but they gave me their answer they neither would nor could, &c. How ever, your bils shall be satisfied to ye parties good contente; but I would not have thought they would have left either you or me at this time, &c. You will and may expect I should write more, & answer your leters, but I am not a day in ye weeke at home at towne, but carry my books & all to Clapham; for here is ye miserablest time yt I thinke hath been known in many ages. I have know̅ 3. great sickneses, but none like this. And that which should be a means to pacifie ye Lord, & help us, that is taken away, preaching put downe in many places, not a sermone in Westminster on ye saboth, nor in many townes aboute us; ye Lord in mercie looke uppon us. In the begining of ye year was a great [216] drought, & no raine for many weeks togeather, so as all was burnte up, haye, at 5li. a load; and now all raine, so as much sommer come & later haye is spoyled. Thus ye Lord sends judgmente after judgmente, and yet we cannot see, nor humble our selves; and therfore may justly fear heavier judgments, unless we speedyly repente, & returne unto him, which ye Lord give us grace to doe, if it be his blessed will. Thus desiring you to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest

Your loving friend,

James Sherley.

Sept: 14. 1636.

This was all the answer they had from Mr. Sherley, by which Mr. Winslow saw his hops failed him. So they now resoloved to send no more beaver in yt way which they had done, till they came to some issue or other aboute these things. But now came over letters from Mr. Andrews & Mr. Beachamp full of complaints, that they marveled yt nothing was sent over, by which any of their moneys should be payed in; for it did appear by ye accounte sente in Ano 1631. that they were each of them out, aboute a leven hundered pounds a peece, and all this while had not received one penie towards ye same. But now Mr. Sherley sought to draw more money from them, and was offended because they deneyed him; and blamed them hear very much that all was sent to Mr. Sherley, & nothing to them. They marvelled much at this, for they conceived that much of their moneis had been paid in, & yt yearly each of them had received a proportionable quantity out of ye larg returnes sent home. For they had sente home since yt accounte was received in Ano 1631. (in which all & more then all their debts, wth yt years supply, was charged upon them) these sumes following.

Novbr 8. Ano 1631. By Mr. Peirce 0400li. waight of beaver, & otters 20.

July 13. Ano 1632. By Mr. Griffin 1348li. beaver, & otters 147.

Ano 1633. By Mr. Graves 3366li. bever, & otters 346.

Ano 1634. By Mr. Andrews 3738li. beaver, & otters 234.

Ano 1635. By Mr. Babb 1150li. beaver, & otters 200.

June 24. Ano 1636. By Mr. Wilkinson 1809li. beaver, & otters 010.

Ibidem. By Mr. Langrume 0719li. beaver, & otters 199.

——— ——

[DR]12150li. 1156.

All these sumes were safly rceived & well sould, as appears by leters. The coat beaver usualy at 20s. pr pound, and some at 24s.; the skin at 15. & sometimes 16. I doe not remember any under 14. It may be ye last year might be something lower, so also ther were some small furrs that are not recconed in this accounte, & some black beaver at higer rates, to make up ye defects. [217] It was conceived that ye former parcells of beaver came to litle less then 10000li. sterling, and ye otter skins would pay all ye charge, & they wth other furrs make up besids if any thing wanted of ye former sume. When ye former accounte was passed, all their debts (those of White-Angelle & Frendship included) came but to 4770li. And they could not estimate that all ye supplies since sent them, & bills payed for them, could come to above 2000li. so as they conceived their debts had been payed, with advantage or intrest. But it may be objected, how comes it that they could not as well exactly sett downe their receits, as their returnes, but thus estimate it. I answer, 2. things were ye cause of it; the first & principall was, that ye new accountante, which they in England would needs presse upon them, did wholy faile them, & could never give them any accounte; but trusting to his memorie, & lose papers, let things rune into such confusion, that neither he, nor any with him, could bring things to rights. But being often called upon to perfecte his accounts, he desired to have such a time, and such a time of leasure, and he would doe it. In ye intrime he fell into a great sicknes, and in conclusion it fell out he could make no accounte at all. His books were after a litle good begining left altogeather unperfect; and his papers, some were lost, & others so confused, as he knew not what to make of them him selfe, when they came to be searched & examined. This was not unknowne to Mr. Sherley; and they came to smarte for it to purposs, (though it was not their faulte,) both thus in England, and also here; for they conceived they lost some hundreds of pounds for goods trusted out in ye place, which were lost for want of clear accounts to call them in. Another reason of this mischeefe was, that after Mr. Winslow was sente into England to demand accounts, and to excepte against ye Whit-Angell, they never had any price sent with their goods, nor any certaine invoyce of them; but all things stood in confusion, and they were faine to guesse at ye prises of them.

They write back to Mr. Andrews & Mr. Beachamp, and tould them they marveled they should write they had sent nothing home since ye last accounts; for they had sente a great deale; and it might rather be marveled how they could be able to send so much, besids defraying all charg at home, and what they had lost by the French, and so much cast away at sea, when Mr. Peirce lost his ship on ye coast of Virginia. What they had sente was to them all, and to them selves as well as Mr. Sherley, and if they did not looke after it, it was their owne falts; they must referr them to Mr. Sherley, who had received [218] it, to demand it of him. They allso write to Mr. Sherley to ye same purposs, and what the others complaints were.

This year 2. shallops going to Coonigtecutt with goods from ye Massachusetts of such as removed theither to plante, were in an easterly storme cast away in coming into this harbore in ye night; the boats men were lost, and the goods were driven all alonge the shore, and strowed up & downe at high-water marke. But ye Govr caused them to be gathered up, and drawn togeather, and appointed some to take an inventory of them, and others to wash & drie such things as had neede therof; by which means most of ye goods were saved, and restored to ye owners. Afterwards anotheir boate of theirs (going thither likwise) was cast away near unto Manoanscusett, and such goods as came a shore were preserved for them. Such crosses they mette with in their beginings; which some imputed as a correction from God for their intrution (to ye wrong of others) into yt place. But I dare not be bould with Gods judgments in this kind.

In ye year 1634, the Pequents (a stoute and warlike people), who had made warrs with sundry of their neigbours, and puft up with many victories, grue now at varience with ye Narigansets, a great people bordering upon them. These Narigansets held correspondance and termes of freindship with ye English of ye Massachusetts. Now ye Pequents, being conscious of ye guilte of Captain-Stones death, whom they knew to be an-English man, as also those yt were with him, and being fallen out with ye Dutch, least they should have over many enemies at once, sought to make freindship with ye English of ye Massachusetts; and for yt end sent both messengers & gifts unto them, as appears by some letters sent from ye Govr hither.

Dear & worthy Sr: &c. To let you know somwhat of our affairs, you may understand that ye Pequents have sent some of theirs to us, to desire our freindship, and offered much wampam & beaver, &c. The first messengers were dismissed without answer; with ye next we had diverce dayes conferance, and taking ye advice of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace & freindship with them, upon these conditions: that they should deliver up to us those men who were guilty of Stones death, &c. And if we desired to plant in Conightecute, they should give up their right to us, and so we would send to trade with them as our freinds (which was ye cheefe thing we aimed at, being now in warr with ye Dutch and ye rest of their neigbours). To this they readily agreed; and that we should meadiate a peace betweene them and the Narigansetts; for which end they were contente we should give the Narigansets parte of yt presente, they would bestow on us (for they stood [219][DS] so much on their honour, as they would not be seen to give any thing of them selves). As for Captein Stone, they tould us ther were but 2. left of those who had any hand in his death; and that they killed him in a just quarell, for (say they) he surprised 2. of our men, and bound them, to make them by force to shew him ye way up ye river;[DT] and he with 2. other coming on shore, 9. Indeans watched him, and when they were a sleepe in ye night, they kiled them, to deliver their owne men; and some of them going afterwards to ye pinass, it was suddainly blowne up. We are now preparing to send a pinass unto them, &c.

In an other of his, dated ye 12. of ye first month, he hath this.

Our pinass is latly returned from ye Pequents; they put of but litle comoditie, and found them a very false people, so as they mean to have no more to doe with them. I have diverce other things to write unto you, &c.

Yours ever assured,

Jo: Winthrop.

Boston, 12. of ye 1. month, 1634.

After these things, and, as I take, this year, John Oldom, (of whom much is spoken before,) being now an inhabitant of ye Massachusetts, went wth a small vessell, & slenderly mand, a trading into these south parts, and upon a quarell betweene him & ye Indeans was cutt of by them (as hath been before noted) at an iland called by ye Indeans Munisses, but since by ye English Block Iland. This, with ye former about the death of Stone, and the baffoyling of ye Pequents with ye English of ye Massachusetts, moved them to set out some to take revenge, and require satisfaction for these wrongs; but it was done so superfitially, and without their acquainting of those of Conightecute & other neighbours with ye same, as they did litle good. But their neigbours had more hurt done, for some of ye murderers of Oldome fled to ye Pequents, and though the English went to ye Pequents, and had some parley with them, yet they did but delude them, & ye English returned without doing any thing to purpose, being frustrate of their oppertunitie by ye others deceite. After ye English were returned, the Pequents tooke their time and oppertunitie to cut of some of ye English as they passed in boats, and went on fouling, and assaulted them ye next spring at their habytations, as will appear in its place. I doe but touch these things, because I make no question they wall be more fully & distinctly handled by them selves, who had more exacte knowledg of them, and whom they did more properly concerne.

This year Mr. Smith layed downe his place of ministrie, partly by his owne willingnes, as thinking it too heavie a burthen, and partly at the desire, and by ye perswasion, of others; and the church sought out for [220][DU] some other, having often been disappointed in their hops and desires heretofore. And it pleased the Lord to send them an able and a godly man,[DV] and of a meeke and humble spirite, sound in ye truth, and every way unreproveable in his life & conversation; whom, after some time of triall, they chose for their teacher, the fruits of whose labours they injoyed many years with much comforte, in peace, & good agreemente.

Anno Dom: 1637.

In ye fore parte of this year, the Pequents fell openly upon ye English at Conightecute, in ye lower parts of ye river, and slew sundry of them, (as they were at work in ye feilds,) both men & women, to ye great terrour of ye rest; and wente away in great prid & triumph, with many high threats. They allso assalted a fort at ye rivers mouth, though strong and well defended; and though they did not their prevaile, yet it struk them with much fear & astonishmente to see their bould attempts in the face of danger; which made them in all places to stand upon their gard, and to prepare for resistance, and ernestly to solissite their freinds and confederats in ye Bay of Massachusets to send them speedy aide, for they looked for more forcible assaults. Mr. Vane, being then Govr, write from their Generall Courte to them hear, to joyne with them in this warr; to which they were cordially willing, but tooke opportunitie to write to them aboute some former things, as well as presente, considerable hereaboute. The which will best appear in ye Govr answer which he returned to ye same, which I shall here inserte.

Sr: The Lord having so disposed, as that your letters to our late Govr is fallen to my lott to make answer unto, I could have wished I might have been at more freedome of time & thoughts also, that I might have done it more to your & my owne satisfaction. But what shall be wanting now may be supplyed hereafter. For ye matters which from your selfe & counsell were propounded & objected to us, we thought not fitte to make them so publicke as ye cognizance of our Generall Courte. But as they have been considered by those of our counsell, this answer we thinke fitt to returne unto you. (1.) Wereas you signifie your willingnes to joyne with us in this warr against ye Pequents, though you cannot ingage your selves without ye consente of your Generall Courte, we acknowledg your good affection towards us, (which we never had cause to doubt of,) and are willing to attend your full resolution, when it may most seasonably be ripened. (2ly.) Wheras you make this warr to be our peopls, and not [221] to conceirne your selves, otherwise then by consequence, we do in parte consente to you therin; yet we suppose, that, in case of perill, you will not stand upon such terms, as we hope we should not doe towards you; and withall we conceive that you looke at ye Pequents, and all other Indeans, as a com̅one enimie, who, though he may take occasion of ye begining of his rage, from some one parte of ye English, yet if he prevaile, will surly pursue his advantage, to ye rooting out of ye whole nation. Therfore when we desired your help, we did it not without respecte to your owne saftie, as ours. (3ly.) Wheras you desire we should be ingaged to aide you, upon all like occasions; we are perswaded you doe not doubte of it; yet as we now deale with you as a free people, and at libertie, so as we cannot draw you into this warr with us, otherwise then as reason may guid & provock you; so we desire we may be at ye like freedome, when any occasion may call for help from us. And wheras it is objected to us, that we refused to aide you against ye French; we conceive ye case was not alicke; yet we cannot wholy excuse our failing in that matter. (4ly.) Weras you objecte that we began ye warr without your privitie, & managed it contrary to your advise; the truth is, that our first intentions being only against Block Iland, and ye interprice seeming of small difficultie, we did not so much as consider of taking advice, or looking out for aide abroad. And when we had resolved upon ye Pequents, we sent presently, or not long after, to you aboute it; but ye answer received, it was not seasonable for us to chaing our counsells, excepte we had seen and waighed your grounds, which might have out wayed our owne.

(5ly.) For our peoples trading at Kenebeck, we assure you (to our knowledge) it hath not been by any allowance from us; and what we have provided in this and like cases, at our last Courte, Mr. E. W. can certifie you.

And (6ly); wheras you objecte to us yt we should hold trade & correspondancie with ye French, your enemise; we answer, you are misinformed, for, besids some letters which hath passed betweene our late Govr and them, to which we were privie, we have neither sente nor incouraged ours to trade with them; only one vessell or tow, for ye better conveāce of our letters, had licens from our Govr to sayle thither.[DW]

Diverce other things have been privatly objected to us, by our worthy freind, wherunto he received some answer; but most of them concerning ye apprehention of perticuler discurteseis, or injueries from some perticuler persons amongst us. It concernes us not to give any other answer to them then this; that, if ye offenders shall be brought forth in a right way, we shall be ready to doe justice as ye case shall require. In the meane time, we desire you to rest assured, that such things are without our privity, and not a litle greeveous to us.

Now for ye joyning with us in this warr, which indeed concerns us no other wise then it may your selves, viz.: the releeving of our freinds & Christian [222] breethren, who are now first in ye danger; though you may thinke us able to make it good without you, (as, if ye Lord please to be with us, we may,) yet 3. things we offer to your consideration, which (we conceive) may have some waight with you. (First) yt if we should sinck under this burden, your opportunitie of seasonable help would be lost in 3. respects. 1. You cannot recover us, or secure your selves ther, with 3. times ye charge & hazard which now ye may. 2ly. The sorrowes which we should lye under (if through your neglect) would much abate of ye acceptablenes of your help afterwards. 3ly. Those of yours who are now full of courage and forwardnes, would be much damped, and so less able to undergoe so great a burden. The (2.) thing is this, that it concernes us much to hasten this warr to an end before ye end of this somer, otherwise ye newes of it will discourage both your & our freinds from coming to us next year; with what further hazard & losse it may expose us unto, your selves may judge.

The (3.) thing is this, that if ye Lord shall please to blesse our endeaours, so as we end ye warr, or put it in a hopefull way without you, it may breed such ill thoughts in our people towards yours, as will be hard to entertaine such opinione of your good will towards us, as were fitt to be nurished among such neigbours & brethren as we are. And what ill consequences may follow, on both sids, wise men may fear, & would rather prevente then hope to redress. So with my harty salutations to you selfe, and all your counsell, and other our good freinds with you, I rest

Yours most assured in ye Lord,

Jo: Winthrop.

Boston, ye 20. of ye 3. month, 1637.

In ye mean time, the Pequents, espetially in ye winter before, sought to make peace with ye Narigansets, and used very pernicious arguments to move them therunto: as that ye English were stranegers and begane to overspred their countrie, and would deprive them therof in time, if they were suffered to grow & increse; and if ye Narigansets did assist ye English to subdue them, they did but make way for their owne overthrow, for if they were rooted out, the English would soone take occasion to subjugate them; and if they would harken to them, they should not neede to fear ye strength of ye English; for they would not come to open battle with them, but fire their houses, kill their katle, and lye in ambush for them as they went abroad upon their occasions; and all this they might easily doe without any or litle danger to them selves. The which course being held, they well saw the English could not long subsiste, but they would either be starved with hunger, or be forced to forsake the countrie; with many ye like things; insomuch that ye Narigansets were once wavering, and were halfe minded to have made peace with them, and joy̅ed against ye English. But againe when they considered, how much wrong they had received from the Pequents, and what an oppertunitie they now had by ye help of ye English to right them selves, revenge was so sweete unto them, as it prevailed above all ye rest; so as they resolved to joyne with ye English against them, & did. [223] The Court here agreed forwith to send 50. men at their owne charg; and wth as much speed as posiblie they could, gott them armed, and had made them ready under sufficiente leaders, and provided a barke to carrie them provisions & tend upon them for all occasions; but when they were ready to march (with a supply from ye Bay) they had word to stay, for ye enimy was as good as vanquished, and their would be no neede.

I shall not take upon me exactly to describe their proceedings in these things, because I expecte it will be fully done by them selves, who best know the carrage & circumstances of things; I shall therfore but touch them in generall. From Connightecute (who were most sencible of ye hurt sustained, & ye present danger), they sett out a partie of men, and an other partie mett them from ye Bay, at ye Narigansets, who were to joyne with them. Ye Narigansets were ernest to be gone before ye English were well rested and refreshte, espetially some of them which came last. It should seeme their desire was to come upon ye enemie sudenly, & undiscovered. Ther was a barke of this place, newly put in ther, which was come from Conightecutte, who did incourage them to lay hold of ye Indeans forwardnes, and to shew as great forwardnes as they, for it would incorage them, and expedition might prove to their great advantage. So they went on, and so ordered their march, as the Indeans brought them to a forte of ye enimies (in which most of their cheefe men were) before day. They approached ye same with great silence, and surrounded it both with English & Indeans, that they might not breake out; and so assualted them with great courage, shooting amongst them, and entered ye forte with all speed; and those yt first entered found sharp resistance from the enimie, who both shott at & grapled with them; others rane into their howses, & brought out fire, and sett them on fire, which soone tooke in their matts, &, standing close togeather, with ye wind, all was quickly on a flame, and therby more were burnte to death then was otherwise slain; it burnte their bowstrings, and made them unservisable. Those yt scaped ye fire were slaine with ye sword; some hewed to peeces, others rune throw with their rapiers, so as they were quickly dispatchte, and very few escaped. It was conceived they thus destroyed about 400. at this time. It was a fearfull sight to see them thus frying in ye fyer, and ye streams of blood quenching ye same, and horrible was ye stinck & sente ther of; but ye victory seemed a sweete sacrifice, and they gave the prays therof to God, who had wrought so wonderfuly for them, thus to inclose their enimise in their hands, and give them so speedy a victory over so proud & insulting an enimie. The Narigansett Indeans, all this while, stood round aboute, but aloofe from all danger, and left ye whole [224] execution to ye English, exept it were ye stoping of any yt broke away, insulting over their enimies in this their ruine & miserie, when they saw them dancing in ye flames, calling them by a word in their owne language, signifing, O brave Pequents! which they used familierly among them selves in their own prayes, in songs of triumph after their victories. After this servis was thus happily accomplished, they marcht to the water side, wher they mett with some of their vesells, by which they had refreishing with victualls & other necessaries. But in their march ye rest of ye Pequents drew into a body, and acoasted them, thinking to have some advantage against them by[DX] reason of a neck of land; but when they saw the English prepare for them, they kept a loofe, so as they neither did hurt, nor could receive any. After their refreishing & repair to geather for further counsell & directions, they resolved to pursue their victory, and follow ye warr against ye rest, but ye Narigansett Indeans most of them forsooke them, and such of them as they had with them for guids, or otherwise, they found them very could and backward in ye bussines, ether out of envie, or yt they saw ye English would make more profite of ye victorie then they were willing they should, or els deprive them of such advantage as them selves desired by having them become tributaries unto them, or ye like.

For ye rest of this bussines, I shall only relate ye same as it is in a leter which came from Mr. Winthrop to ye Govr hear, as followeth.

Worthy Sr: I received your loving letter, and am much provocked to express my affections towards you, but straitnes of time forbids me; for my desire is to acquainte you with ye Lords greate mercies towards us, in our prevailing against his & our enimies; that you may rejoyce and praise his name with us. About 80. of our men, haveing costed along towards ye Dutch plantation, (some times by water, but most by land,) mett hear & ther with some Pequents, whom they slew or tooke prisoners. 2. sachems they tooke, & beheaded; and not hearing of Sassacous, (the cheefe sachem,) they gave a prisoner his life, to goe and find him out. He wente and brought them word where he was, but Sassacouse, suspecting him to be a spie, after he was gone, fled away with some 20. more to ye Mowakes, so our men missed of him. Yet, deviding them selves, and ranging up & downe, as ye providence of God guided them (for ye Indeans were all gone, save 3. or 4. and they knew not whither to guid them, or els would not), upon ye 13. of this month, they light upon a great company of them, viz. 80. strong men, & 200. women & children, in a small Indean towne, fast by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into before our men could gett to them. Our captains were not then come togeither, but ther was Mr. Ludlow and Captaine Masson, with some 10. [225] of their men, & Captaine Patrick with some 20. or more of his, who, shooting at ye Indeans, Captaine Trask with 50. more came soone in at ye noyse. Then they gave order to surround ye swampe, it being aboute a mile aboute; but Levetenante Davenporte & some 12. more, not hearing that com̅and, fell into ye swampe among ye Indeans. The swampe was so thicke with shrub-woode, & so boggie with all, that some of them stuck fast, and received many shott. Levetenant Davenport was dangerously wounded aboute his armehole, and another shott in ye head, so as, fainting, they were in great danger to have been taken by ye Indeans. But Sargante Rigges, & Jeffery, and 2. or 3. more, rescued them, and slew diverse of ye Indeans with their swords. After they were drawne out, the Indeans desired parley, & were offered (by Thomas Stanton, our interpretour) that, if they would come out, and yeeld them selves, they should have their lives, all that had not their hands in ye English blood. Wherupon ye sachem of ye place came forth, and an old man or 2. & their wives and children, and after that some other women & children, and so they spake 2. howers, till it was night. Then Thomas Stanton was sente into them againe, to call them forth; but they said they would selle their lives their, and so shott at him so thicke as, if he had not cried out, and been presently rescued, they had slaine him. Then our men cutt of a place of ye swampe with their swords, and cooped the Indeans into so narrow a compass, as they could easier kill them throw ye thickets. So they continued all ye night, standing aboute 12. foote one from an other, and ye Indeans, coming close up to our men, shot their arrows so thicke, as they pierced their hatte brimes, & their sleeves, & stockins, & other parts of their cloaths, yet so miraculously did the Lord preserve them as not one of them was wounded, save those 3. who rashly went into ye swampe. When it was nere day, it grue very darke, so as those of them which were left dropt away betweene our men, though they stood but 12. or 14. foote assunder; but were presenly discovered, & some killed in ye pursute. Upon searching of ye swampe, ye next morning, they found 9. slaine, & some they pulled up, whom ye Indeans had buried in ye mire, so as they doe thinke that, of all this company, not 20. did escape, for they after found some who dyed in their flight of their wounds received. The prisoners were devided, some to those of ye river, and the rest to us. Of these we send ye male children to Bermuda,[DY] by Mr. William Peirce, & ye women & maid children are disposed aboute in the townes. Ther have been now slaine & taken, in all, aboute 700. The rest are dispersed, and the Indeans in all quarters so terrified as all their friends are affraid to receive them. 2. of ye sachems of Long Iland came to Mr. Stoughton and tendered them selves to be tributaries under our protection. And 2. of ye Neepnett sachems have been with me to seeke our frendship. Amonge the prisoners we have ye wife & children of Mononotto, a womon of a very modest countenance and behaviour. It was by her mediation that the[DZ] 2. English [226] maids were spared from death, and were kindly used by her; so that I have taken charge of her. One of her first requests was, that the English would not abuse her body, and that her children might not be taken from her. Those which were wounded were fetched of soone by John Galopp, who came with his shalop in a happie houre, to bring them victuals, and to carrie their wounded men to ye pinass, wher our cheefe surgeon was, wth Mr. Willson, being aboute 8. leagues off. Our people are all in health, (ye Lord be praised,) and allthough they had marched in their armes all ye day, and had been in fight all ye night, yet they professed they found them selves so fresh as they could willingly have gone to such another bussines.

This is ye substance of that which I received, though I am forced to omite many considerable circomstances. So, being in much straitnes of time, (the ships being to departe within this 4. days, and in them the Lord Lee and Mr. Vane,) I hear breake of, and with harty saluts to, &c., I rest

Yours assured,

Jo: Winthrop.

The 28. of ye 5. month, 1637.

The captains reporte we have slaine 13. sachems; but Sassacouse & Monotto are yet living.

That I may make an end of this matter: this Sassacouse (ye Pequents cheefe sachem) being fled to ye Mowhakes, they cutt of his head, with some other of ye cheefe of them, whether to satisfie ye English, or rather ye Narigansets, (who, as I have since heard, hired them to doe it,) or for their owne advantage, I well know not; but thus this warr tooke end. The rest of ye Pequents were wholy driven from their place, and some of them submitted them selves to ye Narigansets, & lived under them; others of them betooke them selves to ye Monhiggs, under Uncass, their sachem, wth the approbation of ye English of Conightecutt, under whose protection Uncass lived, and he and his men had been faithful to them in this warr, & done them very good service. But this did so vexe the Narrigansetts, that they had not ye whole sweay over them, as they have never ceased plotting and contriving how to bring them under, and because they cannot attaine their ends, because of ye English who have protected them, they have sought to raise a generall conspiracie against ye English, as will appear in an other place.

They had now letters againe out of England from Mr. Andrews & Mr. Beachamp, that Mr. Sherley neither had nor would pay them any money, or give them any accounte, and so with much discontent desired them hear to send them some, much blaming them still, that they had sent all to Mr. Sherley, & none to them selves. Now, though they might have justly referred them to their former answer, and insisted ther upon, & some wise men counselled them so to doe, yet because they beleeved that [227] they were realy out round sumes of money, (espetialy Mr. Andrews,) and they had some in their hands, they resolved to send them what bever they had.[EA] Mr. Sherleys letters were to this purpose: that, as they had left him in ye paiment of ye former bills, so he had tould them he would leave them in this, and beleeve it, they should find it true. And he was as good as his word, for they could never gett peney from him, nor bring him to any accounte, though Mr. Beachamp sued him in ye Chancerie. But they all of them turned their complaints against them here, wher ther was least cause, and who had suffered most unjustly; first from Mr. Allerton & them, in being charged with so much of yt which they never had, nor drunke for; and now in paying all, & more then all (as they conceived), and yet still thus more demanded, and that with many heavie charges. They now discharged Mr. Sherley from his agencie, and forbad him to buy or send over any more goods for them, and prest him to come to some end about these things.

Anno Dom: 1638.

This year Mr. Thomas Prence was chosen Govr.

Amongst other enormities that fell out amongst them, this year 3. men were (after due triall) executed for robery & murder which they had committed; their names were these, Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and Richard Stinnings; ther was a 4., Daniel Crose, who was also guilty, but he escaped away, and could not be found. This Arthur Peach was ye cheefe of them, and ye ring leader of all ye rest. He was a lustie and a desperate yonge man, and had been one of ye souldiers in ye Pequente warr, and had done as good servise as ye most ther, and one of ye forwardest in any attempte. And being now out of means, and loath to worke, and falling to idle courses & company, he intended to goe to ye Dutch plantation; and had alured these 3., being other mens servants and apprentices, to goe with him. But another cause ther was allso of his secret going away in this maner; he was not only rune into debte, but he had gott a maid with child, (which was not known till after his death,) a mans servante in ye towne, and fear of punishmente made him gett away. The other 3. complotting with him, ranne away from their maisters in the night, and could not be heard of, for they went not ye ordinarie way, but shaped such a course as they thought to avoyd ye pursute of any [228]. But falling into ye way that lyeth betweene ye Bay of Massachusetts and the Narrigansets, and being disposed to rest them selves, struck fire, and took tobaco, a litle out of ye way, by ye way side. At length ther came a Narigansett Indean by, who had been in ye Bay a trading, and had both cloth & beads aboute him. (They had meett him ye day before, & he was now returning.) Peach called him to drinke tobaco with them, and he came & sate downe with them. Peach tould ye other he would kill him, and take what he had from him. But they were some thing afraid; but he said, Hang him, rogue, he had killed many of them. So they let him alone to doe as he would; and when he saw his time, he tooke a rapier and rane him through the body once or twise, and tooke from him 5. fathume of wampam, and 3. coats of cloath, and wente their way, leaving him for dead. But he scrabled away, when they were gone, and made shift to gett home, (but dyed within a few days after,) by which means they were discovered; and by subtilty the Indeans tooke them. For they desiring a canow to sett them over a water, (not thinking their facte had been known,) by ye sachems command they were carried to Aquidnett Iland, & ther accused of ye murder, and were examend & comitted upon it by ye English ther. The Indeans sent for Mr. Williams, & made a greeveous complainte; his freinds and kinred were ready to rise in armes, and provock the rest therunto, some conceiving they should now find ye Pequents words trew: that ye English would fall upon them. But Mr. Williams pacified them, & tould them, they should see justice done upon ye offenders; & wente to ye man, & tooke Mr. James, a phisition, with him. The man tould him who did it, & in what maner it was done; but the phisition found his wounds mortall, and that he could not live, (as he after testified upon othe, before the jurie in oppen courte,) and so he dyed shortly after, as both Mr. Williams, Mr. James, & some Indeans testified in courte. The Govrt in the Bay were aquented with it, but refferrd it hither, because it was done in this jurisdiction;[EB] but pressed by all means yt justice might be done in it; or els ye countrie must rise & see justice done, otherwise it would raise a warr. Yet some of ye rude & ignorante sorte murmured that any English should be put to death for ye Indeans. So at last they of ye iland brought them hither, and being often examened, and ye evidence prodused, they all in the end freely confessed in effect all yt the Indean accused them of, & that they had done it, in ye maner afforesaid; and so, upon ye forementioned evidence, were cast by ye jurie, & condemned, & executed for the same. And some of ye Narigansett Indeans, & of ye parties freinds, were presente when it was done, which gave them & all ye countrie good satisfaction. But it was a matter of much sadnes to them hear, and was ye 2. execution which they had since they came; being both for wilfull murder, as hath bene before related. Thus much of this mater.

[229] They received this year more letters from England full of reneued complaints, on ye one side, that they could gett no money nor accounte from Mr. Sherley; & he againe, yt he was pressed therto, saying he was to accounte with those hear, and not with them, &c. So, as was before resolved, if nothing came of their last letters, they would now send them what they could, as supposing, when some good parte was payed them, that Mr. Sherley & they would more easily agree aboute ye remainder.

So they sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beachamp, by Mr. Joseph Yonge, in ye Mary & Anne, 1325li. waight of beaver, devided betweene them. Mr. Beachamp returned an accounte of his moyety, that he made 400li. starling of it, fraight and all charges paid. But Mr. Andrews, though he had ye more and beter parte, yet he made not so much of his, through his owne indiscretion; and yet turned ye loss[EC] upon them hear, but without cause.

They sent them more by bills & other paimente, which was received & acknowledged by them, in money[ED] & ye like; which was for katle sould of Mr. Allertons, and ye price of a bark sold, which belonged to ye stock, and made over to them in money, 434li. sterling. The whole sume was 1234li. sterling, save what Mr. Andrews lost in ye beaver, which was otherwise made good. But yet this did not stay their clamors, as will apeare here after more at large.

It pleased God, in these times, so to blesse ye cuntry with such access & confluance of people into it, as it was therby much inriched, and catle of all kinds stood at a high rate for diverce years together. Kine were sould at 20li. and some at 25li. a peece, yea, some times at 28li. A cow-calfe usually at 10li. A milch goate at 3li. & some at 4li. And femall kids at 30s. and often at 40s. a peece. By which means ye anciente planters which had any stock begane to grow in their estats. Corne also wente at a round rate, viz. 6s. a bushell. So as other trading begane to be neglected; and the old partners (having now forbidden Mr. Sherley to send them any more goods) broke of their trade at Kenebeck, and, as things stood, would follow it no longer. But some of them, (with other they joyned with,) being loath it should be lost by discontinuance, agreed with ye company for it, and gave them aboute ye 6. parte of their gaines for it; [230][EE] with ye first fruits of which they builte a house for a prison; and the trade ther hath been since continued, to ye great benefite of ye place; for some well fore-sawe that these high prises of corne and catle would not long continue, and that then ye com̅odities ther raised would be much missed.

This year, aboute ye 1. or 2. of June, was a great & fearfull earthquake; it was in this place heard before it was felte. It came with a rumbling noyse, or low murmure, like unto remoate thunder; it came from ye norward, & pased southward. As ye noyse aproched nerer, they earth begane to shake, and came at length with that violence as caused platters, dishes, & such like things as stoode upon shelves, to clatter & fall downe; yea, persons were afraid of ye houses them selves. It so fell oute yt at ye same time diverse of ye cheefe of this towne were mett together at one house, conferring with some of their freinds that were upon their removall from ye place, (as if ye Lord would herby shew ye signes of his displeasure, in their shaking a peeces & removalls one from an other.) How ever it was very terrible for ye time, and as ye men were set talking in ye house, some women & others were without ye dores, and ye earth shooke with yt violence as they could not stand without catching hould of ye posts & pails yt stood next them; but ye violence lasted not long. And about halfe an hower, or less, came an other noyse & shaking, but nether so loud nor strong as ye former, but quickly passed over; and so it ceased. It was not only on ye sea coast, but ye Indeans felt it within land; and some ships that were upon ye coast were shaken by it. So powerfull is ye mighty hand of ye Lord, as to make both the earth & sea to shake, and the mountaines to tremble before him, when he pleases; and who can stay his hand? It was observed that ye som̅ers, for divers years togeather after this earthquake, were not so hotte & seasonable for ye ripning of corne & other fruits as formerly; but more could & moyst, & subjecte to erly & untimly frosts, by which, many times, much Indean corne came not to maturitie; but whether this was any cause, I leave it to naturallists to judge.

Anno Dom: 1639. & Anno Dom: 1640.

These 2. years I joyne togeather, because in them fell not out many things more then ye ordinary passages of their com̅one affaires, which are not needfull to be touched. [231] Those of this plantation having at sundrie times granted lands for severall townships, and amongst ye rest to ye inhabitants of Sityate, some wherof issewed from them selves, and allso a large tracte of land was given to their 4. London partners in ye place, viz. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beacham, Mr. Andrews, & Mr. Hatherley. At Mr. Hatherley's request and choys it was by him taken for him selfe and them in yt place; for the other 3. had invested him with power & trust to chose for them. And this tracte of land extended to their utmoste limets that way, and bordered on their neigbours of ye Massachusets, who had some years after seated a towne (called Hingam) on their lands next to these parts. So as now ther grue great differance betweene these 2. townships, about their bounds, and some meadow grownds that lay betweene them. They of Hingam presumed to alotte parte of them to their people, and measure & stack them out. The other pulled up their stacks, & threw them. So it grew to a controversie betweene the 2. goverments, & many letters and passages were betweene them aboute it; and it hunge some 2. years in suspense. The Courte of Massachusets, appointed some to range their line according to ye bounds of their patente, and (as they wente to worke) they made it to take in all Sityate, and I know not how much more. Againe, on ye other hand, according to ye line of the patente of this place, it would take in Hingame and much more within their bounds.

In ye end boath Courts agreed to chose 2. comissioners of each side, and to give them full & absolute power to agree and setle ye bounds betwene them; and what they should doe in ye case should stand irrevocably. One meeting they had at Hingam, but could not conclude; for their comissioners stoode stiffly on a clawes in their graunte, That from Charles-river, or any branch or parte therof, they were to extend their limits, and 3. myles further to ye southward; or from ye most southward parte of ye Massachusets Bay, and 3. mile further. But they chose to stand on ye former termes, for they had found a smale river, or brooke rather, that a great way with in land trended southward, and issued into some part of yt river taken to be Charles-river, and from ye most southerly part of this, & 3. mile more southward of ye same, they would rune a line east to ye sea, aboute 20. mile; which will (say they) take in a part of Plimoth itselfe. Now it is to be knowne yt though this patente & plantation were much the ancienter, yet this inlargemente of the same (in which Sityate stood) was granted after theirs, and so theirs were first to take place, before this inlargmente. Now their answer was, first, that, however according to their owne plan, they could noway come upon any part of their ancieante grante. [232] Secondly. They could never prove yt to be a parte of Charles-river, for they knew not which was Charles-river, but as ye people of this place, which came first, imposed such a name upon yt river, upon which, since, Charles-towne is builte (supposing yt was it, which Captaine Smith in his mapp so named). Now they yt first named it have best reason to know it, and to explaine which is it. But they only tooke it to be Charles river, as fare as it was by them navigated, and yt was as farr as a boate could goe. But yt every runlett or small brooke, yt should, farr within land, come into it, or mixe their stremes with it, and were by ye natives called by other & differente names from it, should now by them be made Charles-river, or parts of it, they saw no reason for it. And gave instance in Humber, in Old England, which had ye Trente, Ouse, and many others of lesser note fell into it, and yet were not counted parts of it; and many smaler rivers & broks fell into ye Trente, & Ouse, and no parts of them, but had nams aparte, and divisions & nominations of them selves. Againe, it was pleaded that they had no east line in their patente, but were to begine at ye sea, and goe west by a line, &c. At this meeting no conclution was made, but things discussed & well prepared for an issue. The next year ye same com̅issioners had their power continued or renewed, and mett at Sityate, and concluded ye mater, as followeth.

The agreemente of ye bounds betwixte Plimoth and Massachusetts.

Wheras ther were tow comissiones granted by ye 2. jurisdictions, ye one of Massachsets Govermente, granted unto John Endecott, gent: and Israell Stoughton, gent: the other of New-Plimoth Govermente, to William Bradford, Govr, and Edward Winslow, gent: and both these for ye setting out, setling, & determining of ye bounds & limitts of ye lands betweene ye said jurisdictions, wherby not only this presente age, but ye posteritie to come may live peaceably & quietly in yt behalfe. And for as much as ye said comissioners on both sids have full power so to doe, as appeareth by ye records of both jurisdictions; we therfore, ye said comissioners above named, doe hearby with one consente & agreemente conclude, detirmine, and by these presents declare, that all ye marshes at Conahasett yt lye of ye one side of ye river next to Hingam, shall belong to ye jurisdition of Massachusetts Plantation; and all ye marshes yt lye on ye other side of ye river next to Sityate, shall be long to ye jurisdiction of New-Plimoth; excepting 60. acers of marsh at ye mouth of ye river, on Sityate side next to the sea, which we doe herby agree, conclude, & detirmine shall belong to ye jurisdition of Massachusetts. And further, we doe hearby agree, determine, and conclude, yt the bounds of ye limites betweene both ye said jurisditions are as followeth, viz. from ye mouth of ye brook yt runeth into Chonahasett marches (which we call by ye name of Bound-brooke) with a stright & directe line to ye midle of a great ponde, yt lyeth on ye right hand of ye uper path, or commone way, yt leadeth betweene Waimoth and Plimoth, close to ye path as [233] we goe alonge, which was formerly named (and still we desire may be caled) Accord pond, lying aboute five or 6. myles from Weimoth southerley; and from thence with a straight line to ye souther-most part of Charles-river,[EF] & 3. miles southerly, inward into ye countrie, according as is expresed in ye patente granted by his Matie to ye Company of ye Massachusetts Plantation. Provided allways and never ye less concluded & determined by mutuall agreemente betweene ye said comissioners, yt if it fall out yt the said line from Accord-pond to ye sothermost parte of Charles-river, & 3. myles southerly as is before expresed, straiten or hinder any parte of any plantation begune by ye Govert of New-Plimoth, or hereafter to be begune within 10. years after ye date of these psnts, that then, notwithstanding ye said line, it shall be lawfull for ye said Govrt of New-Plimoth to assume on ye northerly side of ye said line, wher it shall so intrench as afforesaid, so much land as will make up ye quantity of eight miles square, to belong to every shuch plantation begune, or to [be] begune as afforesaid; which we agree, determine, & conclude to appertaine & belong to ye said Govrt of New-Plimoth. And wheras ye said line, from ye said brooke which runeth into Choahassett saltmarshes, called by us Bound-brooke, and ye pond called Accord-pond, lyeth nere ye lands belonging to ye tounships of Sityate & Hingam, we doe therfore hereby determine & conclude, that if any devissions allready made and recorded, by either ye said townships, doe crose the said line, that then it shall stand, & be of force according to ye former intents and purposes of the said townes granting them (the marshes formerly agreed on exepted). And yt no towne in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceede, but containe them selves within ye said lines expressed. In witnes wherof we, the comissioners of both jurisdictions, doe by these presents indented set our hands & scales ye ninth day of ye 4. month in 16. year of our soveraine lord, king Charles; and in ye year of our Lord, 1640.

William Bradford, Govr. Ed: Winslow. Jo: Endecott. Israell Stoughton.

Wheras ye patente was taken in ye name of William Bradford, (as in trust,) and rane in these termes: To him, his heires, and associats & assignes; and now ye noumber of free-men being much increased, and diverce tounships established and setled in severall quarters of ye govermente, as Plimoth, Duxberie, Sityate, Tanton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marchfeeld, and not longe after, Seacunke (called afterward, at ye desire of ye inhabitants, Rehoboth) and Nawsett, it was by ye Courte desired that William Bradford should make a surrender of the same into their hands. The which he willingly did, in this maner following.

Wheras William Bradford, and diverce others ye first instruments of God in the begin̅ing of this great work of plantation, togeather with such as ye allordering hand of God in his providence soone added unto them, have been at very great charges to procure ye lands, priviledges, & freedoms from all intanglments, as may appeare by diverse & sundrie deeds, inlargments of grants, purchases, and payments of debts, &c., by reason wherof ye title to ye day of these presents [234] remaineth in ye said William Bradford, his heires, associats, and assignes: now, for ye better setling of ye estate of the said lands (contained in ye grant or pattente), the said William Bradford, and those first instruments termed & called in sondry orders upon publick recorde, Ye Purchasers, or Old comers; witnes 2. in spetiall, the one bearing date ye 3. of March, 1639. the other in Des: the 1. Ano 1640. wherunto these presents have spetiall relation & agreemente, and wherby they are distinguished from other ye freemen & inhabitants of ye said corporation. Be it knowne unto all men, therfore, by these presents, that the said William Bradford, for him selfe, his heires, together with ye said purchasers, doe only reserve unto them selves, their heires, and assignes those 3. tractes of land mentioned in ye said resolution, order, and agreemente, bearing date ye first of Des: 1640. viz. first, from ye bounds of Yarmouth, 3. miles to ye eastward of Naemschatet, and from sea to sea, crose the neck of land. The 2. of a place called Acoughcouss, which lyeth in ye botome of ye bay adjoyning to ye west-side of Pointe Perill, and 2. myles to ye westerne side of ye said river, to an other place called Acushente river, which entereth at ye westerne end of Nacata, and 2. miles to ye eastward therof, and to extend 8. myles up into ye countrie. The 3. place, from Sowansett river to Patucket river, (with Cawsumsett neck,) which is ye cheefe habitation of ye Indeans, & reserved for them to dwell upon, extending into ye land 8. myles through ye whole breadth therof. Togeather with such other small parcells of lands as they or any of them are personally possessed of or intressed in, by vertue of any former titles or grante whatsoever. And ye said William Bradford doth, by ye free & full consente, approbation, and agreemente of ye said old-planters, or purchasers, together with ye liking, approbation, and acceptation of ye other parte of ye said corporation, surrender into ye hands of ye whole courte, consisting of ye free-men of this corporation of New-Plimoth, all yt other right & title, power, authority, priviledges, immunities, & freedomes granted in ye said letters patents by ye said right Honble Counsell for New-England; reserveing his & their personall right of freemen, together wth the said old planters afforesaid, excepte ye said lands before excepted, declaring the freemen of this corporation, togeather with all such as shal be legally admitted into ye same, his associats. And ye said William Bradford, for him, his heiers, & assignes, doe hereby further promise and grant to doe & performe whatsoever further thing or things, acte or actes, which in him lyeth, which shall be needfull and expediente for ye better confirming and establishing the said premises, as by counsel lerned in ye lawes shall be reasonably advised and devised, when he shall be ther unto required. In witness wherof, the said William Bradford hath in publick courte surrendered the said letters patents actually into ye hands & power of ye said courte, binding him selfe, his heires, executors, administrators, and assignes to deliver up whatsoever spetialties are in his hands that doe or may concerne the same.

[235] In these 2. years they had sundry letters out of England to send one over to end the buissines and accounte with Mr. Sherley; who now professed he could not make up his accounts without ye help of some from hence, espetialy Mr. Winslows. They had serious thoughts of it, and ye most parte of ye partners hear thought it best to send; but they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters as Mr. Winslow was neither willing to goe, nor yt any other of ye partners should; for he was perswaded, if any of them wente, they should be arested, and an action of such a sum̅e layed upon them as they should not procure baele, but must lye in prison, and then they would bring them to what they liste; or other wise they might be brought into trouble by ye arch-bishops means, as ye times then stood. But, notwithstanding, they weer much inclined to send, & Captaine Standish was willing to goe, but they resolved, seeing they could not all agree in this thing, and that it was waighty, and ye consequence might prove dangerous, to take Mr. Winthrops advise in ye thing, and ye rather, because Mr. Andrews had by many letters acquaynted him with ye differences betweene them, and appoynted him for his assigne to receive his parte of ye debte. (And though they deneyed to pay him any as a debte, till ye controversie was ended, yet they had deposited 110li. in money in his hands for Mr. Andrews, to pay to him in parte as soone as he would come to any agreement with ye rest.) But Mr. Winthrop was of Mr. Winslows minde, and disswaded them from sending; so they broak of their resolution from sending, and returned this answer: that the times were dangerous as things stood with them, for they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered formerley, and for a small matter was clapte up in ye Fleete, & it was long before he could gett out, to both his & their great loss and damage; and times were not better, but worse, in yt respecte. Yet, that their equall & honest minds might appeare to all men, they made them this tender: to refferr ye case to some gentle-men and marchants in ye Bay of ye Massachusetts, such as they should chuse, and were well knowne unto them selves, (as they perceived their wer many of their aquaintance and freinds ther, better knowne to them then ye partners hear,) and let them be informed in ye case by both sids, and have all ye evidence yt could be prodused, in writing, or other wise; and they would be bound to stand to their determination, and make good their award, though it should cost them all they had in ye world. But this did not please them, but they were offended at it, without any great reasone for ought I know, (seeing nether side could give in clear accountes, ye partners here could not, by reason they (to their smarte) were failed by ye accountante they sent them, and Mr. Sherley pretened he could not allso,) save as they conceived it a disparagmente to yeeld to their inferiours in respecte of ye place and other concurring circomstances. So this came to nothing; and afterward Mr. Sherley write, yt if Mr. Winslow would mett him in France, ye Low-Countries, or Scotland, let ye place be knowne, and he [236] come to him ther. But in regard of ye troubles that now begane to arise in our owne nation, and other reasons, this did not come to any effecte. That which made them so desirous to bring things to an end was partly to stope ye clamours and aspertions raised & cast upon them hereaboute; though they conceived them selves to sustaine the greatest wrong, and had most cause of complainte; and partly because they feared ye fall of catle, in which most parte of their estats lay. And this was not a vaine feare; for they fell indeede before they came to a conclusion, and that so souddanly, as a cowe that but a month before was worth 20li., and would so have passed in any paymente, fell now to 5li. and would yeeld no more; and a goate that wente at 3li. or 50s. would now yeeld but 8. or 10s. at most. All men feared a fall of catle, but it was thought it would be by degrees; and not to be from ye highest pitch at once to ye lowest, as it did, which was greatly to ye damage of many, and ye undoing of some. An other reason was, they many of them grew aged, (and indeed a rare thing it was that so many partners should all live together so many years as these did,) and saw many changes were like to befall; so as they were loath to leave these intanglments upon their children and posteritie, who might be driven to remove places, as they had done; yea, them selves might doe it yet before they dyed. But this bussines must yet rest; ye next year gave it more ripnes, though it rendred them less able to pay, for ye reasons afforesaid.

Anno Dom: 1641.

Mr. Sherley being weary of this controversie, and desirous of an end, (as well as them selves,) write to Mr. John Atwode and Mr. William Collier, 2. of ye inhabitants of this place, and of his speatiall aquaintance, and desired them to be a means to bring this bussines to an end, by advising & counselling the partners hear, by some way to bring it to a composition, by mutuall agreemente. And he write to them selves allso to yt end, as by his letter may apear; so much therof as concernse ye same I shall hear relate.

Sr. My love remembered, &c. I have writte so much concerning ye ending of accounts betweexte us, as I profess I know not what more to write, &c. If you desire an end, as you seeme to doe, ther is (as I conceive) but 2. waise; that is, to parfecte all accounts, from ye first to ye last, &c. Now if we find this difficulte, and tedious, haveing not been so stricte & carefull as we should and oughte to have done, as for my owne parte I doe confess I have been somewhat to remisse, and doe verily thinke so are you, &c. I fear you can never make a perfecte accounte of all your pety viages, out, & home too & againe, &c.[EG] So then ye second way must be, by biding, or [237] compounding; and this way, first or last, we must fall upon, &c. If we must warr at law for it, doe not you expecte from me, nether will I from you, but to cleave ye heare, and then I dare say ye lawyers will be most gainers, &c. Thus let us set to ye worke, one way or other, and end, that I may not allways suffer in my name & estate. And you are not free; nay, ye gospell suffers by your delaying, and causeth ye professors of it to be hardly spoken of, that you, being many, & now able, should combine & joyne togeather to oppress & burden me, &c. Fear not to make a faire & reasonable offer; beleeve me, I will never take any advantage to plead it against you, or to wrong you; or else let Mr. Winslow come over, and let him have such full power & authority as we may ende by compounding; or else, ye accounts so well and fully made up, as we may end by reconing. Now, blesed be God, ye times be much changed here, I hope to see many of you returne to your native countrie againe, and have such freedome & libertie as ye word of God prescribs. Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now; God hath miraculously confounded them, and turned all their popish & Machavillian plots & projects on their owne heads, &c. Thus you see what is fitt to be done concerning our perticulere greevances. I pray you take it seriously into consideration; let each give way a litle that we may meete, &c. Be you and all yours kindly saluted, &c. So I ever rest,

Your loving friend,

James Sherley.

Clapham, May 18, 1641.

Being thus by this leter, and allso by Mr. Atwodes & Mr. Colliers mediation urged to bring things to an end, (and ye continuall clamors from ye rest,) and by none more urged then by their own desires, they tooke this course (because many scandals had been raised upon them). They apoynted these 2. men before mentioned to meet on a certaine day, and called some other freinds on both sids, and Mr. Free-man, brother in law to Mr. Beachamp, and having drawne up a collection of all ye remains of ye stock, in what soever it was, as housing, boats, bark, and all implements belonging to ye same, as they were used in ye time of ye trad, were they better or worce, with ye remaines of all com̅odities, as beads, knives, hatchetts, cloth, or any thing els, as well ye refuse as ye more vendible, with all debts, as well those yt were desperate as others more hopefull; and having spent diverce days to bring this to pass, having ye helpe of all bookes and papers, which either any of them selves had, or Josias Winslow, who was their accountante; and they found ye sume in all to arise (as ye things were valued) to aboute 1400li. And they all of them tooke a voluntary but a sollem oath, in ye presence one of an other, and of all their frends, ye persons abovesaid yt were now presente, that this was all that any of them knew of, or could remember; and Josias Winslow did ye like for his parte. But ye truth is they wrongd them selves much in ye valuation, for they reconed some catle as they were taken of Mr. Allerton, as for instance a cowe in ye hands of one cost 25li. and so she was valued in this accounte; but when she came to be past away in parte of paymente, after ye agreemente, she would be accepted but a 4li. 15s. [238] Also being tender of their oaths, they brought in all they know owing to ye stock; but they had not made ye like diligente search what ye stocke might owe to any, so as many scattering debts fell upon afterwards more then now they know of.

Upon this they drew certaine articles of agreemente betweene Mr. Atwode, on Mr. Sherleys behalfe, and them selves. The effecte is as folloeth.

Articles of agreemente made and concluded upon ye 15. day of October, 1641. &c.

Imp: Wheras ther was a partnership for diverce years agreed upon betweene James Sherley, John Beacham, and Richard Andrews, of London, marchants, and William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Aldon, & John Howland, wth Isaack Allerton, in a trade of beaver skines & other furrs arising in New-England; the terme of which said partnership being expired, and diverse sum̅es of money in goods adventured into New-England by ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, and many large returnes made from New-England by ye said William Bradford, Ed: Winslow, &c.; and differance arising aboute ye charge of 2. ships, the one called ye White Angele, of Bristow, and ye other ye Frindship, of Barnstable, and a viage intended in her, &c.; which said ships & their viages, ye said William Bradford, Ed: W. &c. conceive doe not at all appertaine to their accounts of partnership; and weras ye accounts of ye said partnership are found to be confused, and cannot orderley appeare (through ye defaulte of Josias Winslow, ye booke keeper); and weras ye said W. B. &c. have received all their goods for ye said trade from the foresaid James Sherley, and have made most of their returnes to him, by consente of ye said John Beachamp & Richard Andrews; and wheras also ye said James Sherley hath given power & authoritie to Mr. John Atwode, with ye advice & consente of William Collier, of Duxborow, for and on his behalfe, to put such an absolute end to ye said partnership, with all and every accounts, reconings, dues, claimes, demands, whatsoever, to ye said James Sherley, John Beacham, & Richard Andrews, from ye said W. B. &c. for and concerning ye said beaver trade, & also ye charge ye said 2. ships, and their viages made or pretended, whether just or unjuste, from ye worlds begining to this presente, as also for ye paimente of a purchas of 1800li. made by Isaack Allerton, for and on ye behalfe of ye said W. B., Ed: W., &c., and of ye joynt stock, shares, lands, and adventurs, what soever in New-England aforesaid, as apeareth by a deede bearing date ye 6. Novbr. 1627; and also for and from such sume and sumes of money or goods as are received by William Bradford, Tho: Prence, & Myles Standish, for ye recovery of dues, by accounts betwexte them, ye said James Sherly, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, and Isaack Allerton, for ye ship caled ye White Angell. Now ye said John Attwode, with advice & counsell of ye said William Collier, having had much comunication & spente diverse days in agitation of all ye said differances & accounts with ye said W. B., E. W., &c.; and ye said W. B., E. W., &c. have also, with ye said book-keeper spente much time in collecting & gathering togeither ye remainder of ye stock of partnership for ye said trade, and what soever hath beene received, or is due by ye said attorneyship before expresed, and all, and all manner of goods, debts, and dues therunto belonging, as well those debts that are weake and doubtfull [239] and desperate, as those yt are more secure, which in all doe amounte to ye sume of 1400li. or ther aboute; and for more full satisfaction of ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, the said W. B. and all ye rest of ye abovesaid partners, togeither with Josias Winslow ye booke keeper, have taken a voluntarie oath, yt within ye said sume of 1400li. or theraboute, is contained whatsoever they knew, to ye utmost of their rememberance.

In consideration of all which matters & things before expressed, and to ye end yt a full, absolute, and finall end may be now made, and all suits in law may be avoyded, and love & peace continued, it is therfore agreed and concluded betweene ye said John Attwode, with ye advice & consent of ye said William Colier, for & on ye behalfe of ye said James Sherley, to and with ye said W. B., &c. in maner and forme following: viz. that ye said John Attwode shall procure a sufficiente release and discharge, under ye hands & seals of ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, to be delivered fayer & unconcealed unto ye said William Bradford, &c., at or before ye last day of August, next insuing ye date hereof, whereby ye said William Bradford &c., their heires, executors, & administrators, & every of them shall be fully and absolutly aquited & discharged of all actions, suits, reconings, accounts, claimes, and demands whatsoever concerning ye generall stock of beaver trade, paymente of ye said 1800li. for ye purchass, and all demands, reckonings, and accounts, just or unjuste, concerning the tow ships Whit-Angell and Frendship aforesaid, togeather with whatsoever hath been received by ye said William Bradford, of ye goods or estate of Isaack Allerton, for satisfaction of ye accounts of ye said ship called ye Whit Angele, by vertue of a lre of attourney to him, Thomas Prence, & Myles Standish, directed from ye said James Sherley, John Beachamp, & Richard Andrews, for yt purpose as afforesaid.

It is also agreed & concluded upon betweene the said parties to these presents, that the said W. B., E. W., &c. shall now be bound in 2400li. for paymente of 1200li. in full satisfaction of all demands as afforesaid; to be payed in maner & forme following; that is to say, 400li. within 2. months next after ye receite of the aforesaid releases and discharges, one hundred and ten pounds wherof is allready in ye hands of John Winthrop senior of Boston, Esquire, by the means of Mr. Richard Andrews afforesaid, and 80li. waight of beaver now deposited into ye hands of ye said John Attwode, to be both in part of paimente of ye said 400li. and ye other 800li. to be payed by 200li. p̲r an̅ume, to such assignes as shall be appointed, inhabiting either in Plimoth or Massachusetts Bay, in such goods & comodities, and at such rates, as the countrie shall afford at ye time of delivery & paymente; and in ye mean time ye said bond of 2400li. to be deposited into ye hands of ye said John Attwode. And it is agreed upon by & betweene ye said parties to these presents, that if ye said John Attwode shall not or cannot procure such said releases & discharges as afforesaid from ye said James Sherley, John Bachamp, & Richard Andrews, at or before ye last day of August next insuing ye date hear of, yt then ye said John Attwode shall, at ye said day precisely, redeliver, or cause to [240] be delivered unto ye said W. B., E. W., &c. their said bond of 2400li. and ye said 80li. waight of beaver, or ye due valew therof, without any fraud or further delay; and for performance of all & singuler ye covenants and agreements hearin contained and expressed, which on ye one parte and behalfe of ye said James Sherley are to be observed & performed, shall become bound in ye sum̅e of 2400li. to them, ye said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prence, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Allden, and John Howland. And it is lastly agreed upon betweene ye said parties, that these presents shall be left in trust, to be kepte for boath parties, in ye hands of Mr. John Reanour, teacher of Plimoth. In witnes wherof, all ye said parties have hereunto severally sett their hands, ye day and year first above writen.

John Atwode, William Bradford, Edward Winslow, &c. In ye presence of

Edmond Freeman, William Thomas, William Pady, Nathaniell Souther.

The nexte year this long and tedious bussines came to some issue, as will then appeare, though not to a finall ende with all ye parties; but this much for ye presente.

I had forgoten to inserte in its place how ye church here had invited and sent for Mr. Charles Chansey,[EH] a reverend, godly, and very larned man, intending upon triall to chose him pastor of ye church hear, for ye more comfortable performance of ye ministrie with Mr. John Reinor, the teacher of the same. But ther fell out some differance aboute baptising, he holding it ought only to be by diping, and putting ye whole body under water, and that sprinkling was unlawfull. The church yeelded that immersion, or dipping, was lawfull, but in this could countrie not so conveniente. But they could not nor durst not yeeld to him in this, that sprinkling (which all ye churches of Christ doe for ye most parte use at this day) was unlawfull, & an humane invention, as ye same was prest; but they were willing to yeeld to him as far as yey could, & to ye utmost; and were contented to suffer him to practise as he was perswaded; and when he came to minister that ordnance, he might so doe it to any yt did desire it in yt way, provided he could peacably suffer Mr. Reinor, and such as desired to have theirs otherwise baptised by him, by sprinkling or powering on of water upon them; so as ther might be no disturbance in ye church hereaboute. But he said he could not yeeld herunto. Upon which the church procured some other ministers to dispute ye pointe with him publikly; as Mr. Ralfe Partrich, of Duxberie, who did it sundrie times, very ablie and sufficently, as allso some other ministers within this govermente. But he was not satisfied; so ye church sent to many other churches to crave their help and advise in [241] this mater, and, with his will & consente, sent them his arguments writen under his owne hand. They sente them to ye church at Boston in ye Bay of Massachusets, to be comunicated with other churches ther. Also they sent ye same to the churches of Conightecutt and New-Haven, with sundrie others; and received very able & sufficent answers, as they conceived, from them and their larned ministers, who all concluded against him. But him selfe was not satisfied therwth. Their answers are too large hear to relate. They conceived ye church had done what was meete in ye thing, so Mr. Chansey, having been ye most parte of 3. years here, removed him selfe to Sityate, wher he now remaines a minister to ye church ther. Also about these times, now yt catle & other things begane greatly to fall from their former rates, and persons begane to fall into more straits, and many being allready gone from them, (as is noted before,) both to Duxberie, Marshfeeld, and other places, & those of ye cheefe sorte, as Mr. Winslow, Captaine Standish, Mr. Allden, and many other, & stille some dropping away daly, and some at this time, and many more unsetled, it did greatly weaken ye place, and by reason of ye straitnes and barrennes of ye place, it sett ye thoughts of many upon removeall; as will appere more hereafter.

Anno Dom: 1642.

Marvilous it may be to see and consider how some kind of wickednes did grow & breake forth here, in a land wher the same was so much witnesed against, and so narrowly looked unto, & severly punished when it was knowne; as in no place more, or so much, that I have known or heard of; insomuch as they have been somewhat censured, even by moderate and good men, for their severitie in punishments. And yet all this could not suppress ye breaking out of sundrie notorious sins, (as this year, besids other, gives us too many sad presidents and instances,) espetially drunkennes and unclainnes; not only incontinencie betweene persons unmaried, for which many both men & women have been punished sharply enough, but some maried persons allso. But that which is worse, even sodomie and bugerie, (things fearfull to name,) have broak forth in this land, oftener then once. I say it may justly be marveled at, and cause us to fear & tremble at the consideration of our corrupte natures, which are so hardly bridled, subdued, & mortified; nay, cannot by any other means but ye powerfull worke & grace of Gods spirite. But (besids this) one reason may be, that ye Divell may carrie a greater spite against the churches of Christ and ye gospell hear, by how much ye more they indeaour to preserve holynes and puritie amongst them, and strictly punisheth the contrary when it ariseth either in church or comone wealth; that he might cast a [242] blemishe & staine upon them in ye eyes of [ye] world, who use to be rash in judgmente. I would rather thinke thus, then that Satane hath more power in these heathen lands, as som have thought, then in more Christian nations, espetially over Gods servants in them.

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