Part 2 / Book 6 — Book VI (continued 7)

References.—Mrs. Amelia Moillet, “Sketch of the Life of James Keir,” 1859; Sidney Lee, “Dict. of Nat. Biog.,” London, 1892, Vol. XXX. pp. 313–314; Annales de Chimie for October 1837; Phil. Trans. for 1790, p. 353, as well as Hutton’s abridgment of the same, Vol. XVI. p. 694; Sturgeon’s “Annals of Electricity,” Vol. V. p. 427; Gmelin’s Chemistry, pp. 367, 370.

A.D. 1791.—Shaw (George), English naturalist, who became a Fellow of the Royal Society during the year 1789, communicates to the latter body a paper on the Scolopendra electrica and Scolopendra subterranea (“Linn. Soc. Trans.” I. pp. 103–111). This was afterward translated into Italian and appeared in Vol. IX. p. 26, of Brugnatelli’s Annali di Chimica. Mr. James Wilson, F.R.S.E., in his “Encycl. Brit.” article on Myriapoda, alludes to the Scolopendra electrica as figured by Frisch and described by Geoffroy in his “Histoire des Insectes,” Vol. II. p. 676, n. 5. Shaw also treats of the Trichiurus Indicus, which Sir David Brewster believes to be the same as the trichiurus electricus, known to inhabit the Indian Seas and to have the power of giving electric shocks.

Five years before the above date (1786), the Phil. Trans. contained (p. 382) the description of the tetraodon electricus, which Lieutenant William Paterson discovered in the cavities of the coral rocks of one of the Canary Islands and which he found to possess the properties of other electrical fishes. (See Hutton’s abridgments, Vol. XVI. p. 134.)

References.—“Biographie Générale,” Vol. XLIII. p. 922; “Gentleman’s Magazine,” Vol. LXXXIII; Poggendorff, Vol. II. p. 918; “Cat. Royal Society Sc. Papers,” Vol. V. p. 674; Dr. Thomas Young, “Course of Lectures,” London, 1807, Vol. II. p. 436, for the Trichiurus Indicus....

Having thus far called attention to the most important varieties of the electrical fishes, notably at the articles Adanson (A.D. 1751), Bancroft (A.D. 1769), Walsh, also Hunter (A.D. 1773), the following original list of additional references will prove interesting:

Raia Torpedo.—Stephani Lorenzini, “Osservazioni ...” Firenze, 1678; R. A. F. de Réaumur, “Des Effets ...” Paris, 1714; Templeman, in “Nouvelliste,” 1759; Ingen-housz (Phil. Trans., 1775); Cavendish (Phil. Trans., 1776, Vol. LXI. p. 584, Vol. LXVI. p. 196, also Hutton’s abridgments, Vol. II. p. 485; Vol. XIII. p. 223; Vol. XIV. p. 23); F. Soave (“Scelta di Opuscoli,” Vol. XV), Milano, 1776; J. A. Garn, “De Torpedine ...” Witteb., 1778; R. M. de Termeyer (Raccolta Ferr. di Op. Sc. ... Vol. VIII), Venice, 1781; L. Spallanzani (“Goth. Mag.,” V. i. 41; “Opusc. Scelti,” VI. 73), Milano, 1783; Girardi and Walter (“Mem. Soc. Ital.,” III. 553), Verona, 1786; W. Bryant (“Tr. Amer. Phil. Soc.,” II. 166, O. S.), Philad., 1786; J. W. Linck, “De Raja Torpedine,” Lips., 1788; Vassalli-Eandi (Journal de Physique, Vol. XLIX. p. 69); Geoffroy Saint-Hilaire (“Annal. du Mus.,” An. XI. Vol. I., No. 5, and Phil. Mag., Vol. XV. p. 126), 1803; J. F. M. Olfers, “Die Gattung Torpedo ...” Berlin, 1831; Linari-Santi in “Bibl. Univ.,” Ser. II., Geneva, 1837–1838, and in “Bibl. Ital.,” Vol. XCII. p. 258, Milan, 1839; C. Matteucci, “Recherches ...” Genève, 1837 (“Royal Soc. Catalogue of Sc. Papers,” Vol. IV. pp. 285–293); also Delle Chiaje, “On the Organs ...” and P. Savi, “Etudes ...” Paris, 1844; G. Pianciani (“Mem. Soc. Ital.,” XXII. 7); F. Zantedeschi (“Bull. Acad. Brux.,” VIII. 1841); A. Fusinieri (“Ann. del Reg. Lomb.-Veneto,” VIII. 239), Padova, 1838; A. F. J. C. Mayer, “Spicilegium ...” Bonnæ, 1843; L. Calamai, “Osservazioni ...” 1845; C. Robin, “Recherches ...” Paris, 1847; Krünitz, “Abhandl.,” XVII; Nicholson’s Journal, Vol. I. p. 355; Rozier, IV. p. 205; “Acad. Brux.,” 111; “Phil. Hist. and Mem. of the Roy. Acad. of Sc. Paris,” 1742, Vol. V. pp. 58–73; John Ewing, at A.D. 1795; Dr. Godef. Will. Schilling (in original Latin, also the French translation), “Biblioth. Britannique,” Vol. XL. pp. 263–272; Dr. Jan Ingen-housz in Phil. Tr. Vol. LXV. p. 1; Vol. LXVIII. pp. 1022, 1027; Vol. LXIX. pp. 537, 661; also Hutton’s abridgments, Vol. XIII. p. 575; Vol. XIV. pp. 462, 463, 589, 598; “Journal des Sçavans,” Vol. LXXVIII. for January-April, 1726, p. 58; “The System of Natural History, written by M. De Buffon,” Edinburgh, 1800, Vol. II. pp. 24–25.

M. R. A. F. De Réaumur, mentioned above, has communicated the results of his investigations relative to the torpedo in “Mém. de Paris” for 1714, following it up more particularly with another article in the issue for year 1723 on magnetization, which is also alluded to in “Journal des Sçavans,” Vol. LXXXII. for 1727, p. 4.

Silurus Electricus.—Ranzi, on the discovery of the discharge of this animal; P. Forskal “Beobachtungen ...” 1775; F. Pacini, “Sopra l’ Organo ...” Bologna, 1846; Abd-Allatif, Relation de l’Egypte, p. 167, quoted at p. 250; Note XI. vol. i. of Libri’s “Hist. des Mathém.”; C. Maspero, “The Dawn of Civilization,” New York, 1894, p. 36, wherein it is said that the silurus was the nârû of the ancient Egyptians, as described by Isidore Geoffroy de St. Hilaire in his “Histoire Naturelle des Poissons du Nil.”

Gymnotus Electricus.—T. Richer, “Observations ...” Paris, 1679 (“Hist. et Mém. de l’Acad. Roy. des Sciences,” Vols. I. p. 116; VII. i. pt. 2, p. 92); “Edinburgh Review,” Vol. XVI. pp. 249–250; John Ewing at A.D. 1795; P. Sue, aîné “Histoire du Galvanisme,” Paris, An. X, 1802, Vol. II. pp. 94–97; A. Van Berkel, “Reise nach Rio ...” Memming, 1789, for the observations made in 1680–1689; J. B. Duhamel (“Hist. Acad. Sc.,” 168); J. N. Allamand, “On the Surinam Eel ... by S’Gravesande,” Haarlem, 1757; Gronov-Gronovius (“Acta Helvetica ...” IV. 26, Basle, 1760; Phil. Trans., Vol. LXV. part i. p. 94, 102, and part ii. p. 395); P. V. Musschenbroek (“Hist. et Méms. de l’Acad. des Sc.,” 1760); G. W. Schilling, “Diatribe de Morbo ...” 1770, treating of the torpedo as well as of the magnetism of the Gymnotus (which latter was observed by him in 1764, and is alluded to besides by Jan Ingen-housz in his “Nouv. Exper.,” Paris, 1785); “Mem. of Berlin Acad. of Sc.,” Bonnefoy, “De l’app. de l’élect ...” 1782–1783, p. 48; Ferdinando Elice, “Saggio sull’ Elettricità,” p. 26; H. Williamson, Alexander Garden and John Hunter in the Phil. Trans. for 1775, p. 94, 102, 105, 395, and in Hutton’s abridgments, Vol. XIII. pp. 597–600; R. M. de Termeyer (“Opus. Scelti,” IV. 324, for 1781); H. C. Flagg (“Trans. Amer. Phil. Soc.,” O. S., Vol. II. p. 170); Samuel Fahlberg, “Beskrifning ofver elektriska alen Gymnotus electricus,” Stockholm, 1801; (See Fahlberg at A.D. 1769, and in “Vet Acad. Nyr. Handl.”; Gilbert, Annalen, XIV. p. 416); Humboldt, “Observations ... anguille elect ...” Paris, 1806; “Versuche ... elec. fische,” Jena, 1806; also in the Annales de Chimie et de Physique, Vol. XI for 1819, and at p. 256 of the “Harmonies of Nature,” by Dr. G. Hartwig, London, 1866, will be found a picture showing mode of capture of the Electric Eel; F. S. Guisan, “De Gymnoto ...” Tübingen, 1819, Carl Palmstedt (“Skand. Naturf. motets Forhand,” 1842); H. Letheby (“Proceedings London El. Soc.,” Aug. 16, 1842, and June 17, 1843); M. Vanderlot’s work, alluded to by Humboldt at p. 88 of his “Voyage ...”; F. Steindachner, “Die Gymnotidie ...” Wien, 1868.

Consult likewise, for reputed magnetic powers of the echeneis, or sucking-fish, Gaudentius Merula, “Memorabilium,” 1556, p. 209; Fracastorio, “De Sympathia,” lib. 1, cap. 8; W. Charleton, “Physiologia,” 1654, p. 375; Cornelius Gemma, “De Naturæ Divinis,” 1575, lib. 1, cap. 7, p. 123; and, for electrical fishes generally, Rozier, Intr., II. p. 432; Bloch, “Naturgeschichte ...” Berlin, 1786; A. De la Rive, “Traité de l’électricité,” Paris, 1858, Vol. III. pp. 61–82; Rozier, Vol. XXVII. pp. 139–143; “Works of Michael de Montaigne,” by W. Hazlitt, New York, 1872, Vol. II. pp. 158–159; R. J. Haüy, “Traité de Physique,” p. 41; Geoffroy Saint-Hilare (Journal de Physique, LVI. 242; Phil. Mag. XV. 126–136, 261; “B. Soc. Phil.” N. 70; Gilbert, Annalen, XIV. 397; “Ann. du Mus.” for 1803); M. Schultze, “Zur Kentniss ... elect ... fische,” Halle, 1858 and 1859; Jobert (de Lamballe) “Des Appareils ...” Paris, 1858; W. Keferstein and D. Kupffer (Henle u. Pfeuffer’s “Zeitschr. f. rat. Med. Newe Folgc,” III. 1858) and Keferstein’s “Beitrag ... elekt. fische,” Göttingen, 1859; “Annual of Sc. Discovery” for 1863, giving, at pp. 115–116, the views of Sir John Herschel, of Charles Robin and of M. Moreau on the electrical organs of fishes.

A.D. 1792.—Berlinghieri (Francesco Vacca, and not Vacca Leopold nor Andrea Vacca), Italian surgeon and anatomical writer, communicates to M. De La Méthérie the result of the extensive experiments made by him in concert with M. Pignotti and his brother. After describing his investigations with frogs, he remarks that the same movements and contractions can be produced on animals with hot blood, but that the latter require a peculiar process. He says that after having dissected the crural or any other considerable nerve, and cut it at a certain height to separate it from its superior part, it should have a piece of tinfoil wrapped around its summit, and the communication should be made in the usual way by touching the coating with one of the extremities of the exciting arc and the muscles in which the nerve is distributed with the other extremity.

Many other investigations of Berlinghieri were, later on, communicated to the Société Philomathique, by whom they were successfully renewed, and, during the year 1810, a translation of his paper on the method of imparting magnetism to a bar of iron without a magnet appeared at p. 157, Vol. XXXV. of the Philosophical Magazine.

References.—Rozier, XL. p. 133, and XLI. p. 314; “Giorn. di Med. Prac. di Brera,” IX. pp. 171–298; L. B. Phillips, “Dict. of Biog. Ref.,” 1871, p. 137; Tipaldo, “Biografia ...” 1834.

A.D. 1792.—Lalande (Joseph Jérome le Français de), a distinguished scientist, and, doubtless, the best known of all French astronomers, who had previously communicated (1761) observations on the loadstone to the “Mémoires de Paris,” and had likewise written upon meteoric displays (1771), addresses to the Journal des Sçavans of Nov. 1792 a treatise entitled “Une Notice sur la découverte du Galvanisme,” justifying his claim to being the first introducer of galvanism into France, which he had before made through the columns of the Journal de Paris of the 17 Pluviôse, An. VII.

References.—Lalande, “Abrégé de l’Astronomie,” pp. 101, etc.; “Biog. Générale,” Vol. XXVIII. p. 948; “Biog. Universelle,” Vol. XXII. pp. 603–613; Ninth “Enc. Britannica,” Vol. XIV. p. 225; P. Sue, aîné, “Hist. du Galv.,” Paris, An. X (1802), Vol. I. p. 1.

A.D. 1792.—Chappe (Claude), a French mechanician (1763–1805), introduces the sémaphore, which he at first called a tachygraphe, from two Greek words meaning to write fast, but to which M. Miot, chief of one of the divisions of the War Department, gave the name of telegraph during the year 1793. Chappe had not long before devised a contrivance somewhat like that alluded to by Barthélémy (A.D. 1788), but it was not apparently brought into use.

His sémaphore consisted of a vertical wooden pillar 15 feet or 16 feet high, bearing a transverse beam 11 feet or 12 feet long, which turned upon its centre and held at each extremity pivoted arms so worked by cords or levers as to admit of 256 distinct signals. The semaphores were placed upon high towers, about four miles apart, on level ground, and even as much as ten miles apart upon intervening elevations. This system of signals was presented by Chappe to the Assemblée Législative, and was originally erected during the month of August 1794 upon stations between Paris and Lille (Lisle), a distance of about 148 miles. One of the first sentences conveyed between the two places by the Committee of Public Safety consumed 13 minutes and 40 seconds, but it was not long before dispatches could be conveyed in two minutes’ time, and it was through Chappe’s apparatus that the news of the recapture of the city of Condé was conveyed to the Assembly shortly after the entry of the troops of the Republic.

It is not now believed that Claude Chappe was acquainted with the devices of either Robert Hooke (at A.D. 1684) or of Guillaume Amontons (at A.D. 1704), as was at the time claimed by many of his jealous contemporaries. No doubt exists that he is justly entitled to the credit of having, with the assistance of other members of his family, developed an entirely new system of signals as well as the mechanism by which they were operated. The histories of telegraphy written by I. U. J. Chappe (Paris, 1824; Le Mans, 1840) review Claude Chappe’s investigations and the difficulties he encountered, besides making reference to the false magnetic telegraphs of A. T. Paracelsus (A.D. 1490–1541), William Maxwell (A.D. 1679), and F. Santanelli (“Philosophiæ reconditæ ...” Coloniæ, 1723) alluded to in the “Dictionnaire des Sciences Médicales.”

Claude Chappe’s uncle, L’Abbé Jean Chappe d’Auteroche (1722–1769), French astronomer, who succeeded N. L. de la Caille at the Paris Observatory as assistant to Cassini de Thury and edited a translation of the works of Dr. Halley, is the author of several memoirs upon the declination and inclination and upon lightning, meteors, etc., alluded to in J. B. J. Delambre’s “Hist. de l’Astron. au 18^e siècle,” in J. C. Poggendorff’s “Biog.-Liter. Hand.,” Vol. I. p. 420, and in the “Mém. de Paris,” 1767, Mém. p. 344.

References.—English Encycl., “Arts and Sciences,” Vol. VIII. p. 65; “Johnson’s Encycl.,” Vol. IV. p. 757; “Penny Ency.,” Vol. XXIV. p. 146; Shaffner, “Manual,” pp. 27, 45 and 48; “Le Cosmos,” Paris, Feb. 4, 1905, p. 128; Nicholson’s “Journ. of Nat. Phil.,” Vol. VIII. p. 164, note; Sc. American Supplement, No. 475, p. 7579; “Emporium of Arts and Sciences,” Vol. I. p. 292; Rozier, XXXIV. p. 370, and XL. p. 329; “Bull. des Sc. de la Société Philomathique,” March 1793, No. 21, for an account of the experiments of Galvani and of Valli repeated for the Society by C. Chappe, M. Robillard and A. F. de Silvestre.

A.D. 1792.—Valli (Eusebius), Italian physician of Pisa, corresponding member of the Royal Academy of Sciences at Turin, publishes his “Experiments on Animal Electricity” the results of which were communicated to the French Academy of Sciences and found to be of such great importance that a committee composed of Messrs. Le Roy, Vicq d’Azyr, Coulomb and Fourcroy, was directed to repeat them. The most important were repeated in Fourcroy’s laboratory on the 12th of July 1792.

Valli was the first to demonstrate that when an arc of two metals, plumber’s lead and silver, is employed upon an animal, the most violent contractions are produced while the lead is applied to the nerves and the silver to the muscles. He also showed that of all metals, zinc, when applied to the nerves, has the most remarkable power of exciting contractions; and he found that when a frog had lost its sensibility to the passage of a current, it regained it by repose.

These experiments were also repeated before the French Royal Society of Medicine. M. Mauduyt, who was present, deduced from the results obtained by Valli that the metals were charged with a different quantity of the electric fluid, in so much that when they were brought in contact with each other a discharge ensued. And, secondly, that the animal body, by which the electric fluid is rendered perceptible, is a more delicate electrometer than any one heretofore discovered.

Many new and very interesting investigations were afterward made by Valli upon different animals, the results of which were given to the public through the columns of the Journal de Physique as shown below. These embrace thirteen experiments upon animals rendered insensible by means of opium and powdered tobacco, showing electricity to be independent of their vitality, as well as others to show that the electric fluid is necessary to man and animals. He fully established the identity of the nervous and the electric fluids, and proved that the convulsions took place by merely bringing the muscles themselves into contact with the nerves, without the intervention of any metal whatever. In answer to the inquiry of M. Vicq d’Azyr, member of the late French Academy of Sciences, he supported by nineteen experiments the assertion that however the blood vessels may be, as they assuredly are, conductors of electricity, the nerves alone prove capable of exciting muscular movements in consequence of the mode in which they are disposed.

References.—Brugnatelli, Annali di Chimica, Vol. VII. pp. 40, 213, 228 (and pp. 138, 159, 186, 208 for Caldani); also the “Giornale Fis. Med. di Brugnatelli,” Vol. I. p. 264; Sue, “Histoire du Galvanisme,” Paris, An. X-1802, Vol. I. p. 45; “Société Philomathique,” Vol. I. pp. 27, 31, 43; Journal de Physique, Vol. XLI. pp. 66, 72, 185, 189, 193, 197, 200, 435; Vol. XLII. pp. 74, 238, the last named containing the “Lettre sur l’Electricité Animale” (“De animalis electricæ theoriæ ...” Mutinæ, 1792) sent by Valli to MM. De La Méthérie and Desgenettes; Report of MM. Chappe, Robillard and Silvestre on Valli’s and Galvani’s experiments (“Soc. Phil.” for March 1793, No. 21); Report of Messrs. Le Roy, Vicq d’Azyr and Coulomb in “Médecine éclairée par les Sciences Physiques,” Tome IV. p. 66; “Epitome of Electricity and Magnetism,” Philad., 1809, p. 133; “Versuche ... animal, electricität” of Karl Friedrich Kielmayer (Kielmaier) of the Tübingen University (Poggendorff, Vol. I. p. 1253; F. A. C. Gren, Journal der Physik, Vol. VIII for 1794); Floriano Caldani’s works, 1792–1795, and those of Leopoldo Marc-Antonio Caldani, 1757–1823; Junoblowiskiana Society, 1793–1795.

A.D. 1793.—Fontana (Felice), distinguished Italian experimental philosopher and physiologist, gives in his “Lettere sopra l’ Elettricità Animale,” the result of further extensive investigations carried on by him to ascertain more especially all the features of galvanic irritability and the peculiar actions of the several organs in cases of death by electricity. Some of his previous observations in the same line had already been made known through his “Di Moti dell’ Iride,” 1765, and “Richerche filosofiche,” 1775, all which led to an active correspondence in after years with the Italian Giochino Carradori, as will be seen by consulting the volumes of Luigi Valentino Brugnatelli’s well-known “Giomale Fisico-Medico” (Cuvier, in “Biog. Univ.,” Vol. XV. p. 8, par. 1816; “Giornale Fisico-Medico,” Vol. IV. p. 116).

Fontana (Gregorio), younger brother of Felice Fontana, likewise an able natural philosopher, succeeded the celebrated Ruggiero Giuseppe Boscovich in the Chair of Higher Mathematics at the University of Padua, and is the author of “Disquisitiones physico-mathematicæ,” Papiæ, 1780, as well as of many papers in the “Mem. della Soc. It. delle Scienze,” wherein he gives detailed accounts of many very interesting electrical observations. Mention of Gregorio Fontana’s name has already been made under Bennet, A.D. 1787.

References.—Houzeau et Lancaster, “Bibl. Gén.,” Vol. I. part i. p. 334, and, for R. G. Boscovich, “The Edinburgh Encyclopædia,” 1830, Vol. III. pp. 744–749.

A.D. 1793.—Aldini (Giovanni), nephew of Luigi Galvani and one of the most active members of the National Institute of Italy, who succeeded his former instructor, M. Canterzani, in the Chair of Physics at the Bologna University, established in the last-named Institution a scientific society whose open object was to combat all of Volta’s works and which became very hostile to the organization already formed in the University of Pavia by Felice Fontana, Bassiano Carminati and Gioachino Carradori against the followers of Galvani. Similar societies espousing the cause of Volta were subsequently organized in England, at the suggestion of Cavallo and others, and during five years, the scientists of Europe were divided between the two discoverers, without, however, any material benefit accruing therefrom to either faction.

Aldini proved to be an indefatigable investigator, as shown by the numerous Memoirs sent by him to the publications named below, up to the month of October 1802, when he experimented before the Galvani Society of Paris. An account of these experiments is given in his “Essai théorique,” etc., where, among other results, attention is called to the curious fact that contractions can be excited in a prepared frog by holding it in the hand and plunging its nerves into the interior of a wound made in the muscle of a living animal (Figuier, “Exposition,” etc., Vol. IV. p. 308). His interesting investigations of the artificial piles of muscle and brain, first made by M. La Grave and shown to the French Galvani Society, are alluded to in Nicholson’s Journal, Vol. X. p. 30, in the Journal de Physique, An. XI. pp. 140, 159, 233, 472, and in Sturgeon’s “Scientific Researches,” Bury, 1850, p. 195.

Nearly all of Aldini’s experiments were successfully repeated in London at Mr. Wilson’s Anatomical Theatre, where Mr. Cuthbertson assisted Prof. Aldini in arranging the apparatus, and where a student, by the name of Hutchins, furnished the anatomical preparations, but the demonstration, of all others, which attracted most attention was doubtless the one made in London on the 17th of January 1803. The murderer Forster had just been executed and, after his body lay for one hour exposed in the cold at Newgate, it was handed over to Mr. Koate, President of the London College of Surgeons, who, with Aldini, made upon it numerous important observations to ascertain the precise effects of galvanism with a voltaic column of one hundred and twenty copper and zinc couples. The extraordinary results obtained, which cannot properly be enumerated here, are to be found in the “Essai Théorique,” etc., already alluded to. They led Aldini to believe he could, by the galvanic agency, bring back those in whom life was not totally extinct, such as in cases of the recently drowned or asphyxiated. (Consult M. Bonnejoy’s method of proving death by ... Faradization, Paris, 1866, and Georgio Anselmo, “Effets du Galvanisme ...” Turin, 1803; S. T. Sömmering, “On the application of Galvanism to ascertain the reality of death,” Ludwig scripter nevrolog., III. 23; Ure, “Exper. on the body of a criminal ...” “Journal of Sc. and Arts,” No. XII; Phil. Mag., Vol. LIII. p. 56; Jean Janin de Combe Blanche, “Sur les causes,” etc., Paris, 1773 (hanging); C. W. Hufeland, 1783, for the app. of Elec. in cases of asphyxia; T. Kerner, for the app. of Galv. and Magn. as restoratives, Cannstadt, 1858; Wm. Henley, for electricity as a stimulant ... drowned or ... suffocated, “Trans. of the Humane Society,” Vol. I. p. 63.)

Another of Aldini’s curious experiments was the production of very powerful muscular contractions upon the heads of oxen and other animals recently decapitated, by introducing into one of the ears a wire connecting with one of the battery poles and into the nostrils or tongue a wire communicating with the other pole. Thus were the eyes made repeatedly to open and roll in their orbits while the ears would shake, the tongue move and the nostrils dilate very perceptibly (De la Rive, “A Treatise on Electricity,” 1856, Vol. II. p. 489, and 1858, Vol. III. p. 588; Pepper, “Voltaic Electricity,” 1869, pp. 287, 288). In the experiments which Aldini made during 1804 upon corpses, the body became violently agitated and even raised itself as if about to walk, the arms alternately rose and fell and the forearm was made to hold a weight of several pounds, while the fists clenched and beat violently the table upon which the body lay. Natural respiration was also artificially re-established and, through pressure exerted against the ribs, a lighted candle placed before the mouth was several times extinguished.

For the experiments of the eminent French physiologist and anatomist Marie François Xavier Bichat, of Vassalli-Eandi, Giulio, Rossi, Nysten, Hallé, Mezzini, Klein, Bonnet, Pajot-Laforest, Dudoyon, Berlinghieri, Fontana, Petit-Radel, Alizeau, Lamartillière, Guillotin, Nauche and others upon animals and men recently decapitated, see Bichat’s “Recherches Physiologiques sur la vie et la mort,” Paris, 1805; Francesco Rossi’s “Rapport des expériences,” etc., Turin, 1803; P. H. Nysten’s “Nouvelles Expériences Galvaniques,” etc., Paris, 1811, and also the latter’s “Expériences faites ... le 14 Brumaire, An. XI.” (Consult likewise, J. R. P. Bardenot, “Les Recherches ... refutées,” Paris, 1824, and, for an account of Bichat consult F. R. Buisson, “Précis historique ...” Paris, 1802; Larousse, Vol. II. pp. 703, 704; “Biog. Univ.,” Vol. XI. pp. 2–19.)

In Aldini’s “Account of Galvanism,” printed for Cuthell and Martin, London, 1803, it is said (p. 218) that, on the 27th of February 1803, he transmitted current through a battery of eighty silver and zinc plates from the West Mole of Calais harbour to Fort Rouge, by means of a wire supported on the masts of boats, and made it return through two hundred feet of intervening water.

References.—J. B. Van Mons’ treatise on animal electricity in Tome III of the sixth year of the “Magasin Encyclopédique”; Fowler, in “Bibl. Britannica,” May 1796; Giulio e Rossi (“Gior. Fis. Med. di Brugnatelli,” 1793, Vol. I. p. 82); P. Sue, ainé, “Hist. du Galvanisme,” Paris, An. X, 1802, Vol. I. pp. 31, 67, 73; Vol. II. p. 268; Brugnatelli, Annali di Chimica, Vols. XIII. p. 135; XIV. p. 174; XIX. pp. 29, 158; “Opuscoli Scelti,” Vols. XVII. p. 231; XIX. p. 217; XX. p. 73; XXI. p. 412; “Mem. Soc. Ital.,” Vol. XIV. p. 239; Poggendorff, Vol. I. p. 27; “Bibl. Britan.,” Vol. XXII. 1803, pp. 249–266; “Galvanische und elektrische ... Körpern,” 4to, Frankfort, 1804; “Bull. des Sc. de la Soc. Philom.,” No. 68; J. C. Carpue, “Bibl. Britannica,” Nos. 207, 208, p. 373; Phil. Mag., Vols. XIV. pp. 88, 191, 288, 364; XV. pp. 40, 93; Cassius Larcher, M. Daubancourt et M. Zanetti, ainé (Ann. de Chimie, Vol. XLV. p. 195); also Larcher, Daubancourt et M. de Saintiot (Précis succinct, etc., Paris, 1803); W. Sturgeon, “Scientific Researches,” Bury, 1850, p. 194; M. Kilian, “Versuche über restitution ...” Giessen, 1857; Gilbert, IV. 246; J. Tourdes (“Décade Philos.” No. 3, An. X. p. 118); Francesco Rossi (“Bibl. Ital.,” Vol. I. p. 106; Phil. Mag., Vol. XVIII. p. 131; and in the “Mémoires de Turin”); J. J. Sue, “Recherches Physiol.,” etc., 1803, p. 77; Vassalli-Eandi (“Expériences sur les décapités ...” Turin, 1802 and “Recueil ... de Sédillot,” Vol. II. p. 266); C. H. Wilkinson, “Elements of Galvanism,” etc., London, 1804, 2 Vols. passim; Report of MM. Chappe, Robillard and Silvestre (“Bull. des Sciences de la Soc. Philom.,” No. 21 for March 1793; also Jour. de Phys., Vol. XLII. p. 289); M. Payssé (“Jour. de la Soc. de Pharm.,” first year, p. 100); Dr. Crichton (“Rec. Périod. de Litt. Méd. Etrangère,” Tome II. p. 342); J. Louis Gauthier, “Dissertatio,” etc., Hales, 1793 (“Com. de Leipzig,” Tome XXXVI. p. 473); Gardiner’s “Observ. on the animal œconomy”; Humboldt (“Soc. Philom.,” Vol. I. p. 92); Alex. Monro’s “Experiments,” etc., Edin., 1793, 1794 (“Trans. Edin. Roy. Soc.,” Vol. III); Felice Fontana, “Lettere ...” 1793; Joseph Izarn, “Manuel du Galvanisme,” Paris, An. XII, 1804, pp. 97, 138, 141, 160, 163, 285; Louis Figuier, “Exposition et Histoire,” Vol. IV. pp. 307–308, 358, 360–363, 365, 366, 370, 371.

A.D. 1793.—Fowler (Richard), a very ingenious physician, of Salisbury, makes known in Edinburgh his “Experiments and Observations relative to the influence lately discovered by Galvani and commonly called Animal Electricity,” of which a very complete review is made by Dr. G. Gregory at pp. 374–381, Vol. I of his “Economy of Nature,” etc., third edition, published in London during the year 1804.

Dr. Fowler observed that the contractions in a frog are excited by making the metals touch under water even at the distance of an inch from the divided spine of the animal. He succeeded in causing the heart to contract, but could not produce the same effect upon the stomach and intestines. He also found, as did Prof. John Robison, of Edinburgh, at the same period, that the senses of touch and smell are unaffected by the metals, but that when these are applied to the eye, or, what is better, when they are thrust up between the teeth and the lips, and then made to touch, a flash of light is rendered visible. This is the case also when the metals are placed between the gums and the upper and lower lips, as proven by the experiments of Dr. Rutherford and of Mr. George Hunter, of York. Fowler likewise observed that all pure metals prove excellent conductors of the galvanic influence and that living vegetables afford it a ready passage, but that stones and oils seem to be possessed of no conducting power whatsoever.

In conjunction with Mr. Alexander Munro, Fowler published a work on animal electricity (translated into German under the title of “Abhandlung ueber thierische elekt.” etc.), while, in the “Bibliotheca Britannica” for May 1796, mention will be found of the observations of Dr. Fowler respecting the muscular irritability excited by electricity, as well as on the reproduction of the nervous substance, on the action of poisons, on the phenomena of muscular contraction, etc. etc.

References.—“Essays and Observations,” etc., Edinburgh, 1793, in Library of the Royal Institution; Gilbert Blane’s paper read to the English Royal Society, of which an extract can be found in Bacher’s “Medical Journal,” Vol. XC. p. 127; Figuier, “Exp. et Hist. des Princip. Déc.,” Vol. IV. p. 309; C. H. Wilkinson, “Elements of Galvanism,” London, 1804, Chap. VI. et passim; eighth “Encyc. Brit.,” Vol. XXI. p. 634.

A.D. 1793.—Dalton (John), LL.D., F.R.S. (1766–1844), a very able English natural philosopher and the illustrious author of the “Atomic Theory of Chemistry and of the Constitution of Mixed Gases,” gives in his earliest separate publication, “Meteorological Observations and Essays,” the result of many experiments upon the electricity of the atmosphere, made by him at Kendal and at Keswick during the seven years ending May 1793.

He proved, as Sir David Brewster expresses it, that the aurora exercises an irregular action on the magnetic needle, that the luminous beams of the aurora borealis are parallel to the dipping needle; that the rainbow-like arches cross the magnetic meridian at right angles; that the broad arch of the horizontal light is bisected by the magnetic meridian; and that the boundary of a limited aurora is half the circumference of a great circle crossing the magnetic meridian at right angles, the beams perpendicular to the horizon being only those on the magnetic meridian.

In the eighth “Encyclopædia Britannica” (Vol. IV. p. 246), treating of the height of polar lights, reference is made to the extraordinary aurora borealis observed by Dalton on the 29th of March 1826, and of which a description is given in a paper read before the Royal Society, April 17, 1828 (Phil. Mag. or Annals, Vol. IV. p. 418; Philosophical Transactions for 1828, Part II; James Hoy in Phil. Mag., Vol. LI. p. 422; J. Farquharson in Phil. Trans. for 1839, p. 267). This aurora was seen in places one hundred and seventy miles apart and covered an area of 7000 to 8000 square miles. In Vol. XIV of the same Encyclopædia will be found (p. 15), an account of another aurora observed at Kendal, February 12, 1793, while at p. 12 are given Dalton’s views as to the connection between the heat and magnetism of the earth, and, at p. 66, his conclusions as to the cause of the aurora and its magnetic influence.

References.—“Memoirs of Dalton’s Life,” by Dr. W. C. Henry, London, 1854; “Life and Discoveries of Dalton,” in British Quarterly Review, No. 1; Pharmaceutical Journal, London, October 1841; Thomson’s “History of Chemistry,” Vol. II; Young’s “Course of Lectures,” London, 1807, Vol. I. pp. 706–709, 753, and Vol. II. pp. 466–470; Noad, “Manual,” etc., London, 1859, pp. 226, 269, 534; article, “Aurora Borealis,” immediately following A.D. 1683; Sir H. Davy, “Bakerian Lectures,” London, 1840, pp. 322, 323, 328–330; “Dict. of Nat. Biog.,” Vol. XIII. pp. 428–434, as well as the numerous references therein cited. Consult also, for theories, investigations, observations, records, etc., of the Aurora Borealis: Georg. Kruger, 1700; J. J. Scheuchzer, 1710–1712, 1728–1730; L. Feuillée, 1719; J. L. Rost, 1721; J. C. Spidberg, 1724; W. Derham, 1728, 1729–1730; F. C. Mayer—Meyer, 1726; J. F. Weidler, 1729, 1730, 1735; J. Lulolfs, 1731; M. Kelsch, 1734; F. M. Zanotti, 1737, 1738; also Zanotti and P. Matteucci, 1739; B. Zendrini, J. Poleni, F. M. Serra, E. Sguario and D. Revillas in 1738; G. Bianchi, 1738 and 1740; J. M. Serantoni, 1740; G. C. Cilano de Maternus, 1743; S. von Trienwald, 1744; G. Guadagni, 1744; J. F. Ramus, 1745; C. Nocetus, 1747; P. Matteucci, 1747; Jno. Huxham, 1749–1750; G. W. Krafft, 1750; P. Kahm—Kalm, 1752; G. Reyger, 1756; A. Hellant, 1756, 1777; Jos. Stepling, 1761; H. Hamilton, 1767, 1777; M. A. Pictet, 1769; J. E. Silberschlag, 1770; C. E. Mirus, 1770; J. E. B. Wiedeburg, 1771; Max. Hell, 1776; Mr. Hall, J. H. Helmuth, 1777; E. H. de Ratte, W. L. Krafft, 1778; J. E. Helfenzrieder, 1778; G. S. Poli, 1778–1779; Marcorelle and Darguier, 1782; L. Cotte, 1783; J. A. Cramer, 1785; D. Galizi, in A. Calogera’s “Nuova Raccolta ...” Vol. XXXIX. p. 64; J. L. Boeckmann, in “Mem. de Berlin” for the year 1780; H. Ussher, 1788; G. Savioli, 1789, 1790; J. J. Hemmer, 1790; P. A. Bondoli, 1790, 1792, 1802; A. Prieto, 1794; J. D. Reuss’s works published in Göttingen; Jacopo Penada, 1807–1808; M. Le Prince, “Nouvelle Théorie ...”; W. Dobbie, 1820, 1823; Col. Gustavson, in Phil. Mag. for 1821, p. 312; M. Dutertre, 1822; J. L. Späth, 1822; Chr. Hansteen, 1827, 1855; L. F. Kaemtz, 1828, 1831; G. W. Muncke, 1828; J. Farquharson, 1829; D. Angelstrom, Rob. Hare, 1836; Ant. Colla, 1836, 1837; L. Pacinotti, 1837; G. F. Parrot, 1838; J. H. Lefroy, 1850, 1852; Don M. Rico-y-Sinobas, 1853; A. A. de La Rive, 1854; A. Boué (Katalog), 1856, 1857; C. J. H. E. Braun, 1858; E. Matzenauer, 1861; F. Dobelli, 1867; F. Denza, 1869.

A.D. 1793–1797.—Robison (John), a very distinguished English natural philosopher, completes what are without question the most important of all his scientific publications. These are to be found throughout the eighteen volumes and two supplements to the third “Encyclopædia Britannica,” where they cover such subjects as Physics, Electricity, Magnetism, Thunder, Variation, etc. etc. Taken together, “they exhibited,” according to Dr. Thomas Young, “a more complete view of the modern improvements of physical science than had previously been in the possession of the British public.”

It was after his retirement from the navy that Robison devoted himself to scientific studies, becoming the successor of Dr. Black in the lectureship of chemistry at the University of Glasgow during 1766, and accepting, seven years later (1773), the Professorship of Natural Philosophy at Edinburgh, where he taught all branches of physics and of the higher mathematics. In 1783 he was made Secretary of the Philosophical Society of Edinburgh, received the degree of Doctor of Laws, 1798–1799, and was elected foreign member of the Saint Petersburg Academy of Sciences in 1800. Of him, Mr. James Watt wrote, Feb. 7, 1805: “He was a man of the clearest head and the most science of anybody I have known” (Arago’s “Eloge of Jas. Watt,” London, 1839, p. 81).

It was while acting as midshipman under Admiral Saunders that Robison himself observed the effect of the aurora borealis on the compass, which had been remarked by Hiörter, Wargentin, and Mairan several years before, but which was not then generally known. The aurora borealis, he afterwards wrote, “is observed in Europe to disturb the needle exceedingly, sometimes drawing it several degrees from its position. It is always observed to increase its rate of deviation from the meridian; that is an aurora borealis makes the needle point more westerly. This disturbance sometimes amounts to six or seven degrees, and is generally observed to be greatest when the aurora borealis is most remarkable.... Van Swinden says he seldom or never failed to observe aurora borealis immediately after any anomalous motion of the needle, and concluded that there had been one at the time, though he could not see it.... This should farther incite us to observe the circumstance formerly mentioned, viz., that the South end of the dipping needle points to that part of the heavens where the rays of the aurora borealis appear to converge....”

The experiments of J. H. Lambert (at A.D. 1766–1776) upon the laws of magnetic action were carefully repeated by Robison, who, in 1769 or 1770, tried various methods and made numerous investigations from which he deduced that the force is inversely as the square of the distance. When he observed, however, some years afterward, that Æpinus had in 1777 conceived the force to vary inversely as the simple distance, he carefully again repeated the experiments and added others made with the same magnet and with the same needle placed at one side of the magnet instead of above it. By this simple arrangement the result was still more satisfactory, and the inverse law of the square of the distance was well established.

Throughout his numerous investigations, Prof. Robison found that when a good magnet was struck for three-quarters of an hour, and allowed in the meantime to ring, its efficacy was destroyed, although the same operation had little effect when the ringing was impeded; so that the continued exertion of the cohesive and repulsive powers appears to favour the transmission of the magnetic as well as of the electric fluid. The internal agitation, produced in bending a magnetic wire around a cylinder, also destroys its polarity, and, it is said, the operation on a file has the same effect. M. Cavallo found that brass becomes generally much more capable of being attracted when it has been hammered, even between two flints; and that this property is again diminished by fire: in this case, Dr. Thomas Young remarks, it may be conjectured that hammering increases the conducting power of the iron contained in the brass, and thus renders it more susceptible of magnetic action.

Of his other very important observations in the same line it would be difficult to select the most interesting, and it may suffice to call attention merely to such as are noted throughout Prof. Alfred M. Mayer’s valuable contributions on “The Magnet, Magnetism,” etc., in Johnson’s “New Universal Encyclopædia,” as well as in his “Practical Experiments in Magnetism,” etc., published through the columns of the Scientific American Supplement.

Prof. Robison’s electrical investigations are scarcely less interesting. In the theories advanced by Æpinus and Cavendish it was shown that the action of the electrical fluid diminished with the distance, while M. Coulomb proved, by a series of elaborate experiments, that it varied like gravity in the inverse ratio of the square of the distance. Robison had previously determined that in the mutual repulsion of two similarly electrified spheres the law was slightly in excess of the inverse duplicate ratio of the distance, while in the attraction of oppositely electrified spheres the deviation from that ratio was in defect; and he therefore arrived at the same conclusion formed by Lord Stanhope, that the law of electrical attraction is similar to that of gravity.

At the close of Richard Fowler’s “Experiments and Observations,” etc., Edinburgh, 1793, is a letter from Prof. Robison, wherein he gives the following results of many curious investigations, mostly made upon himself, to ascertain the effects of the galvanic influence. He found the latter influence well defined on applying one of two metallic substances to a wound which he had accidentally received; discovered by their tastes the solders in gold and silver trinkets; and showed that the galvanic sensation can be felt when the metallic substances are placed at a distance from each other. He proved the last-named fact by placing a piece of zinc between one of the cheeks and the gums, and a piece of silver on the opposite side within the other cheek. He next introduced a zinc rod between the piece of zinc and the cheek on the one side, and a silver rod between the silver and the cheek on the other, and when he afterward carefully brought into contact the extremities of the rods outside the mouth a flash appeared and a powerful sensation was noticeable in the gums. He experienced the same sensation when he again separated the rods and brought them to a short distance from each other, but he could perceive no galvanic effect when he placed the rods (or wires) in such manner that the silver rod should touch the zinc or the zinc rod touch the piece of silver. He also ascribed to galvanic effect the well-known fact that the drinking of porter out of a pewter pot produces a more brisk sensation than when it is taken out of a glass vessel. In this instance, he says there is a combination of one metal and of two dissimilar fluids. In the act of drinking, one side of the pewter pot is exposed to the saliva and the humidity of the mouth, while the other metallic side is in contact with the porter. In completing the circuit, in the act of drinking, a brisk and lively sensation arises, which imparts an agreeable relish to the liquid. He likewise observed that the conducting power of silk thread depends greatly on its colour, or rather on the nature of its dye. When of a brilliant white, or a black, its conducting power is the greatest; while either a high golden yellow or a nut-brown renders it the best insulator. Human hair, when completely freed from everything that water could wash out of it, and then dried by lime and coated with lac, was equal to silk.

Robison’s last publication was made in 1804, one year before his death, and constituted the first part of a series which was to appear under the head of “Elements of Mechanical Philosophy.” This portion, together with some MSS. intended for the second part, and his principal articles contributed to the “Encyclopædia Britannica,” were collected in 1822 by Sir David Brewster, and published with notes in 4 vols. under the title of “System of Mechanical Philosophy.”

References.—Playfair in “Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh,” Vol. VII. p. 495; Stark’s “Biographia Scotica”; Philosophical Magazine, Vol. XIII. pp. 386–394 (Biogr. Memoir); Aikin’s “General Biography,” London, 1813, Vol. VIII; Dr. Gleig in Anti-Jacobin Magazine for 1802, Vol. XI; Chalmer’s “Biographical Dictionary,” London, 1816, Vol. XXV; Dr. Thomas Young, “Course of Lectures,” London, 1807, Vol. II. pp. 438, 444.

A.D. 1793.—Prof. Georg. Fred. Hildebrandt of Erlangen (1764–1816), makes important observations relative to the influence of form and of substance upon the electric spark. He finds, among other results, that an obtuse cone with an angle of fifty-two degrees gives a much more luminous spark than one with an angle of only thirty-six degrees; that the greatest sparks are given by conical pieces of regulus of antimony and the least by tempered steel; also, that when the spark is white by taking it with a metallic body, it will, under the same circumstances, be violet if taken with the finger; that if the spark is taken with ice or water, or a green plant, its light will be red, and, if it is taken with an imperfect conductor, such as wood, the light will be emitted in faint red streams.

References.—Biography in fifth ed. of “Lehrbuch der Physiologie des Mens. Koerpers,” Erlangen, 1817; “Encyl. Britannica,” Vol. VIII, 1855, pp. 544, 545; “Biog. Générale,” Vol. XXIV. pp. 671–672; Ersch und Gruber, “Allgem. Encyklopædie.”

A.D. 1794.—Read (John), mathematical instrument maker, at the Quadrant, in Kingsbridge, Hyde Park, gives, in his “Summary View of the Spontaneous Electricity of the Earth and Atmosphere,” the result of a very elaborate series of observations, which he continued almost hourly between the years 1791 and 1792. Of 987 trials, he found that 664 gave indications of positive electricity, and out of 404 trials made during twelve months, the air was positively electrical in 241, negatively in 156, and insensible in only seven observations. He also found the vapour near the ground, in the act of condensing into dew, always highly electric.

He made many observations upon the electricity of vegetable bodies, which were afterward developed by M. Pouillet, and it was also Mr. Read who introduced a new hand-exploring instrument as well as an improved fixed thunder rod for collecting atmospherical electricity. These are described at p. 608 of the eighth volume of the 1855 “Encyclopædia Britannica.”

According to Mr. Wilkinson (“Elements of Galvanism,” etc., London, 1804, Vol. II. p. 344), Mr. Read was the first to apply the apparatus called the condenser to the electroscope in order that it should evince small intensities of electricity. He says: “The very minute portion of the fluid given out by the single contact of two different metals, does not produce any disturbance of the gold leaves; but when several minute portions are accumulated, a separation of the leaves takes place. The electroscope, in its simple state, will be as much charged the first time as if the contact had been made a thousand times, and cannot therefore acquire a greater quantity of the fluid than suffices to place it in equilibrio with the metallic plates. This portion being inadequate to the production of any divergency of the leaves, Mr. Read applied the principle of the electrical doubler to the above instrument, by which means he was enabled to charge an intervening plate of air. By thus accumulating every minute portion of the fluid imparted through the metallic plate, and by apparently condensing and increasing its intensity, he ultimately succeeded in producing marked signs of disturbance.”

References.—Philosophical Transactions for 1791, p. 185; for 1792, p. 225; for 1794, pp. 185, 266: also Hutton’s abridgments, Vol. XVII. pp. 52, 207, 423; “Bibl. Britan.,” Vol. II, 1796, p. 209; Vol. III, 1796, p. 272; Vol. X, an. vii. p. 283; Cavallo, “Nat. Phil.,” 1825, Vol. II. p. 226; Young’s “Course of Lectures,” Vol. I. p. 714; Ed. Peart, “On Electric Atmospheres ...” Gainsboro’, 1793; “Eng. Ency.,” “Arts and Sciences,” Vol. III. p. 805; Thomas Thomson, “Outline of the Sciences,” 1830, p. 446; Journal de Physique for 1794, Vol. XLV. p. 468.

A.D. 1794.—Chladni (Ernst Florens Friedrich), founder of the theory of acoustics, publishes “The Iron Mass of Pallas,” etc. (“Ueber den Ursprung der von Pallas ...”), giving a list of recorded cases of the fall of meteorites or aerolites and all the important accounts of such that he was able to collect. As Prof. Alexander Herschel informs us, in his lecture, delivered (1867) before the British Association at Dundee, Chladni conceived that a class of cosmical bodies exists in all parts of the solar system, each forming by itself a peculiar concourse of atoms, and that the earth from time to time encounters them, moving with a velocity as great as its own, and doubtless in orbits of very various eccentricity around the sun. Prof. Muirhead says that through their exceeding great velocity, which is increased by the attraction of the earth and the violent friction of the atmosphere, a strong electricity and heat must necessarily be excited, by which means they are reduced to a flaming and melted condition, and great quantities of vapour and different kinds of gases are thus disengaged, which distend the liquid mass to a monstrous size, until, by still further expansion of these elastic fluids, they must at length explode (Chladni’s hypothesis in “Enc. Brit.,” article “Meteorolite”).

Humboldt gives (“Cosmos,” London, 1849, Vol. I. p. 104, note) the following upon the same subject, taken from Biot’s “Traité d’Astronomie Physique,” third edition, 1841, Vol. I. pp. 149, 177, 238, 312: “My lamented friend Poisson endeavoured in a singular manner to solve the difficulty attending an assumption of the spontaneous ignition of meteoric stones at an elevation where the density of the atmosphere is almost null. These are his words: ‘It is difficult to attribute, as is usually done, the incandescence of aerolites to friction against the molecules of the atmosphere, at an elevation above the earth where the density of the air is almost null. May we not suppose that the electric fluid, in a neutral condition, forms a kind of atmosphere, extending far beyond the mass of our own atmosphere, yet subject to terrestrial attraction, although physically imponderable, and consequently following our globe in its motion?’ According to his hypothesis, the bodies of which we have been speaking would, on entering this imponderable atmosphere, decompose the neutral fluid by their unequal action on the two electricities, and they would thus be heated, and in a state of incandescence, by becoming electrified” (Poisson, “Rech. sur la Probabilité des Jugements,” 1837, p. 6).

The theories advanced by Chladni were confirmed four years later by Brandes and Benzenberg at Göttingen, and, during the month of April 1809, he inserted a “Catalogue of Meteors” in the “Bulletin de la Société Philomathique,” which was followed by a paper on “Fiery Meteors” published at Vienna during 1819.

In his “Traité d’Acoustique,” Chladni treats of the line of experiments to which he was led, as well by the discovery of Lichtenberg’s electrical figures (see A.D. 1777, and Tyndall, “Sound,” Lecture IV), an account of which latter appeared in the “Mémoires de la Société Royale de Göttingen,” as through the suggestions made him by Lichtenberg himself during the year 1792 relative to the origin of meteors. The results of Chladni’s researches concerning the last named appeared in a Memoir published at Leipzig during 1794, translated by M. Eugène Coquebert Mombret for Vol. V of the Journal des Mines.

It may here be properly added that, in one of the editions of his “Lectures on Sound,” Prof. Tyndall gives a portrait of Chladni and quotes a letter received from Prof. Weber wherein he says: “I knew Chladni personally. From my youth up he was my leader and model as a man of science, and I cannot too thankfully acknowledge the influence which his stimulating encouragement during the last years of his life had upon my own scientific labours.”

References.—Quetelet (Lambert A. J.) in “Cat. Sc. Pap. Roy. Soc.,” Vols. V, VI, VIII; “Mém. de l’Acad. Roy. de Brux.,” 1830–1842; “Annali” of Ambroglio Fusinieri for 1854; “Phil. Mag.,” 1851; Secchi (Angelo) in “Cat. Sc. Pap. Roy. Soc.,” Vols. V, VIII; “Bull. Meteor. dell Osservat.,” 1862, 1866, 1867; Humboldt’s “Cosmos,” London, 1849, Vol. I. p. 104 (M. Schreiber), pp. 113, 114 (M. Capocci), also pp. 105, 108, 110, 121, and the entire “Review of Natural Phenomena,” with all the important references and notes thereunto attached. See likewise Peter Simon Pallas (Phil. Trans. for 1776 and “Act. Acad. Petrop.,” I for 1778); Chladni’s “Uber ... elektricität einer Katze,” Jena, 1797; J. Acton and Capel Lofft, in Phil. Mag., Vol. LI. pp. 109, 203; A Seguin, Phil. Mag., Vol. XLIV. p. 212; Houzeau et Lancaster, “Bibl. Gén.,” Vol. II. pp. 714, 762, for étoiles, filantes et météorites; F. B. Albinus, “Specimen,” etc., 1740; Voigt’s “Magaz.,” I, 1797; Schweigger’s Journal, XLIII, 1825; H. Atkinson, “On Hypotheses,” etc. (Phil. Mag., Vol. LIV. p. 336); Karstner, Archiven, Vol. IV; F. C. Von Petersdorff in “Great Divide”; Pierre Prevost and others in Poggendorff’s Annalen, Vols. II, VI and VII; Arago, “Annuaire pour 1826”; “The fall of Meteorites in Ancient and Modern Times” (“Sc. Progress,” Vol. II. N.S., pp. 349–370: numerous references given by Prof. H. A. Miers; “A Century of the Study of Meteorites,” by Dr. Oliver C. Farrington in “Pop. Sc. Monthly,” Feb. 1901, or the Report of Smiths. Instit. for 1901, pp. 193–197; Phil. Mag., Vol. IV. p. 332; “Cat. Sc. Papers ... Roy. Soc.,” Vol. I. pp. 916–918; D. Avelloni “Lettera,” etc., Venezia, 1760; Martin H. Klaproth’s different memoirs published at Berlin 1795–1809; Joseph Izarn, “Lithologie Atmosphérique”; J. Murray (Phil. Mag., Vol. LIV. p. 39); beside Chladni’s works in conjunction with Karl F. Anton von Schreibers, Wien, 1819 and 1820, and with Messrs. Steininger and Næggerath, London, 1827 (Schweigger’s Journal, N.R., XVI. 385, and Phil. Mag., Vol. II. p. 41, also Vol. IV. p. 332). For a very interesting account, see “A description of the great Meteor which was seen on the 6th of March 1715–1716, sent in a letter ... to R. Danuye ...” London, 1723 (Phil. Trans. for 1720–1721, Vol. XXXI), by Roger Cotes (1682–1716), of whom Sir Isaac Newton entertained so high an opinion as to frequently remark: “If Mr. Cotes had lived, we had known something” (“Biographia Philosophica,” pp. 512–516; English Encycl., “Biography,” Vol. II. p. 401). Other exceedingly interesting accounts of aerolites are to be found, more particularly in Frederic Petit’s works, published at Toulouse, in Bigot de Morogue’s “Catalogue,” London, 1814, and in the Phil. Mag., Vols., XVII, XX, XXVIII, XXXII, XXXVI, XLIII, XLVI, XLVIII, L, LIII, LIV, LVI-LIX, LXII. While treating of this subject, it may be well to add here that up to the year 1887 diamonds were not known to exist in meteorites. In a very remarkable paper by Prof. A. E. Foote, read before the Geological section of the Am. Asso. Adv. Sci., at its meeting in Washington, he described having, during the month of June 1891, explored Crater Mountain (Cañon Diablo), 185 miles north of Tucson, Ariz., where he found some extraordinary specimens. The extreme hardness of one of these attracted particular attention, and upon carefully examining it he discovered in some of the cavities many small black diamonds as well as a white diamond one-fiftieth of an inch in diameter. This is said to be the most extensive find of the kind yet made.

A.D. 1794.—Mr. J. Churchman publishes his improved “Magnetic Atlas or Variation Charts of the whole terraqueous globe,” etc., which Sir John Leslie subsequently pronounced the most accurate and complete hitherto made. The charts preceding it worthy of note were those of Dr. Halley (see A.D. 1683), of Mountaine and Dodson, in 1744 and in 1756, of Wilcke, in 1772, and of Lambert, in 1779. In his charts, Churchman refers variation lines to two poles, one of which he places, for the year 1800, in lat. 58° N. and long. 134° W. of Greenwich, while the other pole is in lat. 58° S. and long. 165° E. of Greenwich. He supposes the northern pole to revolve in 1096 years and the southern one in 2289 years (“Ency. Brit.,” 1857, Vol. XIV. p. 49).

References.—Churchman’s letters to Cassini, Phila., 1788, and his “Explanation of the Magn. Atlas ...” 1790; Harris, “Rudim. Mag.,” Part III. p. 101; “Bibl. Britan.,” Vol. II. 1796, p. 325 (atlas); Becquerel, “Traité d’Electr. et de Magn.,” Paris, 1856, III. p. 140.

A.D. 1794.—M. Reusser Reiser, of Geneva, addresses a letter to the “Magazin für das Neueste aus der Physik” of Johann Heinrich Voigt (Vol. IX. part i. p. 183), describing the construction of “a new species of electric letter post” (“Schreiben an den herausgeber”) in the following words: “... on an ordinary table is fixed, in an upright position, a square board, to which a glass plate is fastened. On this plate are glued little squares of tinfoil, cut after the fashion of luminous panes, and each standing for a letter of the alphabet. From one side of these little squares extend long wires, enclosed in glass tubes, which go underground to the place whither the despatch is to be transmitted. The distant ends are there connected to tinfoil strips, similar ... to the first, and, like them, each marked by a letter of the alphabet; the free ends of all the strips are connected to one return wire, which goes to the transmitting table. If, now, one touches the outer coating of a Leyden jar with the return wire, and connects the inner coating with the free end of that piece of tinfoil which corresponds to the letter required to be indicated, sparks will be produced, as well at the near as at the distant tinfoil, and the correspondent there watching will write down the letter....”

Reusser also suggested calling the attention of the correspondent by firing an electrical pistol through the spark; to him, therefore, belongs the credit of having first clearly indicated the use of a special call for the telegraph.

References.—Vail’s “History,” p. 121; Voigt’s “Magazin ...” Vol. VII. part ii. p. 57; Shaffner, “Manual,” pp. 133, 134; Forster’s “Bauzeitung,” 1848, p. 238; Ed. Highton, p. 38; Sabine, p. 11; “Appleton’s Encycl.,” 1871, Vol. XV. p. 335; Reiser, “Der El. Würfel,” Gotha, 1791; Comptes Rendus, Tome VII for 1838, p. 80.

A.D. 1794.—Prof. Boeckmann improves upon Reusser’s idea, and does away with the thirty-six plates and the seventy-two wires which the latter is believed to have employed. As Dr. Schellen expresses it, he used “the sparks passing at the distant station, employing only two wires, through which first one and then, after certain intervals, more sparks are combinedly grouped” in a way to indicate particular letters. Like Reusser, he made use of the pistol as a call signal.

References.—Zetzsche, “Geschichte der Elektrischen Telegraphie,” p. 32; Boeckmann, “Versuch über Telegraphie und Telegraphen,” Carlsruhe, 1794, p. 17; “El. Magn. Teleg.,” 1850, p. 46; Gren’s Journal der Physik, Vol. I for 1790; “Neue Abhandl. der Bairischen Akad. Philos.,” Vol. III.

A.D. 1794.—Edgeworth (Richard Lovell), an able English mechanical philosopher, better known as the father and literary associate of Maria Edgeworth, introduces his tellograph (contraction of the word telelograph), “a machine describing words at a distance,” which originated in a wager relative to the prompt transmission of racing news from Newmarket to London. It consisted merely of four pointers, in the form of wedges or isosceles triangles, placed upon four portable vertical posts and the different positions of which were arranged to represent letters and numbers.

Edgeworth claimed to have made experiments, as early as 1767, with an ordinary windmill, the arms and sails of which were arranged in different positions to indicate the several letters of the alphabet.

References.—Edgeworth’s Letter to Lord Charlemont on the Tellograph, also his “Essay on the Art of Conveying Secret and Swift Intelligence,” Dublin, 1797, republished in Vol. VI of the Trans. of the Royal Irish Academy; “Appleton’s Encycl.,” 1871, Vol. XV. p. 334.

A.D. 1795.—Lord George Murray, of England, submits to the Admiralty his six-shutter telegraph, an improvement upon Chappe’s original plan. Each of the six octagonal shutters was made to turn inside of two frames at different angles upon its own axis, thus affording sixty-three separate and distinct signals. By its means, information was transmitted from London to Dover in seven minutes, and it answered nearly all the requirements of the Admiralty up to the year 1816, when it was superseded by the semaphore of Rear Admiral Popham. Murray’s method was, however, useless during foggy weather, when relays of horses had to be employed for conveying the news.

References.—English Encyclopædia, “Arts and Sciences,” Vol. VIII. p. 66; Tomlinson’s “Telegraph”; Turnbull, El. Mag. Tel., 1853, p. 18; “Penny Ency.,” Vol. XXIV. p. 147.

A.D. 1795.—Salvá (Don Francisco), a distinguished Spanish physician, reads a memoir, before the Academy of Sciences of Barcelona, from which the following is extracted: “... with twenty-two letters, and even with only eighteen, we can express with sufficient precision every word in the language, and, thus with forty-four wires from Mataro to Barcelona, twenty-two men there, each to take hold of a pair of wires, and twenty-two charged Leyden jars here, we could speak with Mataro, each man there representing a letter of the alphabet and giving notice when he felt the shock.... It is not necessary to keep twenty-two men at Mataro nor twenty-two Leyden jars at Barcelona, if we fix the ends of each pair of the wires in such a way that one or two men may be able to discriminate the signals. In this way six or eight jars at each end would suffice for intercommunication, for Mataro can as easily speak with Barcelona as Barcelona with Mataro ... or the wires can be rolled together in one strong cable ... laid in subterranean tubes, which, for greater insulation, should be covered with one or two coats of resin.”

He is said to have approved of the use of luminous panes as indicated by Reusser; to have also suggested, as early as December 16, 1795, the idea of a submarine telegraphic cable carrying several conductors, and to have proposed, at the same period, the laying of a cable between Barcelona and Palma in the island of Majorca.

In 1798, Salvá constructed a single wire telegraphic line between Madrid and Aranjuez, a distance of twenty-six miles, through which the signals were transmitted in the shape of sparks from Leyden jars. This is the line which is credited to Augustin de Bétancourt, a French engineer, by Alexander Von Humboldt, in a note at p. 14 of Gauss and Weber’s Resultate, etc., for the year 1837.

On the 14th of May 1800, and on the 22nd of February 1804, Salvá communicated to the Academy of Sciences at Barcelona two papers on galvanism applied to electricity, wherein he shows that a cheaper motive power is produced by the electricity of a number of frogs, and proposes a telegraphic apparatus in conjunction with the voltaic column which is illustrated and described at pp. 224 and 225 of Fahie’s “History of Telegraphy.” From the latter the following is taken: “This illustrious Spanish physician (Salvá) was therefore the first person who attempted to apply electricity dynamically for the purpose of telegraphing. It is, says Saavedra, not without reason, I must confess, notwithstanding my cosmopolitan opinions on scientific questions, that the Catalans hold Salvá to be the inventor of electric telegraphy. With documents as authentic as those which I have seen with my own eyes in the very hand writing of this distinguished professor (which documents are at this present moment to be found in the library of the Academy of Sciences of Barcelona) it is impossible for any author to henceforth deny, even if others did precede Salvá in telegraphic experiments with static electricity, that no one preceded him in the application of the docile electro-dynamic fluid to distant communications.”

References.—Comptes Rendus, séance, 1838; Memorial of Joseph Henry, 1880, p. 224; Ed. Highton, the El. Tel., 1852, pp. 38 and 43; “Appleton’s Encyclopædia,” 1871, Vol. XV. p. 335; De Bow’s Review, Vol. XXV. p. 551; Voigt’s Magazin, etc., Vol. XI. part iv. p. 61; Sc. Am. Supp., No. 547, p. 8735, and No. 384, p. 6127; Biography in Saavedra’s Revista, etc., for 1876; Noad’s Manual, pp. 747 and 748; Shaffner, Manual, p. 135; Turnbull, El. Mag. Tel., 1853, pp. 21, 22, 220; Du Moncel, Exposé, Vol. III; “Edinburgh Encyclopædia,” London, 1830, Vol. VIII. p. 535; “Gazette de Madrid” of November 25, 1796; “Mémoires de l’Institut,” Vol. III and “Bulletin de la Soc. Philom.,” An. VI for the new telegraph of MM. Bréguet and Bétancourt, and for the Report made thereon by MM. Lagrange, Laplace and others.

A.D. 1795.—Ewing (John), D.D., Provost of the University of Pennsylvania and one of the founders of the American Philosophical Society, makes a compilation of his course of lectures on natural experimental philosophy, which is subsequently revised for the press by Prof. Robert Patterson.

He devotes much attention to atmospheric electricity, detailing the Franklinian theory, and, besides reporting upon the hypotheses advanced by Henry Eales (at A.D. 1755), as well as treating of the attraction of magnetism, he gives a very interesting account of experiments with the torpedo and the gymnotus electricus. He says that Mr. Walsh found the torpedo “possessed of the power of shocking only in two parts of its body, directly opposite to each other and near to the head. A spot on the back and another on the belly opposite to the former being of a different colour led him to make the experiment, and he found that the electrical virtue was confined to these, and that any other part of the fish might be handled, without receiving a shock, while it was out of the water. Either of these places separately might be handled without the shock being received until a communication between them was formed. This makes it appear probable that the same may also be the case with the Guiana eel. One of these spots must therefore be always in the positive and the other in the negative state; or, rather, they are both generally in the natural state, until, by an effort of the fish’s will, they are suddenly put into different states, as we frequently found that the hand might be in the water, which formed the communication, without receiving any shock. This cannot be the case with the Leyden bottle when charged, which suddenly discharges itself upon forming the communication. Whether there be any electric atmosphere round these spots in the torpedo we cannot tell, as we had no opportunity of examining this matter in the eel, nor have we heard whether Mr. Walsh made any experiments for ascertaining this.”

Electricity of the Atmosphere

The investigations of John Ewing concerning atmospheric electricity were in reality quite extensive. He not only repeated the experiments of Franklin, but he examined thoroughly those of other scientists in the same channel, especially the investigations of Henry Eeles, which will be found detailed in the latter’s “Trinity College Lectures” as well as in his “Philosophical Essays,” London, 1771.

For a very interesting historical review of theories as to the origin of atmospherical electricity, it would be well to consult M. A. B. Chauveau’s article in “Ciel et Terre,” Bruxelles, March 1, 1903, and also Humboldt’s “Cosmos,” London, 1849, Vol. I. pp. 342–346. In the last-named work are cited: Arago, “Annuaire,” 1838, pp. 246, 249–266, 268–279, 388–391; Becquerel, “Traité de l’Electricité,” Vol. IV. p. 107; De la Rive, “Essai Historique,” p. 140; Duprez, “Sur l’électricité de l’air,” Bruxelles, 1844, pp. 56–61; Gay-Lussac, “Ann. de Ch. et de Phys.,” Vol. VIII. p. 167; Peltierin, “Ann. de Chimie,” Vol. LXV. p. 330, also in “Comptes Rendus,” Vol. XII. p. 307; Pouillet, “Ann. de Chimie,” Vol. XXXV. p. 405.

Date Name Experiments References

1751 Franklin Effects of lightning Phil. Trans., xlvii. p. 289

1751 Mazeas Kite experiments independently of Franklin Phil. Trans., 1751–1753

1752 Nollet Theory of Electricity Recher. sur les causes, 1749–1754

Lettres sur l’élect., 1753, 1760, 1767, 1770

1752 Watson Electricity of clouds Phil. Trans., 1751, 1752

1752 De Lor and Buffon Iron pole 99 ft. high, mounted on a cake of resin 2 ft. sq., 3 in. high, Estrapade, May 18, 1752 Letter of Abbé Mazeas, dated St. Germain, May 20, 1742

1752 D’Alibard Sparks from thunder clouds, 40 ft. pole in garden at Marly, also wooden pole 30 ft. high, at Hôtel de Noailles Mem. l’Acad., r. des Sci., May 13, 1762 Hist. Abrégée, 1776

1752 Le Monnier Observations of air charge Mém. de Paris, 1752, pp. 8, 233

1752 De Romas Observations of air charge; kite experiments Mém. Sav. Etrangers, 1752, and Mém. de Math., 1755, 1763

1752 Mylius, Ch. Observations of air charge “Nachrichten,” Berlin, 1752

1752 Kinnersley Observations of air charge Franklin’s Letters, Phil. Trans., 1763, 1773

1752 Ludolf and Mylius Observations of air charge Letter to Watson

1753 Richman Electrical gnomon Phil. Trans., 1753

1753 Canton Electricity of clouds Franklin’s letters and Phil. Trans., 1753

1753 Beccaria, C.B. Systematic observations with an electroscope Lett. dell’ Elet. Bologna, 1758

1753 Wilson Experiments Phil. Trans., 1753, p. 347

1754 Lining Kite experiments Letter to Chas. Pinckney

1755 Le Roy Experiments Mém. de Paris, 1755

1756 Van Musschenbroek Kite experiments Intro. ad Phil. Nat., 1762

1759 Hartmann Origin of electricity Verbesseter ... Blitzes (Hamb. Mag. vol. xxiv.)

1769 Cotte Memoirs on meteorology Journ. Phys., xxiii., 1783

Mém. Paris, 1769–1772

1772 Ronayne Fog observations Phil. Trans., 1772, p. 137

1772 Henley Quadrant electrometer Phil. Trans., 1772–1774

1775 Cavallo Fogs, snow, clouds and rain; kite experiments Treatise on Elect., 1777

1784 De Saussure Observations “Voyages dans les Alpes,” Geneva, 1779–1796

1786–7 Mann Daily observations with an electrical machine, timing the revolutions to produce a given spark with a record of the weather Ephémer. Météorol. of the Mannheim Society, 1786–1792

1788 Volta New electroscope Lettere Sulla Meteor, 1788–1790

1788 Crosse Experiments with collectors Gilb. Ann., Bd. 41, s. 60

1791 Read Insulation and conductors Phil. Trans., 1791 and Summary, 1793

1792 Von Heller Observations Gren, “Neues Journ. der Phys.,” vol. ii. 1795 and vol. iv. 1797

1792 Schubler Observations with weather rod J. de Phys., lxxxiii. 184

An attractive table, which we are permitted to rearrange and reproduce here, giving a résumé of references to some of the most noted experiments of the chief investigators from the time of Franklin to the end of the eighteenth century, was made up by Mr. Alex. McAdie and first appeared in the “Amer. Meteor. Journal.” Mr. McAdie says that a detailed history of most of Franklin’s co-labourers will be found in the accounts given by Exner,[53] Hoppe,[54] Mendenhall,[55] Elster and Geitel[56] as well as by himself,[57] and that in making up this table he has passed over Peter Collinson, of London, who introduced to the notice of the Royal Society the experiments of Franklin, and the three less-known workers—J. H. Winkler, who wrote in 1746 on the electrical origin of the weather lights; Maffei, 1747; and Barberet, 1750.

A.D. 1795.—The telegraphs of the Rev. J. Gamble, Chaplain to the Duke of York, consisted either of five boards placed one above the other or of arms pivoted at the top of a post upon one axis and capable of producing as many signals as there are permutations in the number five, all of the combinations being possible at equal angles of forty-five degrees. His doubts as to the practicability of employing electricity “as the vehicle of information” are fully expressed at p. 73 of his “Essay on the Different Modes of Communicating by Signal,” etc., London, 1797.

References.—J. Gamble, “Observations on Telegraphic Experiments,” etc.; Article “Telegraph” in Tomlinson’s “Encyl. of Useful Arts”; “Penny Ency.,” Vol. XXIV. pp. 147 and 148; “English Cyclopædia,” “Arts and Sciences,” Vol. VIII. p. 66.

A.D. 1795.—Garnet (John), proposes a telegraph consisting of only one bar moving about the centre of a circle, upon which latter the letters and figures are inscribed. On placing corresponding divisions, by means of wires, before the object glass of the telescope the coincidence of the two radii or of the arm would point out the letter intended to be repeated. As this plan proved impracticable for long distances, it did not come into general use (“Emporium of Arts and Sciences,” Phila., 1812, Vol. I. p. 293).

A.D. 1795.—Wells (Charles William), a physician, native of South Carolina but practising in England and a F.R.S., publishes in the Phil. Trans. a paper on the influence which incites the muscles of animals to contract in Galvani’s experiments. Therein he was the first to demonstrate that voltaic action is produced through charcoal combined with another substance of different conducting power, and this he did by causing noticeable convulsions in a frog through the combination of charcoal and zinc. (See “Ency. Met.,” Vol. IV. pp. 220, 221, for the experiments of both Dr. Wells and Dr. Fowler.) Fahie states that Davy subsequently constructed a pile which consisted of a series of eight glasses containing well-burned charcoal and zinc, using a red sulphate of iron solution as the liquid conductor. It is said this series gave sensible shocks and rapidly decomposed water and that, compared with an equal and similar series of silver and zinc, its effects were much stronger. (See Priestley’s discovery of the electrical conductibility of charcoal at A.D. 1767, and the description of Davy’s charcoal battery in “Jour. Roy. Inst.” and Nicholson’s Journal, N. S., Vol. I. p. 144.)

His biographer, in the “Eng. Cyclop.,” says (Vol. VI. pp. 631–632) that his last work and the one upon which his reputation as a philosopher must rest, is his “Essay upon Dew,” published in 1814 (“Journal des Savants” for Sept. 1817), whilst J. F. W. Herschel remarks at p. 122 of his “Prel. Disc ... Nat. Phil.,” 1855: “We have purposely selected this theory of dew, first developed by the late Dr. Wells, as one of the most beautiful specimens we can call to mind of inductive experimental inquiry lying within a moderate compass....”

References.—Wells’ biography in the “English Cyclopædia,” Vol. VI. p. 631; Phil. Trans. for 1795, p. 246; Hutton’s abridgments of the Phil. Trans., Vol. XVII. p. 548; Fahie’s “History,” etc., pp. 201 and 202; “Aristotle on Dew” (Poggendorff, Geschichte der Phys., 1879, p. 42); Luke Howard, “On the Modification of Clouds ...” London, 1803; C. H. Wilkinson, “Elements of Galvanism,” etc., London, 1804, Vol. I. pp. 162–165 and Vol. II. p. 329.

A.D. 1796.—Gregory (George), D.D., F.R.S., Vicar of Westham, a miscellaneous writer of Scotch origin, for many years editor of the “New Annual Register,” is the author of “Economy of Nature,” etc., of which the second and third editions, considerably enlarged, appeared respectively in 1798 and 1804.

In the first volume of the last-named edition (Book I. chap. vi. pp. 35–54) he treats of natural and artificial magnets and of magnetic powers and theories of magnetism, while the whole of Book IV. (chaps. i.-viii. pp. 299–386) is devoted to the history of and discoveries relative to electricity, its principles and theories, as well as to electrical apparatus and electrical phenomena and to galvanism or animal electricity.

Gregory is also the author of “Popular Lectures on Experimental Philosophy, Astronomy and Chemistry; Intended Chiefly for the Use of Students and Young Persons,” 2 vols., 12 mo, published in London 1808–1809, one year after Gregory’s death.

It was the perusal of the latter work which led Joseph Henry to embrace a scientific career, just as the reading of “Mrs. Marcet’s Conversations on Chemistry” had induced Michael Faraday to enter the field in which he afterward became so highly distinguished. Prof. Asa Gray, in his Biographical Memoir of Henry, says that Gregory’s work alluded to is an unpretending volume but a sensible one, and that it begins by asking three or four questions, such as these: “You throw a stone, or shoot an arrow into the air; why does it not go forward in the line or direction that you give it? Why does it stop at a certain distance and then return to you?... On the contrary, why does flame or smoke always mount upward, though no force is used to send them in that direction? And why should not the flame of a candle drop toward the floor when you reverse it, or hold it downward, instead of turning up and ascending into the air?... Again, you look into a clear well of water and see your own face and figure as if painted there? Why is this? You are told that it is done by reflection of light. But what is reflection of light?” As Prof. Gray remarks, young Henry’s mind was aroused by these apt questions, and allured by the explanations. He now took in a sense of what knowledge was. The door to knowledge opened to him, that door which it thence became the passion of his life to open wider. The above-named volume is preserved in Prof. Henry’s library, and bears upon a fly-leaf the following entry:

“This book, although by no means a profound work, has, under Providence, exerted a remarkable influence upon my life. It accidentally fell into my hands when I was about sixteen years old, and was the first work I ever read with attention. It opened to me a new world of thought and enjoyment; invested things before almost unnoticed with the highest interest; fixed my mind on the study of nature, and caused me to resolve at the time of reading it, that I would immediately commence to devote my life to the acquisition of knowledge. J. H.” (See Prof. A. M. Mayer, “Eulogy of Joseph Henry,” Salem, 1880, pp. 29–30; “Smithsonian Report,” 1878, pp. 145, 146.)

References.—Gentleman’s Magazine, Vol. LXVII. p. 415; Beloe’s “Sexag.,” II. 128; “Living Authors” (1798), I. p. 225.

A.D. 1797.—Bressy (Joseph), French physician and able chemist, remarks, in his “Essai sur l’électricité de l’eau,” that the electric fluid is composed of three beams (rayons, i. e. rays, gleams, or sparks), vitreous, resinous and vital; that three principal agents exist in nature, viz. the air, isolating body; the water, conducting body, and movement, determining action; that vapours resolve themselves into clouds merely because friction enables the electric fluid to seize upon the aqueous molecules, and that, in water, the hydrogen is maintained in the form of gas by the electric fluid, while the oxygen becomes gaseous under influence of the caloric.

References.—Larousse, “Dict. Univ.,” Vol. II. p. 1236; Delaunay, “Manuel,” etc., 1809, pp. 15, 16.

A.D. 1797.—Treméry (Jean Louis), a French mining engineer, communicates his observations on elliptic magnets through Bulletin No. 6 of the “Société Philomathique” as well as through the sixth volume of the Journal des Mines.

His observations on conductors of electricity and on the emission of the electric fluid appear at p. 168 Vol. XLVIII of the Jour. de Phys., and in “Bull. de la Soc. Philom.,” No. 19, while his views in opposition to the two-fluid theory are to be found in Bulletin No. 63 of the last-named publication as well as in Jour. de Phys., Vol. LIV. p. 357.

References.—Poggendorff, Vol. II. p. 1131; John Farrar, “Elem. of Elec.,” etc., p. 120.

A.D. 1797.—Pearson (George), English physician and chemist, communicates to the Royal Society a very interesting paper entitled, “Experiments and Observations made with the view of ascertaining the nature of the gas produced by passing electric discharges through water; with a description of the apparatus for these experiments.”

An abstract of the above appears in the Phil. Trans. for 1797, and a full transcript of it is to be found in Nicholson’s Journal, 4to, Vol. I. pp. 241–248, 299–305, and 349–355.

As Mr. Wilkinson has it, “Dr. Pearson supposes the decomposition of water by electricity to be effected by the interposition of the dense electric fire, between the constituent elements of the water, which he places beyond the sphere of attraction for each other, each ultimate particle of oxygen and hydrogen uniting with a determinate quantity of the electric fire to bestow on them their gaseous form. Hence the doctor supposes that the electric fire, after effecting the disunion, assumes the state of caloric.

“On the reproduction of water by the passage of an electric spark through a proportionate quantity of oxygen and hydrogen gases, Dr. Pearson ingeniously conjectures that by the influence of the electric flame the ultimate particles of these gases, the nearest to the flame, are driven from it in all directions, so as to be brought within the sphere of each other’s attractions. In one of these cases Dr. Pearson supposes that the caloric destroys the attraction, which in the other instance it occasions.

“It is with diffidence that I take on me to controvert the opinions of this very respectable physician; but I presume that the whole of the phenomena of the synthesis and analysis of water are more readily to be explained on the principles I have laid down than by the adoption of the mysterious terms of attraction and repulsion. By the operation of galvanism, water is more rapidly decomposed than by common electricity. In this operation there is no evolution of dense electrical fire, but merely a current of a small intensity of electricity acting permanently and incessantly. To reproduce water, a flame must be generated sufficient to kindle the contiguous portion of the hydrogen gas, then the next portion, and so on, the combustion being preserved by the presence of the oxygen gas. As these processes proceed with immense rapidity as soon as the gases are intermixed, so as to appear like one sudden explosion, the caloric of each of them being thus disengaged, their bases unite and constitute water.”

Dr. Pearson also made many interesting experiments to ascertain the effect of the application of galvanic electricity for the treatment of diseases, and Noad, who describes one of his successful operations, also details (“Manual,” pp. 343–349) the observations of many others in the same line, notably those of Drs. Apjohn, Majendie, Grapengieser and of Wilson Philip, Petrequin, Pravaz, Prevost and Dumas (Jour. de Physiol., Tome III. p. 207), as well as of Sarlandière and Dr. Golding Bird, besides giving the very important conclusions arrived at by Stefano Marianini.

References.—“Some Account of George Pearson,” M.D., F.R.S. (Phil. Mag., Vol. XV for 1803, p. 274); letter of Humboldt to M. Loder (“Bibl. Germ.,” Vol. IV, Messidor, An. VIII. p. 301); William Van Barneveld, “Med. Elektricität,” Leipzig, 1787; C. H. Wilkinson, “Elements of Galvanism,” London, 1804, 2 vols. passim; Paragraph No. 328 of Faraday’s “Experimental Researches,” J. N. Hallé, “Journal de Médecine de Corvisart,” etc., Tome I, Nivose, An. IX. p. 351; “Annales de l’Electricité Médicale” passim; H. Baker (Phil. Trans., Vol. XLV. p. 270); “Jour. de la Soc. Philom.,” Messidor, An. IX; J. F. N. Jadelot, “Expériences,” etc., 1799; M. Butet (“Bull. des Sc. de la Soc. Philom.,” No. 43, Vendémiaire, An. IX); M. Oppermanno, “Diss. Phys. Med.” (see J. G. Krunitz “Verzeichnis,” etc.); Andrieux, “Mémoire ... maladies,” Paris, 1824; Lebouyer-Desmortiers (Sue, “Hist. du Galv.,” Vol. II. p. 420, and Jour. de Phys., Prairial, An. IX, 1801, p. 467); C. J. C. Grapengieser, “Versuche den Galvanismus,” etc., Berlin, 1801 and 1802; the works of J. Althaus, published in London and Berlin in 1859–1870; C. A. Struve’s works, published in Hanover and Breslau, 1797–1805; F. L. Augustin’s works, published in Berlin, 1801–1803; Karl Friedrich Kielmeyer (Kielmaier), works published at Tübingen (Poggendorff, Vol. I. p. 1253); Einhoff (Gilbert, XII. p. 230); Francesco Rossi’s treatises on the application of galvanism, published in 1809; Gilb. “Ann.,” Vol. XII. p. 450; Jour. de Phys., Vol. LII. pp. 391 and 467; Cuthbertson’s letter in Phil. Mag., Vol. XVIII. p. 358; J. G. Anglade, “Essai sur le Galvanisme,” etc. (Sue, “Hist. du Galv.,” Vol. III. p. 73); Jacques Nauche, in Phil. Mag., Vol. XV. p. 368, as well as in Poggendorff, Vol. II. p. 256, and throughout the “Journal du Galvanisme.”

A.D. 1797.—In No. CCXXII of the Reichsanzeiger, a German publication, it is said that a certain person having an artificial magnet suspended from the wall of his study with a piece of iron adhering to it, remarked, for several years, that the flies in the room, though they frequently placed themselves on other iron articles, never settled upon the artificial magnet.

References.—Cavallo, “Experimental Philosophy,” 1803, Vol. III. p. 560, or the 1825 Philad. ed., Vol. II. p. 286.

A.D. 1797–1798.—Reinhold (Johann Christoph Leopold), while Bachelor of Medicine in Magdeburg, tendered for his theses, on the 16th of December 1797 and on the 11th of March 1798, two Latin dissertations on galvanism, one of which was offered concurrently with J. William Schlegel, then a medical student.

Numerous extracts from both the above very important papers, which treat extensively of galvanic experiments upon animals, vegetables, metals, etc., will be found at pp. 123–195, Vol. I of Sue’s “Histoire du Galvanisme,” Paris, 1802. Both dissertations review galvanism from its origin and make mention of many works which had not up to that time appeared in print.

In the first volume of his “Elements of Galvanism,” London, 1804, Mr. C. H. Wilkinson devotes the entire Chap. VIII (pp. 188–260) to Reinhold’s able review of galvanism, wherein are first cited Gardiner (author of “Observations on the Animal Economy”), Lughi, Klugel and Gardini as “anterior to the discovery of the doctrine of animal electricity.” Then follow accounts of their writings, as well as of those of Galvani and of Volta, “the Prince of Italian naturalists,” after which due mention is made, in their proper order, of the observations of Aldini, Valli, Fontana, Berlinghieri, Monro, Fowler, Corradori, Robison, Cavallo, Wells, Havgk, Colsmann, Creve, Hermestædt, Klein, Pfaff, Ackermann, Humboldt (letters to Blumenbach, Crell, Pictet and M. de Mons), Eschenmeyer, Achard, Grapengieser, Gren, Michaelis, Caldani, Schmuck, Mezzini, Behrends, Giulio, Ludwig, Webster, Vasco, Hebenstreit and others.

The subject of the eighth and last section of Reinhold’s Dissertations, as Wilkinson expresses it, consists of the exposition of the hypotheses of different authors on the galvanic fluid. These hypotheses he brings into two classes, as they relate to the seat which is assigned to the cause of the phenomena. The first of these classes belongs to the animal which is to be galvanized, and the second to the substance applied to its body, or to the arc. As the galvanic phenomena are ascribed by several physiologists to electricity, Reinhold makes a new division, relatively to the opinion of those who assert that the galvanic and electric fluids are the same, and of those who are persuaded that the former differs from the latter. Under the first head or division he ranges Galvani, Aldini, Valli, Carradori, Volta, in the early time of the discovery; then Schmuck, Voigt, and Hufeland; while under the second come Fowler and Humboldt. Of the latter division he makes subdivisions, in the first of which he comprehends Volta, Pfaff, Wells, Yelin and Monro, the second embracing Creve and Fabbroni. The other authors, not having openly avowed their opinion, he passes over in silence.

Reinhold is likewise the author of “Versuche um die eigentliche,” etc. (Gilb. “Annal.,” X, 1802, pp. 301–355), “Untersuchungen über die natur.,” etc. (Gilb. “Annal.,” X, 1802, pp. 450–481, and XII, 1803, pp. 34–48); “Galvanisch-elektrische Versuche,” etc. (Gilb. “Annal.,” XI, 1802, pp. 375–387); “Geschichte des Galvanismus,” Leipzig, 1803; “Versuch einer skizzirten,” etc. (Reil. “Archiv.,” VIII, 1807–1808, pp. 305–354); “Ueber Davy’s Versuche” (Gilb. “Annal.,” XXVIII, 1808, pp. 484–485).

References.—Schlegel, “De Galvanismo”; Figuier, “Exp. et Hist. des Principales Découvertes,” Vol. IV. pp. 310, 433; J. W. Ritter, “Beweis ... in dem Thierreich ...” Weimar, 1796; G. R. Treviranus, “Einfluss ... thier, Reizbarkeit,” Leipzig, 1801, and Gilbert’s “Annalen,” Vol. VIII for the latter year.

A.D. 1798.—Perkins (Benjamin D.), is given an English patent for a process enabling him to cure aches, pains and diseases in the human body by drawing electrified metals over the parts affected. His metallic tractors, originally introduced from America and consisting of an alloy of different metals, awakened much curiosity both in England and on the Continent, and were successfully used by Dr. Haygarth and others, as related in the article “Somnambulism,” of the “Encyclopædia Britannica.”

In the Repert. II. ii. 179, it is said that one of the tractors was made of zinc, copper and gold, and the other of iron, platina and silver. M. V. Burq, in his “Métallo-thérapie,” makes a review of the successful cures of nervous complaints effected by metallic applications.

References.—Jour. de Phys., Vol. XLIX. p. 232; Mr. Langworthy, “View of the Perkinian Electricity,” 1798; T. G. Fessenden, “Poetical petition against ... the Perkinistic Institution ...” London, 1803; B. D. Perkins, “The Influence of Metallic Tractors on the Human Body ...” London, 1798–1799; “Bibl. Britan.,” Vol. XXI, 1802, pp. 49–89; “Recherches sur le Perkinisme,” etc. (“Annales de la Soc. de Méd. de Montpellier,” Vol. XXIX. p. 274); “Sur les tracteurs de Perkins” (“Mém. des Soc. Savantes et Lit.,” Vol. II. p. 237); P. Sue, aîné, “Hist. du Galv.,” IV. p. 286 and “Hist du Perkinisme,” Paris, 1805; J. D. Reuss, “De re electrica,” Vol. XII. p. 20; J. Krziwaneck, “De electricitate ...” Prag., 1839.

A.D. 1798.—In a long letter written to Thomas Jefferson, President of the American Philosophical Society, and read before the latter body on the 4th of May 1798, the Rev. James Madison, then President of William and Mary College, details several experiments made by him to ascertain the effect of a magnet upon the Torricellian vacuum, and to explain the phenomena exhibited by magnets in proximity to iron filings.

He says: “Many ingenious men have supposed that the arrangement of the filings clearly indicated the passage of a magnetic fluid or effluvia in curved lines from one pole to another of a different denomination,” but that the experiments which he relates prove the attractive force of the magnets, at either pole, to be the real cause of the phenomena which the filings exhibit, and that the action of the magnet upon the filings, when they approach within a certain distance, renders them magnetic. In every magnet, says he, there is at least one line, called the equator, from which, in the direction of both poles, the attractive power increases so that the filings will “incline toward them, forming angles which appear to be such as the resolution of two forces, one lateral and the other polar, would necessarily produce.”

Thomas Jefferson, above named, succeeded Benjamin Franklin as United States Minister Plenipotentiary to Paris, 1784–1789, became Vice-President of the United States in 1796, and was sworn in as the successor of John Adams to the Presidency on the 4th of March 1801. The Rev. James Madison, D.D., second cousin of the fourth President of the United States bearing the same name, became President of William and Mary College in 1777, and was consecrated first Bishop of Virginia by the Archbishop of Canterbury in Lambeth Palace, Sept. 19, 1790.

References.—“Transactions of the Am. Phil. Soc.,” Vol. IV for 1799, O.S. No. 39, pp. 323–328.

A.D. 1798.—Monge (Gaspar), Comte de Peluse, a very able French scientist, called “the inventor of descriptive geometry,” and from whom, it is said, that science received greater accessions than had before been given it since the days of Euclid and Archimedes, erects a telegraph upon the “Palais des Tuileries” in Paris. Of this, however, no reliable details are on record.

He also makes many experiments on the effects of optics and electricity, and, likewise, many useful observations on the production of water by inflammable air, independently of those carried on by Lord Cavendish.

References.—Biography in Charles Dupin’s “Essai Historique,” etc., and in “English Cycl.,” Vol. IV. pp. 296, 297; Memoir at p. 175 of Vol. LV, Phil. Mag. for 1820; G. Monge, “Sur l’effet des étincelles ...” Paris, 1786, and “Précis des leçons,” Paris, 1805; Sci. Am. Supp., No. 621, p. 9916, and the note at foot of p. 701 of “Fifth Dissert.” eighth ed. of “Encyclopædia Britannica,” Vol. I; as well as “Mém. de l’Acad. des Sciences,” 1786.

A.D. 1798.—Berton (Henri Montan), a prominent French composer and Professor of Harmony at the Paris “Conservatoire de Musique,” also a member of the “Académie des Beaux-Arts,” devises a novel electric telegraph which is merely alluded to, under the heading of “Note historique sur le télégraphe électrique,” at p. 80 of the seventh volume of the Comptes Rendus for July 1838, as well as in Julia Fontenelle’s “Manuel de l’électricité.”

A.D. 1799.—Fabbroni—Fabroni—(Giovanni Valentino M.), Professor of Chemistry at Florence, communicates to the Journal de Physique (9th series, Tome VI, Cahier de Brumaire, An. VIII), an amplification of his able memoir, “Sur l’action chimique,” etc. (“Dell’azione chimica ...”), which was first presented by him during 1792 to the Florentine Academy and duly analyzed by Brugnatelli in his “Giornale physico-medico.” Therein is made the first known suggestion as to the chemical origin of voltaic electricity, inquiring whether the phenomenon of galvanism is not solely due to chemical affinities of which electricity may be one of the concomitant effects, and also ascribing the violent convulsions in a frog to a chemical change which is produced by the contact of one of the metals with some liquid matter on the animal’s body, the latter decomposing and allowing its oxygen to combine with the metal.

References.—“Elogio ... A. Lombardi” (“Mem. Soc. Ital.,” Vol. XX); Cornhill Magazine, Vol. II for 1860, p. 68; “Biog. Univ.,” Vol. XIII. p. 311; “Encycl. Met.,” “Galvanism,” Vol. IV. p. 215; Journal de Physique, Vol. XLIX. p. 348; “Chambers’ Ency.,” 1868, Vol. IV. p. 593; “Mem. Soc. Ital.,” Vol. XX. pp. 1 and 26; P. Sue, aîné, “Histoire du Galvanisme,” Paris, An. X-1802, Vol. I. pp. 229–232; Phil. Mag., Vol. V. p. 270; Nicholson’s Journal, quarto, Vol. IV. p. 120; Sir Humphry Davy, “Bakerian Lectures,” London, 1840, p. 49; Young’s “Lectures,” Vol. I. p. 752; W. Sturgeon, “Scientific Researches,” Bury, 1850, p. 156; “Giornale di fisica” for 1810; “Giornale dell’ Ital. Lettera ...” IX. p. 97; “Atti della Reg. Soc. Economica di Firenze,” XX. p. 26; Brugnatelli, Annali di chimica, II. p. 316 and XXI. p. 277; C. Henri Boissier, “Mémoire sur la décomp. de l’eau, etc.,” Paris, 1801 (Journal de Physique, Prairial, An. IX).

A.D. 1799.—Jadelot (J. F. N.), French physician, translates Humboldt’s work on “Galvanism,” wherein he reviews the investigations of the great German scientist and treats of the application of the Galvanic fluid in medical practice. The observations of a friend of Humboldt, Dr. C. J. C. Grapengieser, are especially detailed and a complete account is given of all the noted physicians who have recorded experiments in the same line.

References.—For the medical applications of Galvanism: Journal de Physique, Vol. LII. pp. 391, 467; Gilbert’s “Annalen,” XI. 354, 488 and XII. 230, 450; “An. of Sc. Disc.” for 1865, p. 123; Larrey, 1793, 1840; L. Desmortiers, 1801; Legrave, 1803; F. J. Double, 1803; J. Nauche, 1803; “Galv. Soc.” (Phil. Mag., Vol. XV. p. 281); Laverine, 1803; Mongiardini and Lando, 1803; F. Rossi, 1803–1827; J. Schaub, 1802–1805; B. Burkhardt, 1802; M. Butet, 1801; J. Le Roy d’Etiolle, “Sur l’emploi du Galv....”; P. L. Geiger, 1802–1803; J. D. Reuss in “De Re Electrica”; M. Buccio, 1812; La Beaume, 1820–1848; P. A. Castberg (Sue, “Hist. du Galv.,” IV. 264); Fabré-Palaprat and La Beaume, 1828; Rafn’s “Nyt. Bibl.,” IV; C. C. Person, 1830–1853; S. G. Marianini, 1841; C. Usiglio, 1844; F. Hollick, 1847; G. Stambio, 1847; Du Fresnel, 1847; H. de Lacy, 1849; M. Récamier, J. Massé, 1851; R. M. Lawrance, Robt. Barnes, and Crimotel de Tolloy, 1853; M. Middeldorpf, 1854; R. Remak, 1856, 1860, 1865; J. Seiler, 1860; V. Von Bruns, 1870.

A.D. 1799.—Humboldt (Friedrich Heinrich Alexander, Baron Von) (1769–1859), native of Berlin, is the author of “Cosmos” so frequently alluded to in these pages, and, in the words of one of his biographers, “will be remembered in future times as perhaps, all in all, the greatest descriptive naturalist of his age, the man whose observations have been most numerous and of the widest range, and the creator of several new branches of natural sciences.”

The French translation of his work on “Galvanism” (“Expériences sur le Galvanisme ... traduit de l’allemand par J. F. N. Jadelot”) appeared in Paris during the year 1799, before which date, Noad remarks, no one had applied the galvanic arc, as he did, to so many animals in various parts of their bodies. Among other results, he discovered the action of the electric current upon the pulsation of the heart, the secretions from wounds, etc., and he proved upon himself that its action was not limited to the sole instants of the commencement and end of its passage.

In the first volume of his very interesting work on “Galvanism” (pp. 166–174, 261–310, 407–434) Wilkinson reviews the above-named publication which M. Vassalli-Eandi, in 1799, pronounced “the most complete that has hitherto appeared.” The following sectional extracts are mainly taken from Mr. Wilkinson’s book, Chap. IX. part ii. Humboldt’s first experiments were made with the aid of M. Venturi, Professor of Natural Philosophy at Modena, and they were followed quite assiduously for a while, but it was not until he learned of the important observations made by Fowler, Hunter and Pfaff on animal electricity and irritability, that he was spurred on to still further extended investigations, which were carried on more particularly in presence of Jurine, Pictet, Scarpa, Tralles and Volta. Humboldt’s work is divided into ten sections, as follows:

Sect. I treats of the relation between galvanic irritation and incitability.

Sect. II deals with the galvanic irritation produced without a coating, or metallic or charcoal substances (repeating the investigations of M. Cotugno, which led to the experiments of Vassalli during 1789).

Sect. III treats of the excitement produced by a simple metallic substance, or by homogeneous metallic parts (detailing the experiments of Aldini, Galvani, Berlinghieri, Lind, Pfaff and Volta).

Sect. IV discourses on heterogeneous metals. During his experiments in this line, which were aided by his elder brother, chance led him to a very interesting discovery. He found that the coatings of the nerve and muscle being homogeneous, the contractions may be produced when the degree of excitability is extremely feeble, provided the coatings of this nature are united by exciting substances, among which there is a heterogeneous one, having one of its surfaces covered by a fluid in a state of vapour. This observation, which was originally made at the commencement of 1796, surprised Humboldt so much that he instantly communicated it to Sömmering, Blumenbach, Hertz and Goethe. He had not as yet found recorded in the published works on galvanism any experiment the result of which had the smallest analogy with his discovery; and it was not until after the publication of the works of Pfaff on animal electricity that he became acquainted with any one similar to his own. There were, however, some differences, as he proves by several passages cited from the above author.