II. PHONOLOGY. (continued 2)

71. A group of three consonants nearly always remained unchanged, except that double consonants became single: ŭmbra ＞ ọmbra, arbŏrem ＞ arbre, sepŭlcrum ＞ sepulcre, ✱canc(e)rōsus ＞ cancrọs, ✱addīrēctum ＞ adrẹit, fŭndĕre ＞ fọndre, ardĕre ＞ ardre, ✱offerīre ＞ offrir, ✱Hungaría ＞ Ongria, rŭmpĕre ＞ rọmpre, apprĕssum ＞ apręs, asprum ＞ aspre, ŭltra ＞ ọltra, intrāre ＞ entrar, mo(n)strāre ＞ mostrar, mĭttĕre ＞ mẹtre. Lβr and rg´r, however, regularly became ldr and rdr, and llr became ldr to the same extent as lr (q. v.): absŏlvĕre ＞ absǫldre (absolvre is probably a Latinism), pŭlvĕrem ＞ pọldre; ✱dē-ēr’ gĕre ＞ dẹrdre; tollĕre ＞ tǫlre tǫldre. Rmr became rbr in marmor ＞ marbre (also marme). Prendre often became penre (perhaps to distinguish it from pendre ＜ pĕndĕre) through the analogy of genre gendre, etc.; the first r having been lost by dissimilation.

1. The four-consonant group sbtr is reduced to str in prestre ＜ prĕsby̆ter. Prever is perhaps a proclitic syncopation of a V. L. ✱preβiter. Cf. § 78, 1.

4. Groups Ending in W.

72. This class includes not only Latin gu̯, qu̯, but all combinations of consonant + u̯, cf. § 40, (2). A w thus evolved seems to have developed like Germanic w (cf. § 56, W): it became gw (assimilating the preceding consonant, unless that consonant was a liquid or a nasal), and then was reduced, before the literary period, to g, cf. § 62, (2). Pw, however, had a quite different history, owing, on the one hand, to the affinity of its two labial elements, and, on the other, to the stability of the voiceless stop, which prevented the assimilation that we find in βw ＞ ww.

1. G. Körting (Zs., XXII, 258) would explain through the analogy of the perfects in -cui all other perfect forms which in Provençal have g and c corresponding to Latin -ui etc.

ßw ＞ ww ＞ gw ＞ g: habuĭssem ＞ aguẹs, dēbuit ＞ dẹc (§ 63); ✱co(g)nōvuit (cf. Meyer-Lübke, Gram., II, p. 357) ＞ conọc, ✱crevuĭstī ＞ creguist, ✱movuĭsset ＞ mogues, ✱plŏvuit ＞ plǫc. We seem to have the same combination in Germanic treuwa ＞ tręgua tręga (treva is probably French).

1. The diphthong of aic = habuī is probably not a phonetic development. The first and third persons of the preterit, aic and ac (＜ habuit), have been differentiated after the pattern of the present—ai and a.

Dw ＞ gw ＞ g: ✱sĕduit ＞ sęc.

1. Vezoa ＜ vĭdua must be an early learned word: veuva is perhaps from veua ＜ veuða ＜ veðua.

Kw ＞ gw ＞ g: antīqua ＞ antiga, ĕqua ＞ ęga, æquālem ＞ egal (engal has received through a mistake in etymology the prefix en- or e- ＜ in-), nŏcuit ＞ nǫc, placuĭstī ＞ plaguist, ✱sĕquĕre (= sĕqui) ＞ sęgre, ✱sequīre ＞ seguir, tacuĭssem ＞ taguẹs.

1. Several words show a different development: cf. Ltblt., XXIV, 335; Zs., XXVIII, 381. In aqua (or acqua) and aquĭla (or ✱acquĭla) the first consonant became, for some reason, a spirant, which later changed to i: aχwa ＞ aiwa ＞ aigua aiga, áχwila ＞ áiwila ＞ áigwila ＞ aigla. So aiglentina. These same words show irregularities in other languages. Perhaps the dialect form eigal (Auvergne, Arles) for egal is to be explained in the same way; but the ei here may be analogical.

2. In several words kw was reduced to c (or c´) in Vulgar Latin: coquĕre (+ cŏcus) ＞ cŏcĕre ＞ cǫzer, tŏrquēre ✱tŏrquĕre (+ ✱tŏrco ✱tŏrcunt) ＞ ✱tŏrcĕre ＞ tǫrser. Cf. § 55, W.

Lw ＞ lgw ＞ lg: caluit ＞ calc, ✱toluĭstī ＞ tolguist, valuĭssem ＞ valguẹs, vŏluĕrunt (§ 16, 2) ＞ vǫlgron.

Nw, ngw, nkw ＞ ngw ＞ ng: tĕnuit ＞ tẹnc, ✱venuĭsset ＞ venguẹs; sanguem ＞ sanc; cīnque (= quinque) ＞ cinc.

1. Tęuns ＜ tĕnuis is probably a learned word; the transposition of u and n may have been due originally to a misreading of the letters. Ianuer, manual, etc. are learned. Maneira is apparently from a Vulgar Latin ✱man(u)aria from manuarius. For enquerre ＜ inquærĕre, see § 59.

2. Exstĭnguĕre (+ ✱exstĭngo ✱exstĭngunt) ＞ ✱estĭngĕre ＞ estẹnher.

Pw ＞ upw ＞ up ＞ ub: sapuĭsset ＞ saubẹs, recĭpuit ＞ recẹup.

1. Saupes apparently belongs to a dialect in which au prevented voicing. Cf. § 65, P, 3.

Rw ＞ rgw ＞ rg: mĕruit ＞ męrc.

Sw seems to have been reduced early to s in consuetūdĭnem ✱costūmen ＞ costüm (costüma). Cōnsŭo apparently became ✱cōsio, whence an infinitive ✱cōsĕre or ✱cosīre (Pr. cǫzer, cosir).

Tw ＞ dw ＞ gw ＞ g: pŏtuit ＞ pǫc.

1. Ba(t)tuo, qua(t)tuor were reduced to batto, ✱quattor in Vulgar Latin: Pr. bat, quatre.

5. Groups Ending in Y.

73. This class contains: 1st, combinations of consonant + y ＜ e̯ or i̯, cf. § 40, (2); 2d, consonant + g´ ＞ y (§ 55, G), the g´ having been in some cases always contiguous to the preceding consonant, in others originally separated from it by a vowel; 3d, consonant + g ＞ y, the g representing an original c or g between the last two vowels of a proparoxytone, cf. § 65, G, (3). It does not include dy and gy, which early became y: see § 65, Y. See § 63, (1). The groups will be considered in alphabetical order:—

Bry ＞ bry in ebriācum ＞ ebriac (iure is probably French).

βy was early reduced to y in habeo habeam etc. and dēbeo dēbeam etc., partly, no doubt, through the proclitic use of these words, partly under the influence of audio ＞ ✱auyo audiam ＞ ✱auya and video ＞ ✱veyo vĭdeam ＞ ✱veya; this y, like any other medial y (§ 65, Y), became džy̆ or remained y: ai (for some reason there seems to have been no form ✱ach), aia; dẹi dẹch, dẹia. Aside from these words, βy ＞ udž and uy apparently in the north; elsewhere uy, by, vy—uy prevailing in the west, by and vy in the south and east. When the y became final, it changed to i, which, after a consonant, was syllabic. Ex.: abbrĕviat ＞ abręuia, ✱aggrĕviat ＞ agrẹuia, allĕviat ＞ alęuia, avĭŏ́lum ＞ aviǫl aiǫl, cavĕa ＞ gabia cauia, labia ＞ lavia-s, ✱leviarius ＞ leugięrs, ✱rabiam (= rabiem) ＞ rabia rauia,[67] ✱rabiāre ＞ rabiar, rabiōsus ＞ rabiọs rauiọs, rŭbeum ＞ rọg rọi,[68] ✱sabium ＞ savi sabi, atavia ＞ tavia, vidŭvium ＞ vezọig bedọi.[68] In purely learned words, Latin bi, vi, etc., are kept: abiurament, fluvial. Brĕvio ＞ bręy: cf. § 65, β, 3.

Cc´y: see C´y.

Cly ＞ l´: coclearium ＞ cuilhięr.

Cty ＞ is: factiōnem ＞ faissọ, lectiōnem ＞ leissọ, suspectiōnem ＞ sospeissọ. In purely learned words we find the spellings cti, cci, which doubtless indicate ktsy or ksy: electio, accio. Cf. Ssy.

C´y, cc´y, kwy ＞ ts; this ts, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: bracchia ＞ brassa, bracchium ＞ bratz bras (§ 64), faciam ＞ faza fassa, faciem ＞ fatz fas, glaciem ＞ glatz glas[69], laqueāre ＞ lassar, laqueum ＞ latz las, ✱pĕcia ＞ pęssa, placeam ＞ plassa. Learned words have zi and ci, doubtless pronounced at first dzi, tsi, later zi, si (cf. A. Horning, Zs., XXIV, 545; XXV, 736): iuzizi iudici, edifici, Grecia. Cf. Pty.

D-g ＞ dž: jūdĭco ＞ iütge, mĕdĭcum ＞ męge, ✱sĕdĭcum ＞ sęie[70].

Dy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y.

Gdy: see § 80, Gd.

Gy: see § 55, Y and § 65, Y.

Kwy: see Cy.

Lc´y ＞ lts ＞ uts ＞ us: calceāre ＞ caussar. Cf. Lty. See § 74, (2).

Lg´ apparently became ldz ＞ udz ＞ uz in ✱fŭlgĕrem (= fŭlgur) ＞ fọuzer.

Ll-g´ ＞ l´ in cŏllĭgit ＞ cuęlh. Cf. Ly.

Lly: see Ly.

Lny ＞ n´: balneum ＞ banh.

Lty ＞ lts >uts ＞ us: ✱altiāre ＞ auçar aussar. Cf. Lc´y. See § 74, (2).

Lvy ＞ lby ＞ uby in salvia ＞ saubia (Gascon).

Ly, lly ＞ l´: consĭlium ＞ cossẹlh, fīlium ＞ filh, fīlia ＞ filha, nūllī + vowel ＞ nülh. Learned words have li: familiarmens. Lili liri lire ＜ līlium are doubtless learned; lis is French.

Mby ＞ mby, mdž, and ndž; mdž being the usual form in the literary language: cambiāre ＞ camiar caniar cambiar.

Mmy ＞ my, mdž, and ndž: commeātus ＞ comiatz coniatz.

Mny ＞ n´ in Limousin and in the extreme east and southwest, elsewhere ndž: somniāre ＞ sonhar soniar. Somni, beside suenh songe, is learned.

Mply ＞ mply in ampliāre ＞ ampliar, probably learned.

My ＞ my and n´: sīmia ＞ simia, vindēmia ＞ vendẹmia vendanha.

Nc´y ＞ nts ＞ ns: ✱Francia ＞ Fransa. Cf. Nty.

Nd-g ＞ ndž: ✱pĕndĭcat ＞ penia, vĭndĭco ＞ vẹnie. Similarly mandūcāre ＞ ✱mandugare manduyare mandyare ＞ maniar[71].

Ndy ＞ n´: ✱Burgŭndia ＞ Borgọnha, verecŭndia ＞ vergọnha.

N-g ＞ ndž: ✱excommĭnĭco (= excommūnĭco) ＞ escomẹnie[71], mŏnăchum ＞ monie.

Ng´ ＞ n´ and ndž: jŭngĕre ＞ iọnher iọnger, ŭngĕre ＞ ọnher ọnger, plangĕre ＞ planher planger, pŭngĕre ＞ pọnher pọnger. Angel is probably learned.

Ng´y ＞ ndž: spŏngia ＞ esponia.

Nny ＞ n´: stanneum ＞ estanh.

Nty ＞ nts ＞ us: cantiōnem ＞ cansọ, comĭn(i)tiāre ＞ comensar, sperantia ＞ esperansa. Purely learned words have nti: essentia. Cf. Nc´y.

Ny ＞ n´: extraneum ＞ estranh, tĕneo ＞ tenh, vĕniat ＞ venha. Before or during the literary period final n´ or n´s lost its palatal quality in many dialects: ingĕnium ＞ genh gen. If estraniar comes from extraneāre (and not from ✱extranicāre), it must be a word of later adoption; so estrangier. In sotran ＜ subterraneum there is probably a change of suffix.

Pry probably became regularly bry: capreŏlum ＞ ✱cabriǫl cabirǫl (cabrǫl seems to be a new formation from cabra). Coyre ＜? cŭpreum is unexplained.

Pty ＞ ts, which, when it remained medial, was reduced, before and during the literary period, to s: ✱captiāre ＞ cassar, ✱corrŭptiāre ＞ corrossar, nĕptia ＞ nęssa, ✱nŏptias (§ 38, 2) ＞ nǫssas. Cf. C´y.

Py remained py in the west and a part of the south, and elsewhere became ptš, later tš: apium ＞ ache api, ✱apprŏpiat (＜ prŏpe) ＞ aprǫpcha aprǫcha aprǫpia, sapiam ＞ sapcha sacha sapia, sapiĕntem ＞ sachent sapient, sēpia ＞ sẹpia. Asabentar is from sabẹn. Piion ＜ pipiōnem is French. Learned words have pi: copia; but mancĭpium ＞ mancip massip.

Rc´y ＞ rts (＞ rs?): urceŏ́lum (Zs., XXVI, 668) ＞ orzǫl.

Rdy ＞ rdz: ✱dis-tardiat ＞ destarza. Ordi = hŏrdeum is perhaps from the genitive hŏrdeī, as in tres modii hordei, etc.

R-g ＞ rdž: clĕrĭcus ＞ clęries.

Rg´ ＞ rdž and rdz (＞ rz): argĕntum ＞ argen, ✱burgē(n)sis ＞ borgẹs borzẹs (also borgues, under the influence of borc), ✱dē-ērĭgit ＞ dẹrs, ✱dē-ē(i)gĕre ＞ dẹrzer (also derdre: § 71), sŭrgĕre ＞ sọrger sọrzer, sŭrgit ＞ sọrtz.

Rny ＞ rn´: ✱Arvĕrnium ＞ Alvęrnhe.

Rr-g ＞ rdž: ✱carrĭcat ＞ caria.

Rry ＞ ir: porrum ＞ ✱porreum ＞ poyre; but ✱horrearium? ＞ orgięr (cf. Körting).

Rt-g ＞ rdž and rts (＞ rs): ✱excŏrtĭcat ＞ escǫria escǫrsa.

Rty ＞ rts ＞ rs ✱fortiāre ＞ forsar, tĕrtium ＞ tęrz tęrs. Convercio is learned.

Rvy ＞ rvy rby: ✱cĕrvia ＞ cervia cerbia.

Ry ＞ r´, which developed into ir when it remained medial, but became r at the end of a word[72]: ✱exclariāre ＞ esclairar, ✱donatōria ＞ donadọira, ✱fĕria ＞ fęira fięira, fĕriat ＞ fęira, matĕria ＞ madęira, ✱mŏriat ＞ mǫira, primaria ＞ premęira premięira (§ 23, 1), ✱punitōria ＞ punidọira, varia ＞ vaira, variāre ＞ vairar; ✱a(u)gūrium ＞ aür, cŏrium ＞ cuęr, ✱donatōrium ＞ donadọr, impĕrium ＞ empięr, mĭnistĕrium ＞ mestięr, ✱mŏrio ＞ mǫr muęr, monastĕrium ＞ mostięr (§ 45, 3), primarius ＞ premięrs, ✱punitōrius ＞ punidọrs. If the ry is preceded by au, it apparently remains unchanged: Auriācum ＞ Auriac (Zs., XXVII, 559). Learned words have ri: bori ＜ ebŏreum, contrari.

1. Adjectives in -er (-ier) and -or, coming from -arium and -ōrium, regularly have feminines in -eira (-ieira) and -oira. By the analogy of the masculine, there is a feminine in -era in parts of the west; by the analogy of the feminine, there is a masculine in -eir in Auvergne. The i of vair probably comes from the feminine vaira and from the verb vairar. The noun feira sometimes becomes fiera like a feminine adjective.

Sc´y: see Ssy.

Ssy, sc´y, sty ＞ s´, which in most of the territory became is, but in the west and the extreme east developed into i(t)š and (t)š: ✱bassiāre ＞ baissar baichar bachar, ✱angŭstia ＞ engọissa, ✱ingrŏssiat ＞ engruęissa, fascia ＞ faissa, ✱grassiāre ＞ graissar, pŏstea ＞ puęissas pueih püch, ūstium ＞ üis.

Sty: see Ssy.

Sy ＞ z´, which in most of the territory became iz, but in parts of the northeast, north, and west developed into i(d)ž and (d)ž, and in some scattered dialects gave y and z: basium ＞ bais bai (§ 63), basiare ＞ baisar baiiar baiar bayar basar, quasi + vowel ＞ cais quaish, camisia (cf. Archiv für lateinische Lexikographie, XII, 265) ＞ camiza, cerĕsea (Einf., § 103) ＞ ciręiza cirięiia cerięya cerięza, ma(n)siōnem ＞ maisọn maiiọn maiọn mayọ, occasiōnem ＞ ochaizọ, pre(hen)siōnem ＞ preisọ (cf. enpreyọna, ‘imprisons’), quĭd se + vowel ＞ quẹis, Ger. sazjan ＞ saisir, to(n)siōnem ＞ toisọ.

T-g ＞ dž: ✱coratĭcum ＞ corage, ✱paratĭcum ＞ parage, viaticum ＞ viatie. For messatgue, etc., see § 65, (3).

Try apparently became ir: atrium? ＞ aire, arbĭtrium ＞ albire.

Tty ＞ ts ＞ s: ✱plattĕa ＞ plassa.

Ty ＞ apparently t´ ＞ d´ ＞ generally d´z´,[73] which in most of the west and north became dz, but in the south and east developed into idz; dz and idz, when they remained medial, were reduced, before and during the literary period, to z and iz: ✱altĭtia ＞ altẹza, ✱bellĭtia ＞ belẹza, malĭtia ＞ malẹza, pigrĭtia ＞ perẹza, ✱prĕtiat ＞ pręza, ✱rikĭtia ＞ riquẹza; palatium ＞ palatz palaitz palais (§ 64), pŭteum ＞ pọtz püis, prĕtium ＞ prętz pręs, solatium ＞ solatz solas; potiōnem ＞ pozọn poizọn, ✱pretiāre ＞ prezar, ratiōnem ＞ razọ raizọn, s(t)atiōnem ＞ sazọ saizọn. The forms without i prevail in the literary language, and in words in which the dz comes after the accent (especially in the ending -ẹza) they seem to have encroached largely upon the ground of the others.[74] According to some philologists, the development of ty differed according to its position before or after the accent: for a brief bibliography of the discussion, see Zs., XXVII, 689. In learned words we find zi, ci, çi, ti: estimatio, iustizia -icia -ecia -eçia, natio nacio, negoci, servizi -ici (cf. A. Horning, Zs., XXIV, 545, XXV, 736, XXXI, 200).

1. Palai (beside palatz -aitz -ais) may have been made from palais (used by Bertran de Born and in Flamenca) by dropping the s which was regarded as an inflectional ending. It was perhaps influenced by such words as bais bai: cf. Sy. A clerical Latin ✱palasium, however, would account, not only for palai palais, but also for French palais and for Italian palagio.

2. Modern poijon (Alps) and rajo (Limousin) have perhaps followed the analogy of such words as maison maijon majon: cf. Sy.

3. Escoisson ＜ excŭtiunt seems to follow ✱escois ＜ excŭtio. It was perhaps influenced by conoisson ＜ co(g)nōscunt.

4. Some of the modern western dialects have d in radon, sadon, etc. = razo, sazo, etc.

6. Groups Beginning with L, M, N, R, or S.

74. (1) Of the groups beginning with l (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c before a became tš in the north and northwest).— lb, lc (and llc), lg (llg), lm, lp, lv: alba ＞ alba; calcāre ＞ calcar, collocāre ✱colcāre ＞ colcar (-char); collocare ✱collogare ✱colgare ＞ colgar; hëlm ＞ ęlm, ŭlmum ＞ ọlm; cŏlăphum ✱cŏlpum ＞ cǫlp (κόλπος ＞ gọlfe is unexplained); calvum ＞ calv (= calf?), salvāre ＞ salvar. Ld, ls (lls), lt (llt) were regularly unchanged except for the vocalization of the l: see below. Lc´ (llc´) became lts, and then the l was vocalized: see below. Lc´p became lp in calce pīsāre ＞ calpisar. Lg´, llg´, have been treated in § 73. Lvs, lvt became ls, lt, and then the l was vocalized: see below.

(2) L became u before the dental consonants d, s, t in most of the dialects. The vocalization seems to have begun in the 8th century and to have progressed through the literary period and later. It is difficult to trace it, as l long continued to be written for u. In modern Provençal, ls remains in Languedoc, lt in Rouergue. Auça occurs in the Boeci. The l was probably first retracted, to differentiate it from the following dental; and then this velar l was opened into u. Ex.: cal(ĭ)daria ＞ caudiera, cal(ĭ)dum ＞ caut, sŏl(ĭ)dum ＞ sǫlt sǫut; falsum ＞ fals faus, malos ＞ mals maus, valles ＞ vals vaus; ✱fallĭta ＞ fauta, mŭltum ＞ mọlt mọut, ✱tŏllĭtum ＞ tǫlt tǫut; dŭlcem ＞ dọlz dọutz dọus, pŏllĭcem ＞ pǫutz, salĭcem ＞ sautz; calvus ＞ ✱cals caus, ✱vŏlvĭta ＞ vǫlta vǫuta. So ✱altiat ＞ auça aussa, ✱calceare ＞ cauçar caussar: cf. § 73, Lc´y, Lty. In dọs (= dọus) and mọt (= mọut) the ọ seems to have absorbed the u. Cf. § 65, L.

1. The final t of molt seems to have been lost sometimes before a consonant: hence mul, which, influenced by man, ‘many’, became mon.

2. Altretal (also autretal) became atretal by dissimilation; hence we have also atressi for altressi (autressi). Aital, aitan seem to be made up of tal, tan with the first syllable of aissi (＜ ac sīc), regarded as a prefix meaning ‘just’.

3. Pallĭdus ＞ palles (through the feminine ✱páleza).

4. Fouzer is from fŭlger or ✱fŭlgerem = fŭlgur.

75. Of the groups beginning with m (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged—mb, md, mf, mp, ms, mt: gamba ＞ gamba (if bobansa is from βόμβος, it is irregular); ✱semitarium ✱semidarium ＞ semdięr; triumphāre ＞ triomfar; lampas ✱lampa ＞ lampa; ✱camisīle? ＞ camsil (dialectically cansil; so Samson, Sanso); cŏmĭtem ＞ comte (dialectically conte). For mbd in ambo dŭos see § 111, 2. Mn in the literary language generally remained unchanged (often spelled mpn), but in some dialects it was assimilated into nn, which was locally simplified into n: dŏmĭna dŏmna ＞ dompna domna donna dona, damnāre ＞ dampnar damnar dannar danar, fēmĭna ✱fēmna ＞ fẹmna fẹnna (feme is from fémena ＜ fēmĭna),[75] hŏmĭnem ✱hŏmnem ＞ omne (ome is from ✱ómene ＜ hŏmĭnem).[75] When final, it regularly became n, occasionally m: damnum ＞ dan, somnum ＞ son som.[76] Mnc´ ＞ ndz nz in ✱domnicĭlla ＞ donzẹla. Mpt mt ＞ mt, dialectically nt: computāre ＞ comtar contar, temptāre ＞ temptar tentar; domitāre ＞ domptar.[77]

76. (1) Of the groups beginning with n (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following generally remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became tš, dž in the north and northeast)—nc, nd, ng, nm, nt: hanka ＞ anca, blank- ＞ blanc (-ca -cha), franko ＞ franc (-ca -cha); mandāre ＞ mandar, ŭnda ＞ ọnda; lŏngum ＞ lonc (-ga -ia), plango ＞ planc, rĭng ＞ rẹnc; anĭma ＞ anma (also, by dissimilation, arma); sentīre ＞ sentir. For final nd, nt, see (2) below. Nc´ ＞ nts ns: ✱francē(n)sis ＞ francẹs, mancĭpium ＞ mansip (also massip: cf. ns below), vĭncere ＞ vẹncer vẹnser. Nct became in different dialects n´ int nt ntš: jŭnctum ＞ iọnh ioint iọnt iọnch, ŭnctūra ＞ onchüra, ✱pĭnctūra ＞ peintüra penchüra, planctum ＞ planh planch, sanctum ＞ sanh saint sant. Ndc´ became, in different dialects, ndz (later nz), nts, ndž: quīndĕcim ＞ quinze quintze quinge. Ndt ＞ nd nt: ✱rendĭta ＞ renda renta. Nf remained in some dialects, while in others it became ff, then f: confŭndit ＞ confọn cofọn, infantem ＞ enfant effant efant, infĕrnum ＞ enfęrn efęrn. Ng ＞ ng: mŏnăchum ✱mon’gu ＞ mongue (manĭcum ＞ margue by dissimilation). Ns, in learned words and new formations (see § 55, N), remained in most dialects, while in others (especially those of the centre) it became ss, then s; consĭlium ＞ consẹlh cossẹlh, in sĭml ＞ ensẹm essẹm, ✱insignāre ＞ ensenhar essenhar, pensāre ＞ pensar pessar, sensus ＞ sens; for final ns, see § 63, (5). Ntc´ ＞ nts ns in pantĭcem ＞ pansa. Nv remained in some dialects, while in others it became vv, then v: convenīre ＞ convenir covenir. Ndc, ndg, n-g, ng´ have been treated under § 73.

(2) Final nd remained as nt in the eastern and central part of the territory, became n in the west and a part of Limousin, and disappeared altogether in a part of Languedoc and Gascony: amando ＞ aman, descĕndit ＞ deissẹn, grandem ＞ grant gran gra, mŭndum ＞ mọnt mọn, vēndit ＞ vẹnt bẹn, profŭndum ＞ preọn, quando ＞ quant quan. Final nt remained in most of the territory, but in a part of Languedoc and Gascony became n or disappeared: fŏntem ＞ font fon fo, mŏntem ＞ mont mon, quantum ＞ quant quan, vĕntum ＞ vent bent be.

For efanh, parenh, monh ＜ mŭndi, etc., see § 51, 1.

77. Of the groups beginning with r (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following remained unchanged (except that c, g before a became tš, dž in the north and northeast)—rb, rc, rd, rf, rg, rm, rn, rp, rs, rt, rv: barba ＞ barba, cŏrbum ＞ corp; barca ＞ barca, cĭrcāre ＞ cercar, clĕrĭcum ✱clĕrcum ＞ clęrc, fŭrca ＞ fọrca fọrcha, mercātum ＞ mercat; ardĕntem ＞ arden, ✱perdūtum ＞ perdüt, vĭr(ĭ)dem ＞ vẹrt; ŏrphănum ＞ ǫrfe; ✱carricāre ✱carrigāre ✱cargāre ＞ cargar cariar, largum ＞ larc (-ga -ia), sērĭca ✱sēr’ga ＞ sẹrga; ĕ́rēmum ＞ ęrm, fōrma ＞ fọrma; hibĕrnum ＞ ivęrn, tabĕrna ＞ tavęrna, tornāre ＞ tornar; wërpan ＞ guerpir; arsum ＞ ars, cŭrsum ＞ cọrs (for vĕrsus ＞ vęs, see § 55, R); artem ＞ art, fŏrtem ＞ fǫrt; servīre ＞ servir. For final rn, rs, see § 63, (5); § 65, R. Rc´> rts rs: parcĕre ＞ parcer, parcit ＞ partz, ✱tŏrcĕre ＞ tǫrser. Rdc´ became, in different dialects, rdz (later rz), rts, rdž: quatuŏrdĕcim ✱quattōrdĕcim ＞ quatọrze quatọrtze quatọrge. Rdg before a ＞ rg, rdž: vĭridicantem ✱vĭrdigantem ＞ verguan verian. Rdt ＞ rd: perdĭta ＞ pęrda. Rps ＞ rs: ✱escarpsus (= excerptus) ＞ escars. Rtm ＞ rtm or rm: fŏrti mĕnte ＞ fortmen formen. For rg´ see § 73.

78. Of the groups beginning with s (and not ending in l, r, w, or y), the following usually remained unchanged through the literary period (except that c before a became tš in the north and northeast)—sc, sm (ssm), sn, sp, st: ✱bŭscum (? = bŭxum)? ＞ bọsc, ✱lŭscum ＞ lọsc, pascha ＞ pasca pascha, pĕrsĭca pĕssĭca ✱pĕsca ＞ pęsca, piscātor ＞ pescaire, piscarium ＞ pesquier peschier, þrëscan ✱trescāre ＞ trescar; ex-mĭttĕre ✱esmĭttĕre (§ 55, X) ＞ esmẹtre, pĕssĭmus ＞ pęsmes; eleemŏsy̆na ＞ almǫsna, asĭnum ＞ asne; expōnĕre ✱espōnĕre ＞ espọnre, gaspildjan? ＞ guespilhar; præpŏsĭtum ＞ prebǫst, trīstem ＞ trist. For final scs, sts, see 2 below. Sc´ became, in most of the territory, is; in parts of the north and northeast, s; in the west and the extreme east, i(t)š and (t)š (cf. § 73, Ssy): co(g)nōscĕre ＞ conọisser, crēscĕre ＞ crẹisser, ex-cĕrnĕre ✱escĕrnīre ＞ eissernir, ✱ex-cerebellāre ✱es- ＞ esservelar, fascem ＞ fais, nascĕre ＞ naisser nasser naicher nacher, pĭscem ＞ pẹis pẹich pẹch. Scb became sb in epĭscŏpus ✱ebíscobus ＞ bisbes (also bispes and ebesques). Spm became sm in blasphemāre ＞ blasmar. Spt ＞ st: hŏspĭtem ＞ ǫste (also ǫsde). Stg became sg and sdž in domesticāre ✱-gāre ＞ domesgar domesiar. Stm became sm in asthma ＞ asma. For the later history of the s in all these groups, see § 65, S, 1.

1. Prĕsby̆ter became regularly pręstre: § 71, 1. But beside prĕsby̆ter there existed in Vulgar Latin prebĭter (Einf., § 140), the syllable pres- being replaced by the Latin prefx præ- or pre-, through the analogy of such words as præbĭtor, præposĭtus. From the accusative prebĭtĕrum we have regularly prevẹire. Pręire is a cross between pręstre and prevẹire.

2. Final sts, in nearly all the territory, was reduced to ts: finïstis ＞ finitz, hŏstis ＞ ǫz (accusative ǫst), trīstes ＞ tritz (sg. trist); but sts was kept in ẹstz ＜ ĭstos and in its derivative aquẹstz. Similarly final scs was generally reduced to cs: ✱bŭscus? ＞ (bǫcs) bǫcs (accusative bǫsc), quĭsquis ＞ quẹcs.

3. Conois etc. ＜ co(g)nōsco etc. (beside conosc etc.) are doubtless due to the second and third persons (conoisses conois etc.). Some of the modern eastern dialects have -isso corresponding to -sca (freisso etc.): this seems to indicate an old metathesis of sc in that region.

7. Miscellaneous Groups.

79. Of the groups not yet discussed, the most important are ct, gd, gn, ks, which show palatalization. It is now generally assumed that the Celts, who had turned their native ct into χt, pronounced Latin ct in the same way when they learned Latin (Meyer-Lübke, Einf., § 186), and likewise substituted χs for ks (Meyer-Lübke, Gram., I, § 650), and probably χd, χn for gd, gn. The χ was attracted into a palatal spirant by the following dental, and the dental itself was then palatalized. Most philologists explain the development of cl, gl into l´ (cf. § 68) in a similar way. Inasmuch as Indo-European pt had also been changed to χt in Celtic, it is not unlikely that the Celts substituted χt, χs for Latin pt, ps in a few words; the χ replacing p may sometimes have been rounded.

1. To account for palatalization in the non-Celtic parts of southern Gaul, we may assume either that the spirant pronunciation spread from the Celtic to the other regions, or that in the latter the palatalization came about simply through the mutual attraction of the guttural and the dental.

80. The groups will now be discussed in alphabetical order:—

Bc ＞ (✱pc), ptš (before a): ✱reprŏb(ĭ)cat ＞ reprǫpcha.

Brg ＞ rg or urg in fabrĭca ✱fabrĭga ＞ farga faurga. Cf. § 70, Br.

Bs ＞ bs in the learned words absens, absensa.

Bsc ＞ sc: obscūrus ＞ escürs.

Bst ＞ st: sŭbstat ＞ sọsta.

Bt ＞ bt, t: subtīlem ＞ sobtil sotil. See also βt below.

Bts ＞ ts: sŭbtus ＞ sọtz.

βc ＞ uc: ✱avĭca ✱aβca ＞ auca.

βc´ ＞ udz or uts, later uz, us: avicĕllum ✱aβcĕllu ＞ auzęl aucęl. Cf. § 65, C´, 1.

βd ＞ ud, in the west bd: dēbĭtum ✱dēβĭdu ✱deβdu ＞ dẹude, mal’habĭtum ✱malaβĭdu ✱malaβdu ＞ malaude; cīvitātem ✱cīβidāde ✱ciβdad ＞ cibdat. Cf. βt below.

βt ＞ ut, in the west pt: dēbĭtum ✱dēβtu ＞ dẹute dẹpte, dŭbĭto ✱dŭβto ＞ dọute dọpte, mal’habĭtum ✱malaβtu ＞ malaute malapte; cīvitātem ✱cīβtate ＞ ciutat (later cieutat: § 44, 2) ciptat, ✱mŏvĭta ✱mŏβta ＞ mǫuta, ✱remōvĭtum? ＞ remọute (Girart). Depte, malapte are not confined to the west (modern Limousin dete, Dauphiné malate); they come also from Latin dēb’tum, mal’hab’tum: cf. § 47, (3).

Cc´ ＞ its ＞ is; in the west and the extreme east itš or tš: ecc’hīc ＞ eici eissi eichi achi.

Cm ＞ cm, m: ✱Jácomus ＞ Iacmes Iames (also, perhaps borrowed, Iaimes, Iaumes).

C´m ＞ im or sm: dĕcĭmum ＞ dęime dęsme, facĭmu(s) ＞ faim. Cf. § 52, (4).

Ct ＞ tš in most of the territory; but in the north and northeast, and in the southwest, it became, as in French, it: coctāre ＞ cochar coitar, dīctum ＞ dig dit, factum ＞ fag fait, lacte ＞ lag lait, lĕctum ＞ lięg lęit, lūcta ＞ lücha, nŏctem ＞ nuęg nuęit, pactum-a ＞ pacha, pĕctus ＞ pięg pęitz, ŏcto ＞ uęich[78] uęit. The ct of (e-)jectāre ＞ getar does not show popular treatment; the word is similarly irregular in most of the other languages.

C´t seems to give the same results as ct, namely tš and it: dīcĭtis ＞ ditz, ✱explĭcitāre ＞ esplechar espleitar, facĭtis ＞ faitz, placĭtum ＞ plach plait, (hence plaieiamen, plaideiar), ✱vŏcĭtum (= vacuum) ＞ vuęch vǫig[79] vǫh (hence voiar; voidar would appear to presuppose a form ✱vǫit).

DC, dg: see § 73, D-g.

DC´, in the greater part of the territory, became dz, later z; but in Auvergne and some western dialects it became ts, and in parts of the southeast and southwest it gave dž: duŏdĕcim ✱dōdĕcim ＞ dọze dọtze dọge, jūdĭcem ＞ iütge, radicīna ＞ razina, sēdĕcim ＞ sẹze sẹtze sẹtge. Iütge may have been influenced by iütiar.

Dn developed peculiarly in consuetūdĭnem ✱costūmen ＞ costüm, incūdĭnem ✱inclūd-? ＞ enclütge.

Gd ＞ dž and id, corresponding to the tš and it from ct: ✱frĭgdum (= frīgdum) ＞ frẹg frẹit (fem. frẹia frẹida).[80] The irregularity in amy̆gdăla ＞ amandola goes back to Vulgar Latin. Frezir freizir is perhaps from ✱fre(i)zar (cf. Italian frizzare) ＜ ✱frigdiare.

G’d: see Yd.

Gm ＞ m: pigmĕntum ＞ pimen. Fragment is learned. Greek γμ became um: phlĕgma ＞ flęuma, sagma ＞ sauma.

Gn ＞ n´: agnĕllum ＞ anhęl, pŭgnum ＞ pọnh. According to the rhymes, final n´ would seem to have become n in many dialects. Stagnum ＞ estanc, rēgnum ＞ rẹnc (also reing) show an early metathesis. When gnōsco lost its g, cognōsco became ✱conōsco in popular Latin.

Gnd ＞ n´d, later, in different dialects, ind, n´d, nd, ndž: cŏgnĭtum ✱cŏn´ĭdu ＞ ✱cǫnhede ✱cǫnhde, then cǫinde, cuęnde, cǫnge. Cf. Gnt below. See § 47, 1.

Gnt ＞ n´t, later, in different dialects, int, n´t, nt: cŏgnĭtum ＞ ✱cŏn´ĭtu ＞ ✱cǫnhete (the t being due to clerical influence) ＞ cǫinte cǫnte; dĭgnitātem ✱dĭn´tāte ＞ denhtat. Cf. Gnd above.

Ks ＞ is, in most of the territory; in Auvergne and in the extreme east it became itš or tš: ac sīc ＞ aissi, exāmen ＞ eissam eicham echam, exĭlium ＞ eissilh, exīre ＞ eissir eichir ichir, ✱exorbāre ＞ eissorbar, laxat ＞ laissa, uxōrem ＞ oissọr, tŏxĭcum ＞ tuęissec. In essaiar, essemple, essilh, the prefix became es- through the analogy of ex- before consonants: cf. § 55, X.

Ksc ＞ sc; before a, in the north and northeast, stš: ✱laxicāre ＞ laschar, toxicāre ＞ toscar.

Ksm ＞ s´m, later sm: prŏxĭmum ＞ prǫsme pruęsme. For the later history of the s (pruęime), see § 65, S, 1.

Kss ＞ is: ✱exsanguinātum ＞ eissancnat, ✱exsūcāre ＞ eissügar (essugar presupposes a Vulgar Latin es-: see § 55, X).

Pf ＞ f: sapphīrum ＞ safir.

Ppc ＞ (✱pc), ptš (before a): ✱cloppicāre ＞ clopchar.

Ps, in some dialects, remained unaltered; but in most of the territory it changed (through χs: § 79) to is, iš, š, s, and us; iš and š belonging especially to the west, us to the east: capsa ＞ capsa caissa caisha casha, ĭpse ＞ ẹps ẹis, ĭpsa mĕnte ＞ epsament eissamen ichamens, met-ĭpse ＞ medẹis mezẹish medẹs mezẹus, ne-ĭpse ＞ neẹps nẹis nẹus. The ps forms seem to have been crowded out by the others, especially by those with is.

Pt ＞ pt, later t (except in parts of Languedoc and Gascony); in a few words, ut, it: ✱accaptāre (or ✱accapitāre?) ＞ acaptar achatar, aptum ＞ apte, adaptāre ＞ azautar (hence azaut) through ✱aðaχtāre (§ 79), baptizāre ＞ baptegar (g = dž) bateiar, capitāle ＞ captal catal chatal, captīvum ＞ captiu catiu and more commonly caitiu chaitiu (through ✱caχtīβu: § 79), rŭpta ＞ rọta, septimāna ＞ septmana setmana, sĕptem ＞ sęt. Escrich escrit (= scrīptum) are based on dich dit.

Td ＞ t (through V. L. tt): nĭtĭdum ＞ nẹt, pūtĭdum ＞ püt. Cf. § 47, (1).

Tm: marĭtĭma ＞ marẹdma.

Tn: if renha, ‘rein’, is connected with rĕtĭne (see Körting), it must have been influenced by renhar ＜ regnāre.

Ts: et sīc, under the influence of ac sīc, became ✱ec sīc ＞ eissi eichi ichi.

Yd ＞ dž and id: cōgĭto ✱cōyĭdo ＞ cüg cüit, cōgitāre ✱cōyidare ＞ cüiar cüidar, rĭgĭdum ✱rĭyĭdu ＞ rẹide (§ 50, 1). Rede and the feminine reza are peculiar. Cf. § 49, (1).

FINAL CONSONANTS.

81. The only single consonants that occur in Latin at the end of a word are b, c, d, l, m, n, r, s, t. The only groups (in words preserved) are ks, nt, st.

Single Final Consonants.

82. D, n, r, t at the end of proclitics (ad, in, per, et) are really medial consonants and must be distinguished from final n, r, t in independent words (nōmen, frater, amat); final d occurs only in proclitics. The consonants will be treated in alphabetical order:—

B appears as b in Iacǫb, p in Iǫp, both learned.

C apparently fell after all vowels in some dialects; in others it fell only after back vowels, and became i after a and front vowels: eccu’hŏc (§ 55, W) ＞ acǫ (§ 43, 2), ecce hŏc ＞ aissǫ çǫ sǫ, hŏc ＞ ǫ meaning ‘it’ (while ǫc, ‘yes’ probably comes from ✱hocque: cf. A. Thomas in Rom., XXXVII, 322); fac ＞ fai, illác (§ 16, 4) ＞ lai la, ecce hac ＞ sai sa; dīc ＞ di, ecce hīc ＞ eici, sīc ＞ si. Düi ＜ dūc may perhaps be explained as due to the analogy of düire and of fai. Cf. § 63, (6).

D in apud fell early: see § 65, P, 2. In the proclitics ad, quĭd, the d disappeared before a consonant, and before a vowel became in most dialects ð ＞ z (cf. § 65, D): a, quẹ; að az, quẹð quẹz.

L fell in in sĭmul ＞ essẹm. It remained in the learned Abęl, tribunal. It is believed by some that sivals, ‘at least’, comes from sī vel.

M fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ 55, M): crēdam crēda ＞ crẹza, dōnum dōnu ＞ dọn, fŏrtem fŏrte ＞ fǫrt; Adam is learned. At the end of an independent monosyllable, it fell in some dialects and in others became n (cf. § 65, N): jam ＞ ia, rĕm ＞ rẹ rẹn (Marcabru uses rẹy for the rhyme), sŭm (verb) ＞ sọ sọn. At the end of proclitics, m was probably kept at first before vowels and labials, while it became n before dentals, ŋ before gutturals, and disappeared before spirants; but the n forms (helped by the analogy of en, non) and those without a final consonant replaced m before vowels and partly before labials, and probably took the place of ŋ before gutturals; we find, then, sometimes m before labials, but either no consonant or n before all other sounds: quĕm ＞ que, sŭm (verb) ＞ sọ sọn, sŭm (= sŭum) ＞ sọ sọn sọm, ✱tŭm (= tŭum) ＞ tọ tọn tọm.

N fell in Vulgar Latin at the end of a word of more than one syllable (§ 55, M): nōmen nōme ＞ nọm. At the end of proclitics we generally find n before a vowel, a form without n before spirants, both forms before other consonants, but often m before a labial: ĭn ＞ en (en amar, en cant), e (e Fransa, e ls), em (em breu); nōn ＞ non (non es, non ges), no (no falh, no tol), nom (nom plagues).

R remained: amātor ＞ amaire, cŏr ＞ cǫr, marmor ＞ marbre (marme shows dissimilation), sŏror ＞ sǫrre (sor through proclitic use). So in proclitics: per ＞ per, sŭper ＞ sọbre.

1. A Provençal final r began to fall in the west and south in the 14th century: cf. § 65, R, 1.

S remained: amīcus ＞ amics, cŏrpus ＞ cǫrs, facias ＞ fassas, fŏrtes ＞ fǫrtz, ŏpĕras ＞ ǫbras, sŭbtus ＞ sọtz. Between a palatal, or an n that did not fall, and an s, a t developed in some dialects: annos ＞ anz, fīlios ＞ filz; cf. § 63, (1), (8).

1. Final s began to fall or to become i in many dialects as early as the 14th century: cf. § 65, S, 1. In mai, beside mais, the fall was earlier.

2. Final ts ＞ t, in the second person plural of verbs, in parts of Limousin and Dauphiné: habētis ＞ avęt. Cf. § 64. In all first person plural forms (except esmes) final s fell very early: amāmus amāmu’ ＞ amám. Cf. § 167.

3. Through the influence of such common adverbs as entz ＜ ĭntus, fors ＜ fŏris, ios ＜ deōrsum, mais ＜ magis, mens ＜ mĭnus, nemps ＜ nĭmis, plus ＜ plūs, sotz ＜ sŭbtus, sus ＜ sūrsum, s, coming to be regarded as an adverbial ending, was often added to the suffix -men (belamens), to many other adverbs, as ensem-s, era-s, onca-s, poissa-s, and to some prepositions, as sen-s (cf. tras, vers, etc.). By the analogy of such double forms, we have for, men beside fors, mens.

4. Magis, used as a proclitic, probably became in Vulgar Latin ✱mais and ✱mas, whence Provençal mais and mas. For mai, see 1 above.

T, in independent words, fell very early, except in the preterit of verbs; there it was retained in most dialects in weak preterits of the first and third conjugations, in many dialects in weak preterits of the fourth, but disappeared in strong preterits: amat ＞ ama, cantābat ＞ cantava, dar’ ✱hat ＞ darạ, dōnet ＞ dọn, stat ＞ estạ, partībat ＞ partia, placet ＞ platz, tenēr’ + -ē(b)at ＞ tenria, vĕnit ＞ ven; donāvit ＞ donęt donę, vēndĭdit ✱vendĕ́dit ＞ vendęt vendę, partīvit partīt ＞ partị partịt, placuit ＞ plac, vīdit ＞ vi. In the proclitics et and ✱ot (= aut), the t fell before consonants; before vowels it became d, which, under the influence of ad and quĭd, developed like an original d: et ＞ e, eð ez; ✱ot ＞ o, oð oz; later, e and o came to be used often before vowels also.

Final Groups.

83. Ks remained in Vulgar Latin at the end of monosyllables only (§ 55, X); there it became, in Provençal, is: rēx ＞ rẹis, sĕx ＞ sęis. Grecx, nicx are Latinisms.

Nt was generally reduced to n; but in the extreme north and some parts of the south the t was retained in -ant: amant ＞ aman, habē(b)ant ＞ avian aviant; cantent ＞ canten; vēndunt ＞ vẹndon. In some dialects the n fell after o, u (vẹndo, au); -on and -o were used concurrently by the poets.

St ＞ s in ĕst ＞ ęs. Cf. § 28, 5.

SPORADIC CHANGE.

84. For certain consonant changes no laws have been established.[81] Some of them doubtless originate in the language of children, which is governed by principles different from those which regulate the speech of adults. Others are due to vague associations of sound or sense. Borrowed and learned words are especially exposed to such whimsical alteration.

Insertion.

85. The insertion (or addition) of a consonant, in such cases as those mentioned below, is probably always due to some false association or wrong etymology, but the specific cause often cannot be ascertained; the added consonant seems to be generally a liquid or a nasal:—

alhọndre -s ＜ aliŭnde: V. L. ✱aliŭnder?

consi = cossi ＜ eccu’ sīc: analogy of the prefix co- con-. Cf. § 76, (1), nf, ns.

enclutge ＜ incūdĭnem: cf. French enclume.

engal = egal ＜ æquālem: analogy of the prefix e- en-. Cf. § 76, (1), nf, ns.

invęrn = ivern ＜ hibĕrnum: hi- mistaken for the prefix in-; cf. Italian inverno, etc.

parven (hence parvensa) ＜ parĕntem (parēre): analogy of ferven, serven, or of espaven, espavensa, or influence of parui, etc.?

penchenar ＜ pectināre: analogy of pencheire, penchura?

perdris = perditz ＜ perdīcem: progressive assimilation? Cf. French perdrix.

pǫuzer = pouze ＜ pŏllĭcem: confusion with polgar ＜ pollicāre.

refreitọr = refeitor ＜ refectōrium: association with refreidar (freit).

renlinquir = relinquir ＜ relĭnquĕre: analogy of e- en-; cf. reforsar and French renforcer.

Metathesis.

86. Metathesis is not very common in Provençal, although a few texts offer many examples; it is apparently restricted to liquids and nasals:—

cabirǫl = ✱cabriol ＜ capreŏ́lum.

cocodrilla ＜ crocodīlum: cf. Italian coccodrillo.

craba = cabra ＜ capra.

enfrondar = ✱enfondrar ＜ French effondrer ＜?✱infŭndulāre.

escremir ＜ skirmôn: cf. French escrimer.

estanc ＜ stagnum: cf. French étang.

esturmen = estrument ＜ instrumĕntum: cf. Italian stormento.

formir = fromir ＜ frumjan: cf. French formir, etc.

freïr = ferir ＜ ferīre.

grada = garda ＜ ✱warda.

grepir = guerpir ＜ wërpan.

lhun = nulh ＜ nūllum: analogy of negun. Cf. Fr. nune part (Balzac).

presseguier (also pess-) ＜ ✱préssega ＜ pĕrsĭca.

rẹnc (also regne) ＜ rēgnum.

trida ＜ τίγριδα.

tronar ＜ tonitruāre + thrŏnus.

truǫill ＜ tŏrculum.

trobar ＜?tŭrbāre: see Körting.

1. In ginhol = genolh ＜ genŭcŭlum the palatalization is shifted from the liquid to the nasal. In lunh = nulh ＜ nullum, on the other hand, the palatalization remains at the end of the word, but the liquid and the nasal change places.

Dissimilation.

87. Dissimilation, like the other irregular phenomena, affects mainly liquids and nasals, particularly r; it is not, however, entirely confined to these classes. The two nasals, m and n, are similar enough to undergo dissimilation. Some of the cases go back to Vulgar Latin, while others are peculiar to Provençal or to Provençal and French. In the table below, a dash indicates the total disappearance of the consonant in question.

β + β ＞ β + — (v + —): habēbam ＞ ✱aβēa ＞ avia, ✱vivāciārium ＞ viacier, vivācius ＞ viatz. Vianda, whatever its ultimate origin may be, was probably borrowed from French.

kw + kw ＞ k + kw: quīnque ＞ cīnque ＞ cinc.

l + l ＞ r + l, — + l, d + l: calamĕllum ＞ calamęl caramęl, ✱umbilīcŭlum ＞ emborígol, flēbĭlem ＞ flẹble frẹble fẹble, ŭlulāre ＞ ulular udolar. Perhaps püs = plüs ＜ plūs is to be explained by dissimilation, occurring in such phrases as plus larc, plus lonc.

m + m ＞ n + m: memorāre ＞ membrar nembrar (renembransa).

m + n ＞ m + r: ✱comĭnicāre ＞ comenegar comergar, ✱indomĭnicātum ＞ endomeniat endomergat, mancĭpium ＞ mansip massip marsip, manĭcum ＞ margue, mŏnăchum ＞ mongue morgue.

n + m ＞ r + m: anĭma ＞ anma arma, ✱mĭnimāre ＞ mermar.

n + n ＞ n + r, r + n; ? d + n: canŏnĭcum ＞ canónegue canorgue, venēnum ＞ verin; nec ūnum ＞ negün degün? (cf. Andalusian and Asturian dengun, Catalan dingu, apparently from nec ūnum + nĭngŭlum).

r + r ＞ r + —, — + r, l + r: ✱Bernhardum ＞ Bernart Bernat, marmor ＞ marbre marme, prŏprium ＞ prǫpri prǫpi; dīe Mércūrī (influenced by dīe Vénĕris) ＞ dimęrcres dimęcres, grandem rem ＞ granrẹ ganrẹ, pr(eh)ĕndĕre ＞ prenre penre, prĕsby̆ter ＞ pręstre pęstre; arbĭtrium ＞ albire, ✱Arvĕrnium ＞ Alvęrnhe, peregrīnus ＞ pele(g)rīnus ＞ peleris, pŭrpŭra ＞ pọlpra.

s + s ＞ — + s: ✱spasmāre ＞ (espasme) pasmar (cf. French pâmer), perhaps through confusion of the initial es- with the prefix ex-.

t + t? ＞ — + t: statiōnem? ＞ sazọ (cf. French saison, Spanish sazon).

y + y ＞ y + —: ✱disjejūnāre ＞ ✱disjeunāre ＞ ✱disy’nāre ＞ dis´nar disnar.