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Armenian legends and festivals

Part 1 — Chapter III Legends of the Conversion to Christianity

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Section 1. Pre-Christian Mythology and Religion

The second body of legends which I wish to consider is chiefly concerned with the introduction of Christianity into the country. These, together with the traditional beliefs centered about the chief geographical feature of the land, Mt. Ararat, constitute a group bearing a very distinct religious stamp. For this reason, and also because they have a later origin, they are to be marked off very distinctly from those already taken up. In view of their religious bearing I shall introduce them with a brief account of the various forms of pagan worship that preceded the Christianization of the people.

Section 2. Legends of Abgar, Thaddeus, and St. Bartholomew

The letter of Abgarus to our Saviour Jesus Christ. “Abgarus, a prince of the world, unto Jesus the Saviour and Benefactor, who hast appeared in the City of Jerusalem, Greetings.

The messengers delivered the message to Jesus in Jerusalem, to which the gospel bears witness in the words, “There were some amongst the heathen that came up to him.” But Jesus could do no more than to send a letter in reply.

This letter was duly delivered to Abgar, with the image of the Saviour, which was still kept in Edessa at the time of Moses’ writing. The legend concerning the image is somewhat as follows. One of the three messengers sent to Jesus with the letter of Abgar was an artist who was told to paint a portrait of Jesus in case the latter found it impossible to take the journey. The artist tried in vain to paint a good picture, and having noticed him, Jesus took a handkerchief and passing it over his face a most exact likeness was stamped upon it, which he gave to the artist to be given to the king.

The quaint ending of Abgar’s letter is worth the whole legend. What could be simpler or more seductive than the invitation, “My city is a small one, but it is beautiful, and it is sufficient for us twain.”

The matter is not especially important except to theologians with their doctrines of “apostolic origins.” What is perfectly clear is that both these men did their work in comparative silence, and that they did not make very much headway, for if they had there would have been less doubt concerning the traditions. The great work was done by King Tiridates, and Gregory, who converted him about A.D. 301. The traditions concerning these men are among the most cherished possessions of the Armenian church.

Section 3. Legends of Rhipsime and Gregory

The band was found, Rhipsime was recognized, and the king sent an escort of litters to bring them to his court. As Diocletian suspected, the Armenian king also fell in love, for the maiden, having refused the pomp of a royal equipage, was forced to appear before him in court. The Armenian’s suit was likewise a failure. Rhipsime would marry, provided he became Christian, which the king took as mockery. Again the girl succeeded in escaping, but she was tracked, overtaken with her companions, bound with cords, and put to death with great cruelty. Both Rhipsime and her nurse Gaiane are commemorated on the calendar of saints, and at Etchmiadzin, the religious center of the nation, there are three edifices; the largest and most important bears the name of St. Gregory, while the other two respectively bear the names of the two saints, Rhipsime and Gaiane.

Such are the legends of Gregory and of Tiridates’ conversion to Christianity. In all justice, the highly imaginative material which was probably the work of an enthusiast, and in all certainty a surreptitious insertion in the work of the historian, should be distinguished from the less fanciful material concerning the imprisonment of Gregory and the martyrdom of the virgins, which though legendary, may probably be connected with the events of history.

Section 4. The Armenian Church as a Social Force

Such was pre-Gregorian Christianity. How ridiculous to suppose that the conversion of the nation was due to the firm roots already established by the Christians when the Christians themselves had to be converted!

When the work was fairly under way the ambitious priest journeyed to Cesarea in Cappadocia where he got himself ordained. This Gregory was no meek-spirited adoptionist. He was the son of Anak, of royal blood, ambitious, zealous, suffering and doing all things to gain his ends.

In view, therefore, of the actual character of preëxisting Christianity, and of the methods employed in converting the people, how can one reasonably suppose that the “instant conversion of the whole of Armenia to Christianity can not be explained but by the preëxistence of a Christian element which had taken root in the country”?

The state-authorized religion, however, did take root in the country, and became inextricably interwoven with the self-consciousness of the nation. It became the organ of national expression, and for many centuries has been the very backbone of the people. If the molten metals of national life had hardened during the reign of the Arsacidae kings they were at the time of the conversion in a molten state, ready to be remolded. This did not require much time. Old festivals were carried over intact, except that they were given a new meaning. The old national traditions, legends, and folk-lore were in the common possession of the people, and there was no reason for discouraging them. In fact the Armenian church even more than the state encouraged them, for it recognized in them a source of solidarity and national unity, as essential to the life of the church as its hierarchies, liturgy, and calendar of saints. So much then was old; part of the past carried over into the present to be carried over into the future. What then was new? First the legends and traditions, already mentioned, imbedded in the immediately past events of the new order. Legends of Abgar, of Gregory, of Thaddeus, of Rhipsime, of Tiridates, passed like magic fire from person to person, creating a common sentiment which made the foundations of the new church absolutely secure. How firmly this foundation was established is indicated by the reaction of the church to the decisions at the Council of Chalcedon, where the dogma of the dual nature of Christ was affirmed, in perfect contradiction to the Nicæan dogma, and by the reaction against the Persian proposals to accept fire-worship as the state religion.

Already, only one hundred fifty years after the conversion, the foundation of the church was secure. This of course was made possible by the completeness of the work of its founders; but this in itself would not have been sufficient. A common favorable sentiment had been created, which grew up under the natural conditions of life, and inasmuch as the legends described are part of the common beliefs of the people, it may be inferred that they played an important rôle in the formation of this sentiment. The church, on the other hand, has incorporated these legendary beliefs in its ritual and ceremony, and in that way has given them the necessary sanction by which they are passed on from generation to generation. They thus form part of the permanent social tradition of the Armenian people.

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Clark, New Englander 22:507, 672. Raffi p. 127.Note 2 · That trees are worshipped even to-day, and that certain superstitions are bound up with them is clearly shown by Abeghian. “In den Gegenden Note 3 · Agathangelus p. 127. Emin, Recherches sur le Paganisme Arménien p. 9.Note 4 · Raffi, article in Boyadjian’s Armenian Legends and Poetry.Note 5 · Tir is mentioned only once by Agathangelus (p. 164) and he is not mentioned by any other Armenian writers (Langlois 1:164). Emin compares hiNote 6 · Abeghian p. 4.Note 7 · He corresponds to the Persian Mithra and is hence of Persian origin and not Greek. The Greek translation of Agathangelus regards him as analNote 8 · Raffi, article in Boyadjian’s Armenian Legends and Poetry. Seklemian’s Tales. Preface by Blackwell.Note 9 · “Und auch heute pflegt man stellenweise niederzuknieen und zu beten: ‘O du göttliche strahlende Sonne! Dein Fuss ruhe auf meinem Antlitz! BeNote 10 · Although the Greeks have identified Anahit with their goddess of chastity, Artemid, the Armenian goddess is not of Greek, but of Assyro-BabyNote 11 · Agathangelus. Langlois 1:127.Note 12 · Raffi p. 129. Both Nane and Astghik are mentioned by Agathangelus who speaks of the latter as the Aphrodite of the Greeks. (Agathangelus p. Note 13 · St. Martin 1:305, 306.Note 14 · In the reigns of Artasches I and Tigranes II, many Greek statues were imported from abroad, and the latter king not only constructed templesNote 15 · St. Martin 1:295.Note 16 · Moses of Khorene p. 95.Note 17 · Moses of Khorene p. 96.Note 18 · Ibid.Note 19 · Ormanian p. 3.Note 20 · There is another legend of St. Thaddeus, according to which he converted Abgar and his whole court to Christianity, curing the king of his dNote 21 · Lynch 1:286.Note 22 · St. Martin pp. 302, 303.Note 23 · Agathangelus. Langlois 1:115.Note 24 · St. Martin p. 303. Agathangelus p. 122.Note 25 · St. Martin p. 304. Agathangelus p. 121.Note 26 · Agathangelus pp. 126–33.Note 27 · Ibid. p. 135.Note 28 · Lynch 1:256. Agathangelus p. 139.Note 29 · Critics have distinguished Agathangelus, the historian, from Pseudo Agathangelus, the meddler, who evidently had religious interests at stakNote 30 · Langlois in his footnotes states that the chapel consecrated to St. Gaiane was constructed by the Katholikos Ezdras in the year 630. and repNote 31 · Lynch 1:291, note.Note 32 · Dubois 3:276.Note 33 · Bryce pp. 314, 315.Note 34 · Ormanian p. 13.Note 35 · Dubois 3:276.Note 36 · Ormanian p. 8.Note 37 · Agathangelus pp. 164–66.Note 38 · See Conybeare’s translation and annotation of the Key of Truth, the book of the Paulicians (Adoptionists) of Thonrak. This book contains theNote 39 · Conybeare p. xcvii. The original is given by Conybeare as follows: “Dic mihi,” says Archelaus, “super quem Spiritus Sanctus sicut columba deNote 40 · Ibid. 1:282.Note 41 · Lynch 1:294. Agathangelus pp. 164–66.Note 42 · St. Martin 1: appendix. Elisée Vartabed, Histoire de Vartan. Langlois 2:190–91.Note 43 · Ibid. p. 195.Note 44 · Lidgett, An Ancient People. The detailed events of this struggle against the Persians are told in the Histoire de Vartan et de la Guerre desNote 45 · Lynch 1:313. Ormanian p. 35.Note 46 · Ibid. p. 36.Note 47 · The chief religious influences have been the Assyrian, the Persian, and the Greek. It seems, however, that a kind of monotheism prevailed beNote 48 · The influence of Persian worship is more clear. Aramazd, the architect of the universe, lord and creator of all things, was the chief ArmeniNote 49 · The god Mihr represented fire, and was the son of Aramazd.7 He guided heroes in battle, and was commemorated by a festival held in the beginNote 50 · Both Persians and Armenians were worshippers of Mihr (fire-worship), although there was a very distinct difference between the two. The ArmeNote 51 · The Greek worship, introduced first during the Seleucid dynasty, and emphasized and encouraged by the line of Arsacidae kings up to the intrNote 52 · The second and third daughters of Aramazd were Astghik, the goddess of beauty, and Nane, or Noone, the goddess of contrivance.12 The former Note 53 · La religion Arménienne était probablement un mélange des opinions de Zoroastre, fort alterés par le cult des divinités grecques. On voyait dNote 54 · Anahit, however, was goddess of chastity, and did not therefore correspond to Venus.14Note 55 · The first connection that Armenians had with Christianity occurred in the reign of King Abgar, whose capital was at Edessa (now Ourfa) durinNote 56 · “I have heard of thee, and of the healings wrought by thy hands, without drugs and without roots; for it is said that thou givest sight to tNote 57 · The answer to the letter of Abgarus, written at the command of our Saviour by the Apostle Thomas: “Blessed is he who believeth on me, thoughNote 58 · The tradition of the Armenian church, or the Gregorian church, as it is more commonly called, acknowledges St. Thaddeus and St. Bartholomew Note 59 · The traditions about St. Thaddeus vary. Some suppose him to have been the brother of St. Thomas, and according to these, he traveled to ArdaNote 60 · These traditions have their historical setting in the reign of Tiridates, and of Chosroes the father of Tiridates.21 Just as there was an ArNote 61 · Ardashir died shortly after the murder of his foe, and thus failed to follow up his advantage except for a few raids into Armenian territoryNote 62 · Gregory had been informed in the meantime of his father’s deed, and seeking to make such amends for it as he could, he journeyed to Rome, whNote 63 · For thirteen years Gregory languished in his well, and was only saved from death by the ministrations of a widow who resided in the castle oNote 64 · While Christians were being robbed, and Gregory was slowly perishing of misery in his prison well, there arrived at Vagharshapat a Roman virNote 65 · Agathangelus relates the legend in his Histoire du Règne de Tiridate but unfortunately the book has been tampered with and now contains muchNote 66 · Although Dubois de Montpèreux recognizes that all traditions point to the conversion of Armenia as having taken place before the conversion Note 67 · But this is not accepted by modern writers, any more than it was by the ancient historians. Bryce places the conversion at 302, and states tNote 68 · The conversion of the people followed close upon the conversion of the king, for Gregory was a temple-building priest not without ambition, Note 69 · First, then, what was the Christianity of the first centuries? It is clear that the ideal was one of communal simplicity of life. That it waNote 70 · On the contrary, it was the right of might that established the new religion. The troops of the capital city were led by the king and priestNote 71 · I shall consider the second point first. As already stated, the year 428 marked the end of the Armenian Arsacid dynasty. The nation was diviNote 72 · The security of the church at this early time (450) was indicated not only by the reaction of the nation to the Persian proposals of fire-wo
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