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Abridgment of the Debates of Congress, from 1789 to 1856, Vol. 3 (of 16)

NINTH CONGRESS.—SECOND SESSION.

Reading edition

BEGUN AT THE CITY OF WASHINGTON, DECEMBER 1, 1806.

PROCEEDINGS IN THE SENATE.

Monday, December 1, 1806.

The second session of the Ninth Congress, conformably to the Constitution of the United States, commenced this day, at the city of Washington, and the Senate assembled, in their Chamber.

PRESENT:

George Clinton, Vice President of the United States, and President of the Senate.

William Plumer and Nicholas Gilman, from New Hampshire.

John Quincy Adams and Timothy Pickering, from Massachusetts.

Uriah Tracy, from Connecticut.

Benjamin Howland, from Rhode Island.

Stephen R. Bradley and Israel Smith, from Vermont.

Samuel L. Mitchill, from New York.

John Condit and Aaron Kitchel, from New Jersey.

George Logan and Samuel Maclay, from Pennsylvania.

Samuel White, from Delaware.

David Stone, from North Carolina.

John Gaillard, from South Carolina.

Abraham Baldwin, from Georgia.

Thomas Worthington, from Ohio.

William B. Giles, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the Commonwealth of Virginia, for the term of six years, from and after the 4th day of March last, produced his credentials, which were read; and, the oath prescribed by law having been administered to him, he took his seat in the Senate.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that a quorum of the House is assembled, and are ready to proceed to business.

Ordered, That the Secretary notify the House of Representatives that a quorum of the Senate is assembled, and ready to proceed to business.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House have appointed a joint committee, on their part, with such committee as the Senate may appoint, to wait on the President of the United States, and notify him that a quorum of the two Houses is assembled, and ready to receive any communication that he may be pleased to make to them.

The Senate took into consideration the resolution of the House of Representatives last mentioned, for the appointment of a joint committee, and

Resolved, That they do concur therein; and

Ordered, That Messrs. Mitchill and Stone be the committee on the part of the Senate.

Mr. Mitchill reported, from the joint committee, that they had waited on the President of the United States, agreeably to the resolution of this day, and that the President of the United States had informed the committee that he would make a communication to the two Houses to-morrow, at twelve o’clock.

Tuesday, December 2.

Samuel Smith, from the State of Maryland, and Buckner Thruston, from the State of Kentucky, attended.

Resolved, That James Mathers, Sergeant-at-Arms and Doorkeeper to the Senate, be, and he is hereby authorized to employ one assistant and two horses, for the purpose of performing such services as are usually required by the Doorkeeper to the Senate; and that the sum of twenty-eight dollars be allowed him weekly for that purpose, to commence with, and remain during the session, and for twenty days after.

Annual Message.

The following Message was received from the President of the United States:

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

It would have given me, fellow-citizens, great satisfaction to announce, in the moment of your meeting, that the difficulties in our foreign relations, existing at the time of your last separation, had been amicably and justly terminated. I lost no time in taking those measures which were most likely to bring them to such a termination, by special missions, charged with such powers and instructions as, in the event of failure, could leave no imputation on either our moderation or forbearance. The delays which have since taken place in our negotiations with the British Government appear to have proceeded from causes which do not forbid the expectation that, during the course of the session, I may be enabled to lay before you their final issue. What will be that of the negotiations for settling our differences with Spain, nothing which had taken place at the date of the last despatches enables us to pronounce. On the western side of the Mississippi she advanced in considerable force, and took post at the settlement of Bayou Pierre, on the Red river. This village was originally settled by France, was held by her as long as she held Louisiana, and was delivered to Spain only as a part of Louisiana. Being small, insulated, and distant, it was not observed, at the moment of redelivery to France and the United States, that she continued a guard of half a dozen men, which had been stationed there. A proposition, however, having been lately made by our Commander-in-chief, to assume the Sabine river as a temporary line of separation between the troops of the two nations until the issue of our negotiations shall be known, this has been referred by the Spanish commandant to his superior, and in the mean time he has withdrawn his force to the western side of the Sabine river. The correspondence on this subject, now communicated, will exhibit more particularly the present state of things in that quarter.

Having received information that, in another part of the United States, a great number of private individuals were combining together, arming and organizing themselves contrary to law, to carry on a military expedition against the territories of Spain, I thought it necessary, by proclamation, as well as by special orders, to take measures for preventing and suppressing this enterprise, for seizing the vessels, arms, and other means provided for it, and for arresting and bringing to justice its authors and abettors. It was due to that good faith which ought ever to be the rule of action in public as well as in private transactions, it was due to good order and regular government that, while the public force was acting strictly on the defensive, and merely to protect our citizens from aggression, the criminal attempts of private individuals to decide, for their country, the question of peace or war, by commencing active and unauthorized hostilities, should be promptly and efficaciously suppressed.

In a country whose constitution is derived from the will of the people, directly expressed by their free suffrages, where the principal Executive functionaries, and those of the Legislature, are renewed by them at short periods; where, under the character of jurors, they exercise in person the greatest portion of the judiciary powers; where the laws are consequently so formed and administered as to bear with equal weight and favor on all, restraining no man in the pursuits of honest industry, and securing to every one the property which that acquires, it would not be supposed that any safeguards could be needed against insurrection, or enterprise, on the public peace or authority. The laws, however, aware that these should not be trusted to moral restraints only, have wisely provided punishment for these crimes when committed. But would it not be salutary to give also the means of preventing their commission? Where an enterprise is meditated by private individuals against a foreign nation in amity with the United States, powers of prevention, to a certain extent, are given by the laws; would they not be as reasonable and useful where the enterprise preparing is against the United States? While adverting to this branch of law it is proper to observe, that, in enterprises meditated against foreign nations, the ordinary process of binding to the observance of the peace and good behavior, could it be extended to acts to be done out of the jurisdiction of the United States, would be effectual in some cases where the offender is able to keep out of sight every indication of his purpose which could draw on him the exercise of the powers now given by law.

The expedition of Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, for exploring the river Missouri, and the best communication from that to the Pacific Ocean, has had all the success which could have been expected. They have traced the Missouri nearly to its source, descended the Columbia to the Pacific Ocean, ascertained with accuracy the geography of that interesting communication across our continent, learnt the character of the country, of its commerce, and inhabitants; and it is but justice to say, that Messrs. Lewis and Clarke, and their brave companions, have, by this arduous service, deserved well of their country.

I congratulate you, fellow-citizens, on the approach of the period at which you may interpose your authority, constitutionally, to withdraw the citizens of the United States from all further participation in those violations of human rights which have been so long continued on the unoffending inhabitants of Africa, and which the morality, the reputation, and the best interests of our country, have long been eager to proscribe. Although no law you may pass can take prohibitory effect till the day of the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, yet the intervening period is not too long to prevent, by timely notice, expeditions which cannot be completed before that day.

The receipts at the Treasury, during the year ending on the 30th day of September last, have amounted to nearly fifteen millions of dollars, which have enabled us, after meeting the current demands, to pay two millions seven hundred thousand dollars of the American claims, in part of the price of Louisiana; to pay of the funded debt, upwards of three millions of principal, and nearly four of interest; and, in addition, to reimburse, in the course of the present month, nearly two millions of five and a half per cent. stock. These payments and reimbursements of the funded debt, with those which had been made in the four years and a half preceding, will, at the present year, have extinguished upwards of twenty-three millions of principal.

The duties composing the Mediterranean fund will cease, by law, at the end of the present session. Considering, however, that they are levied chiefly on luxuries, and that we have an impost on salt, a necessary of life, the free use of which otherwise is so important, I recommend to your consideration the suppression of the duties on salt, and the continuation of the Mediterranean fund instead thereof, for a short time, after which that also will become unnecessary for any purpose now within contemplation.

When both of these branches of revenue shall in this way be relinquished, there will still, ere long, be an accumulation of moneys in the Treasury beyond the instalments of public debt which we are permitted by contract to pay. They cannot, then, without a modification, assented to by the public creditors, be applied to the extinguishment of this debt, and the complete liberation of our revenues, the most desirable of all objects; nor, if our peace continues, will they be wanting for any other existing purpose. The question, therefore, now comes forward: To what other objects shall these surpluses be appropriated, and the whole surplus of impost, after the entire discharge of the public debt, and during those intervals when the purposes of war shall not call for them? Shall we suppress the impost, and give that advantage to foreign over domestic manufactures? On a few articles, of more general and necessary use, the suppression, in due season, will doubtless be right, but the great mass of the articles on which impost is paid are foreign luxuries, purchased by those only who are rich enough to afford themselves the use of them. Their patriotism would certainly prefer its continuance and application to the great purposes of the public education, roads, rivers, canals,[41] and such other objects of public improvement as it may be thought proper to add to the constitutional enumeration of federal powers. By these operations new channels of communication will be opened between the States; the lines of separation will disappear; their interests will be identified and their Union cemented by new and indissoluble ties. Education is here placed among the articles of public care, not that it would be proposed to take its ordinary branches out of the hands of private enterprise, which manages so much better all the concerns to which it is equal; but a public institution can alone supply those sciences which, though rarely called for, are yet necessary to complete the circle, all the parts of which contribute to the improvement of the country, and some of them to its preservation. The subject is now proposed for the consideration of Congress, because, if approved by the time the State Legislature shall have deliberated on this extension of the federal trusts, and the laws shall be passed and other arrangements made for their execution, the necessary funds will be on hand, and without employment. I suppose an amendment to the constitution, by consent of the States, necessary, because the objects now recommended are not among those enumerated in the constitution, and to which it permits the public moneys to be applied.

The present consideration of a national establishment, for education particularly, is rendered proper by this circumstance; also that, if Congress, approving the proposition, shall yet think it more eligible to found it on a donation of lands, they have it now in their power to endow it with those which will be among the earliest to produce the necessary income. This foundation would have the advantage of being independent on war, which may suspend other improvements, by requiring for its own purposes the resources destined for them.

TH. JEFFERSON.

December 2, 1806.

The Message and documents therein referred to were read, and ordered to lie for consideration, and three hundred copies thereof printed for the use of the Senate.

Wednesday, December 3.

Daniel Smith, from the State of Tennessee, attended.

Thursday, December 4.

James Hillhouse, from the State of Connecticut, attended.

Friday, December 5.

James Turner, from the State of North Carolina, attended.

Tuesday, December 9.

Andrew Moore, from the State of Virginia, attended.

Thursday, December 11.

John Milledge, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of Georgia, in the place of James Jackson, deceased, took his seat, and his credentials were read, and the President administered the oath to him as the law prescribes.

Friday, December 19.

The credentials of Stephen R. Bradley, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of Vermont, for the term of six years, from and after the third day of March next, were presented and read; also, the credentials of John Milledge, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of Georgia, for the term of six years, from and after the third day of March next.

Ordered, That they lie on file.

Monday, December 29.

The President communicated a letter from Robert Wright, stating that he had resigned his seat in the Senate.

Philip Reed, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of Maryland, in place of Robert Wright, resigned, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the Senate.

Henry Clay, appointed a Senator by the Legislature of the State of Kentucky, in place of John Adair, resigned, produced his credentials, and took his seat in the Senate.[42]

The credentials of Mr. Clay and Mr. Reed were severally read, and the oath was administered to them as the law prescribes.

Mr. Reed also produced the credentials of his appointment to be a Senator of the United States, from the State of Maryland, from the third day of March next, until the fourth day of March, 1813, and they were read, and ordered to lie on file.

James Fenner, from the State of Rhode Island, attended.

Monday, January 12, 1807.

James A. Bayard, from the State of Delaware, attended.

Tuesday, January 20.

The credentials of Andrew Gregg, appointed a Senator of the United States by the Legislature of the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, for six years, commencing on the 4th March next, were presented and read, and ordered to lie on file.

Thursday, January 22.

Burr’s Conspiracy.

The following Message was received from the President of the United States:—

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

Agreeably to the request of the House of Representatives, communicated in their resolution of the 16th instant, I proceed to state under the reserve therein expressed, information received touching an illegal combination of private individuals against the peace and safety of the Union, and a military expedition planned by them against the territories of a power in amity with the United States, with the measures I have pursued for suppressing the same.

I had for some time been in the constant expectation of receiving such further information as would have enabled me to lay before the Legislature the termination as well as the beginning and progress of this scene of depravity, so far as it has been acted on the Ohio and its waters. From this, the state of safety of the lower country might have been estimated on probable grounds; and the delay was indulged the rather, because no circumstance had yet made it necessary to call in the aid of the legislative functions. Information, now recently communicated, has brought us nearly to the period contemplated. The mass of what I have received in the course of these transactions, is voluminous; but little has been given under the sanction of an oath, so as to constitute formal and legal evidence. It is chiefly in the form of letters, often containing such a mixture of rumors, conjectures, and suspicions, as renders it difficult to sift out the real facts, and unadvisable to hazard more than general outlines, strengthened by current information, on the particular credibility of the relator. In this state of the evidence, delivered sometimes, too, under the restriction of private confidence, neither safety nor justice will permit the exposing names, except that of the principal actor, whose guilt is placed beyond question.

Some time in the latter part of September, I received intimations that designs were in agitation in the western country unlawful and unfriendly to the peace of the Union; and that the prime mover in these was Aaron Burr, heretofore distinguished by the favor of his country. The grounds of these intimations being inconclusive, the objects uncertain, and the fidelity of that country known to be firm, the only measure taken was to urge the informants to use their best endeavors to get further insight into the designs and proceedings of the suspected persons, and to communicate them to me.

It was not till the latter part of October, that the objects of the conspiracy began to be perceived; but still so blended and involved in mystery, that nothing distinct could be singled out for pursuit. In this state of uncertainty as to the crime contemplated, the acts done, and the legal course to be pursued, I thought it best to send to the scene, where these things were principally in transaction, a person in whose integrity, understanding, and discretion, entire confidence could be reposed, with instructions to investigate the plots going on, to enter into conference (for which he had sufficient credentials) with the Governors and all other officers, civil and military, and, with their aid, to do on the spot whatever should be necessary to discover the designs of the conspirators, arrest their means, bring their persons to punishment, and to call out the force of the country to suppress any unlawful enterprise in which it should be found they were engaged. By this time it was known that many boats were under preparation, stores of provisions collecting, and an unusual number of suspicious characters in motion on the Ohio and its waters. Besides despatching the confidential agent to that quarter, orders were at the same time sent to the Governors of the Orleans and Mississippi Territories, and to the commanders of the land and naval forces there, to be on their guard against surprise, and in constant readiness to resist any enterprise which might be attempted on the vessels, posts, or other objects under their care; and on the 8th of November instructions were forwarded to General Wilkinson, to hasten an accommodation with the Spanish commandant on the Sabine, and as soon as that was effected, to fall back with his principal force to the hither bank of the Mississippi, for the defence of the interesting points on that river. By a letter received from that officer on the 25th of November, but dated October 21st, we learnt that a confidential agent of Aaron Burr had been deputed to him with communications, partly written in cipher and partly oral, explaining his designs, exaggerating his resources, and making such offers of emolument and command, to engage him and the army in his unlawful enterprise, as he had flattered himself would be successful. The General, with the honor of a soldier and fidelity of a good citizen, immediately despatched a trusty officer to me, with information of what had passed, proceeding to establish such an understanding with the Spanish commandant on the Sabine, as permitted him to withdraw his force across the Mississippi, and to enter on measures for opposing the projected enterprise.

The General’s letter, which came to hand on the 25th of November, as has been mentioned, and some other information received a few days earlier, when brought together, developed Burr’s general designs, different parts of which only had been revealed to different informants. It appeared that he contemplated two distinct objects, which might be carried on either jointly or separately, and either the one or the other first, as circumstances should direct. One of these was the severance of the Union of these States by the Alleghany mountains; the other, an attack on Mexico. A third object was provided, merely ostensible, to wit, the settlement of a pretended purchase of a tract of country on the Washita, claimed by a Baron Bastrop. This was to serve as the pretext for all his preparations, an allurement for such followers as really wished to acquire settlements in that country, and a cover under which to retreat in the event of a final discomfiture of both branches of his real design.

He found at once that the attachment of the western country to the present Union was not to be shaken; that its dissolution could not be effected with the consent of its inhabitants, and that his resources were inadequate, as yet, to effect it by force. He took his course then at once, determined to seize on New Orleans, plunder the bank there, possess himself of the military and naval stores, and proceed on his expedition to Mexico, and to this object all his means and preparations were now directed. He collected from all the quarters where himself or his agents possessed influence, all the ardent, restless, desperate, and disaffected persons, who were ready for any enterprise analogous to their characters. He seduced good and well-meaning citizens, some by assurances that he possessed the confidence of the Government, and was acting under its secret patronage, a pretence which procured some credit from the state of our differences with Spain; and others by offers of land in Bastrop’s claim on the Washita.

This was the state of my information of his proceedings about the last of November, at which time, therefore, it was first possible to take specific measures to meet them. The proclamation of November 27th, two days after the receipt of General Wilkinson’s information, was now issued. Orders were despatched to every interesting point on the Ohio and Mississippi, from Pittsburg to New Orleans, for the employment of such force, either of the regulars or of the militia, and of such proceedings also of the civil authorities, as might enable them to seize on all the boats and stores provided for the enterprise, to arrest the persons concerned, and to suppress, effectually, the further progress of enterprise. A little before the receipt of these orders in the State of Ohio, our confidential agent, who had been diligently employed in investigating the conspiracy, had acquired sufficient information to open himself to the Governor of that State, and apply for the immediate exertion of the authority and power of the State to crush the combination. Governor Tiffin and the Legislature, with a promptitude, an energy, and patriotic zeal, which entitle them to a distinguished place in the affection of their sister States, effected the seizure of all the boats, provisions, and other preparations within their reach, and thus gave a first blow, materially disabling the enterprise in its outset.

In Kentucky a premature attempt to bring Burr to justice, without a sufficient evidence for his conviction, had produced a popular impression in his favor, and a general disbelief of his guilt. This gave him an unfortunate opportunity of hastening his equipments. The arrival of the proclamation and orders, and the application and information of our confidential agent, at length awakened the authorities of that State to the truth, and then produced the same promptitude and energy of which the neighboring State had set the example. Under an act of their Legislature, of December 23d, militia was instantly ordered to different important points, and measures taken for doing whatever could yet be done. Some boats (accounts vary from five to double or treble that number) and persons (differently estimated from one to three hundred) had in the mean time passed the Falls of Ohio, to rendezvous at the mouth of Cumberland, with others expected down that river.

Not apprised, till very late, that boats were building on Cumberland, the effect of the proclamation had been trusted to for some time in the State of Tennessee. But, on the 19th of December, similar communications and instructions, with those to the neighboring States, were despatched by express to the Governor, and a general officer of the western division of the State; and, on the 23d of December, our confidential agent left Frankfort for Nashville, to put into activity the means of that State also. But by information received yesterday, I learn that on the 23d of December, Mr. Burr descended the Cumberland with two boats merely of accommodation, carrying with him from that State no quota towards his unlawful enterprise. Whether after the arrival of the proclamation, of the orders, or of our agent, any exertion which could be made by that State, or the orders of the Governor of Kentucky for calling out the militia at the mouth of Cumberland, would be in time to arrest these boats, and those from the Falls of Ohio, is still doubtful.

On the whole, the fugitives from the Ohio, with their associates from Cumberland, or any other place in that quarter, cannot threaten serious danger to the city of New Orleans.

By the same express of December 19th, orders were sent to the Governors of Orleans and Mississippi, supplementary to those which had been given on the 25th of November, to hold the militia of their Territories in readiness to co-operate, for their defence, with the regular troops and armed vessels then under command of General Wilkinson. Great alarm, indeed, was excited at New Orleans by the exaggerated accounts of Mr. Burr, disseminated through his emissaries, of the armies and navies he was to assemble there. General Wilkinson had arrived there himself on the 24th of November, and had immediately put into activity the resources of the place, for the purpose of its defence; and, on the 10th of December, he was joined by his troops from the Sabine. Great zeal was shown by the inhabitants generally; the merchants of the place readily agreeing to the most laudable exertions and sacrifices for manning the armed vessels with their seamen; and the other citizens manifesting unequivocal fidelity to the Union, and a spirit of determined resistance to their expected assailants.

Surmises have been hazarded that this enterprise is to receive aid from certain foreign powers. But these surmises are without proof or probability. The wisdom of the measures sanctioned by Congress at its last session, has placed us in the paths of peace and justice with the only powers with whom we had any differences; and nothing has happened since which makes it either their interest or ours to pursue another course. No change of measures has taken place on our part: none ought to take place at this time. With the one, friendly arrangement was then proposed, and the law, deemed necessary on the failure of that, was suspended to give time for a fair trial of the issue. With the same power friendly arrangement is now proceeding, under good expectations, and the same law deemed necessary on failure of that, is still suspended, to give time for a fair trial of the issue. With the other, negotiation was in like manner then preferred, and provisional measures only taken to meet the event of rupture. With the same power negotiation is still preferred, and provisional measures only are necessary to meet the event of rupture. While, therefore, we do not deflect in the slightest degree from the course we then assumed, and are still pursuing, with mutual consent, to restore a good understanding, we are not to impute to them practices as irreconcilable to interest as to good faith, and changing necessarily the relations of peace and justice between us to those of war. These surmises are, therefore, to be imputed to the vauntings of the author of this enterprise, to multiply his partisans by magnifying the belief of his prospects and support.

By letters from General Wilkinson, of the 14th and 18th of December, which came to hand two days after the date of the resolution of the House of Representatives, that is to say, on the morning of the 18th instant, I received the important affidavit, a copy of which I now communicate, with extracts of so much of the letters as comes within the scope of the resolution. By these it will be seen that of three of the principal emissaries of Mr. Burr, whom the General had caused to be apprehended, one had been liberated by habeas corpus, and two others, being those particularly employed in the endeavor to corrupt the General and Army of the United States, have been embarked by him for ports in the Atlantic States, probably on the consideration that an impartial trial could not be expected during the present agitation of New Orleans, and that that city was not as yet a safe place of confinement. As soon as these persons shall arrive, they will be delivered to the custody of the law, and left to such course of trial, both as to place and progress, as its functionaries may direct. The presence of the highest judicial authorities, to be assembled at this place within a few days, the means of pursuing a sounder course of proceedings here than elsewhere, and the aid of the Executive means, should the judges have occasion to use them, render it equally desirable for the criminals as for the public, that, being already removed from the place where they were first apprehended, the first regular arrest should take place here, and the course of proceedings receive here their proper direction.

TH. JEFFERSON.

January 22, 1807.

Ordered, That the Message, and documents therein referred to, lie for consideration; and that five hundred copies thereof be printed for the use of the Senate.

Friday, January 23.

Suspension of the Writ of Habeas Corpus.

On the motion of Mr. Giles,

Ordered, That Messrs. Giles, Adams, and Smith of Maryland, be a committee to inquire whether it is expedient, in the present state of public affairs, to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, and that they have leave to report by bill or otherwise.

Ordered, That the Message of the President of the United States, of the 22d instant, together with the documents therein mentioned, be referred to the same committee.

Whereupon, Mr. Giles, from the committee, reported a bill to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus for a limited time, in certain cases; and the rule was, by unanimous consent, dispensed with, and the bill had three readings, and was amended.

Resolved, That this bill pass as amended, that it be engrossed, and that the title thereof be “An act to suspend the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus for a limited time in certain cases.”

The committee also reported the following message to the House of Representatives; which was read and agreed to, to wit:

Gentlemen of the House of Representatives:

The Senate have passed a bill suspending for three months the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, in certain cases, which they think expedient to communicate to you in confidence, and to request your concurrence therein, as speedily as the emergency of the case shall, in your judgment, require.

Ordered, That Mr. Smith of Maryland be the committee to deliver the message to the House of Representatives.

Monday, January 26.

Burr’s Conspiracy.

A Message was received from the President of the United States, as follows:

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

I received from General Wilkinson, on the 23d instant, his affidavit, charging Samuel Swartwout, Peter V. Ogden, and James Alexander, with the crimes described in the affidavit; a copy of which is now communicated to both Houses of Congress.

It was announced to me at the same time, that Swartwout and Bollman, two of the persons apprehended by him, were arrived in this city, in custody, each, of a military officer. I immediately delivered to the Attorney of the United States, in this district, the evidence received against them, with instructions to lay the same before the Judges, and apply for their process to bring the accused to justice; and put into his hands orders to the officers having them in custody to deliver them to the Marshal, on his application.

TH. JEFFERSON.

January 26, 1807.

The Message and papers therein mentioned were read and referred to Messrs. Giles, Bayard, and Adams, together with the Message and papers heretofore communicated to the Senate on the same subject, to consider and report thereon; and five hundred copies of the Message of the President of the United States and documents communicated this day, were ordered to be printed for the use of the Senate.

Tuesday, January 27.

John Smith, from the State of Ohio, attended.

Wednesday, January 28.

Sundry written Messages were received from the President of the United States, by Mr. Coles, his Secretary.

The bill to prevent settlements being made on lands ceded to the United States, until authorized by law, was read the second time, and made the order of the day for Friday next.

The Senate resumed the second reading of the bill, entitled “An act authorizing the erection of a bridge over the river Potomac, within the District of Columbia,” and the motion that it be postponed to the next session of Congress; and, after debate, the Senate adjourned.

Thursday, January 29.

Burr’s Conspiracy.

The Message yesterday received from the President of the United States was read, as follows:

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

By the letter of Captain Bissel, who commands at Fort Massac, and of Mr. Murrell to General Jackson, of Tennessee, copies of which are now communicated to Congress, it will be seen that Aaron Burr passed Fort Massac on the 31st December, with about ten boats, navigated by about six hands each, without any military appearance; and that three boats with ammunition were said to have been arrested by the militia at Louisville.

As the guard of militia posted on various points of the Ohio will be able to prevent any further aids passing through that channel, should any be attempted, we may now estimate with tolerable certainty the means derived from the Ohio and its waters, towards the accomplishment of the purposes of Mr. Burr.

TH. JEFFERSON.

January 28, 1807.

The Message and papers were read, and ordered to lie for consideration.[43]

Monday, February 2.

Death of the Representative Levi Casey, Esq.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate of the death of General Levi Casey, late a member of the House of Representatives, and that his funeral will take place this day at one o’clock.

Whereupon, Resolved, That the Senate will attend the funeral of General Casey.

Tuesday, February 17.

Virginia Military Land Warrants.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House have passed a bill, entitled “An act to extend the time for locating Virginia military warrants, and for returning the surveys thereon to the office of the Secretary for the Department of War.”

Wednesday, February 18.

The credentials of the Honorable John Smith, appointed a Senator of the United States for the State of New York, for the term of six years, commencing on the 4th day of March next, were presented and read.

Thursday, February 19.

Tennessee Lands.

The Senate resumed the consideration of the report of the committee, appointed on the 17th of December last, “to inquire what further proceeding is necessary to carry into effect the provisions of an act, entitled ‘An act to authorize the State of Tennessee to issue grants and perfect titles to certain lands therein described, and to settle the claims to the vacant and unappropriated lands within the same.’”

And the report was agreed to.

Wednesday, February 25.

Salt Duty.

The Senate resumed the third reading of the bill, from the House of Representatives, entitled “An act repealing the acts laying duties on salt, and continuing in force for a further time the first section of the act, entitled ‘An act further to protect the commerce and seamen of the United States against the Barbary Powers;’” and on the question, Shall this bill pass as amended? it was determined in the affirmative—yeas 15, nays 12, as follows:

Yeas.—Messrs. Bradley, Condit, Giles, Howland, Kitchel, Logan, Maclay, Milledge, Moore, Reed, Smith of Maryland, Smith of Tennessee, Smith of Vermont, Thruston, and Worthington.

Nays.—Messrs. Adams, Bayard, Gilman, Hillhouse, Mitchill, Pickering, Plumer, Smith of New York, Sumter, Tracy, Turner, and White.

Tuesday, March 3.

Adjournment.

Mr. Mitchill reported, from the joint committee, that they had waited on the President of the United States, who informed them that he had no further communications to make to the two Houses of Congress.

The Senate took into consideration the resolution of the House of Representatives for the appointment of a joint committee to wait on the President of the United States to acquaint him with the intended recess of the two Houses of Congress, and agreed thereto; and Messrs. Mitchill and Adams were appointed the committee on the part of Senate.

A message from the House of Representatives informed the Senate that the House, having finished the business before them, are about to adjourn. The Secretary was then directed to inform the House of Representatives that the Senate, having finished the business before them, are about to adjourn, whereupon the Senate adjourned without day.

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