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A Short History of Freethought Ancient and Modern, Volume 2 of 2

Chapter XIX · FREETHOUGHT IN THE REMAINING EUROPEAN STATES

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§ 1. Holland

In 1737 was published in French a small mystification consisting of a Sermon prêché dans la grande Assemblée des Quakers de Londres, par le fameux Frère E. E., and another little tract, La Religion Muhamedane comparée à la païenne de l’Indostan, par Ali-Ebn-Omar. “E. E.” stood for Edward Elwall, a well-known Unitarian of the time, who, as we saw, was tried at Stafford Assizes in 1726 for publishing a Unitarian treatise, and who in 1742 published another, entitled The Supernatural Incarnation of Jesus Christ proved to be false ... and that our Lord Jesus Christ was the real son of Joseph and Mary. The two tracts are both by Passerano, and are on deistic lines, the text of the Sermon being (in English) “The Religion of the Gospel is the true Original Religion of Reason and Nature.” The proposition is of course purely ethical in its bearing.

The currency given in Holland to such literature tells of growing liberality of thought as well as of political freedom. But the conditions were not favourable to such general literary activity as prevailed in the larger States, though good work was done in medicine and the natural sciences. Not till the nineteenth century did Dutch scholars again give a lead to Europe in religious thought.

§ 2. The Scandinavian States

In Sweden the stimulative reign of Gustavus Vasa was followed by a long period of the strife which everywhere trod on the heels of the Reformation. The second successor of Gustavus, his son John, had married a daughter of the Catholic Sigismund of Poland, and sought to restore her religion to power, causing much turmoil until her death, whereafter he abandoned the cause. His Catholic son Sigismund recklessly renewed the effort, and was deposed in consequence; John’s brother Charles becoming king. In Denmark, meanwhile, Frederick II (d. 1588) had been a bigoted champion of Lutheranism, expelling a professor of Calvinistic leanings on the Eucharist, and refusing a landing to the Calvinists who fled from the Netherlands. On the other hand he patronized and pensioned Tycho Brahé, who, until driven into banishment by a court cabal during the minority of Christian IV, did much for astronomy, though unable to accept Copernicanism.

§ 3. The Slavonic States

§ 4. Italy

Signor Benedetto Croce, in his valuable work on Vico (The Philosophy of Giambattista Vico, Eng. tr. 1913, pp. 89–94), admits that Vico is fundamentally at one with the Naturalists: “Like them, in constructing his science of human society, he excludes with Grotius all idea of God, and with Pufendorf considers man as without help or attention from God, excluding him, that is, from revealed religion and its God.” Of Vico’s opposition to Grotius, Signor Croce offers two unsatisfactory explanations. First: “Vico’s opposition, which he expresses with his accustomed confusion and obscurity, turns ... upon the actual conception of religion.... Religion ... means for Vico not necessarily revelation, but conception of reality.” This reduces the defence to a quibble; but finally Signor Croce asks himself “Why—if Vico agreed with the natural-right school in ignoring revelation, and if he instead of it deepened their superficial immanental doctrine—why he put himself forward as their implacable enemy and persisted in boasting loudly before prelates and pontiffs of having formulated a system of natural rights different from that of the three Protestant authors and adapted to the Roman Church.” The natural suggestion of “politic caution” Signor Croce rejects, declaring that “the spotless character of Vico entirely precludes it; and we can only suppose that, lacking as his ideas always were in clarity, on this occasion he indulged his tendency to confusion and nourished his illusions, to the extent of conferring upon himself the flattering style and title of Defensor Ecclesiæ at the very moment when he was destroying the religion of the Church by means of humanity.”

It is very doubtful whether this equivocal vindication is more serviceable to Vico’s fame than the plain avowal that a writer placed as he was, in the Catholic world of 1720, could not be expected to be straightforward upon such an issue. Vico comported himself towards the Catholic Church very much as Descartes did. His own declaration as to his motives is surely valid as against a formula which combines “spotless character” with a cherished “tendency to confusion.” The familiar “tendency to hedge” is a simpler conception.

§ 5. Spain and Portugal

§ 6. Switzerland

Notes in this chapter

Note 1 · Jonckbloet, Beknopte Geschiedenis der nederl. Letterkunde, ed. 1880, p. 282. ↑Note 2 · Id. pp. 315–16. ↑Note 3 · Cp. Trinius, Freydenker-Lexicon, pp. 336–37; Colerus, Vie de Spinoza, as cited, p. lviii. ↑Note 4 · See Texte, Rousseau and the Cosmopolitan Spirit, Eng. tr. p. 29. ↑Note 5 · Briefe, 1752, p. 451. ↑Note 6 · This is the basis of Pope’s reference to “illustrious Passeran” in his Epilogue to the Satires, 1738, ii, 124. The Rev. J. Bramstone’s satirNote 7 · Reprinted, in French, at London in 1749, in a more complete and correct edition, published by J. Brindley. ↑Note 8 · The copy in the British Museum is dated 1737, and the title-page describes Passerano as “a Piemontæse exile now in Holland, a Christian FreeNote 9 · Warburton in a note on Pope (Epilogue, as cited) characteristically alleges that Passerano had been banished from Piedmont “for his impietieNote 10 · London ed. 1749, pp. 24–25. ↑Note 11 · Koch, Histor. View of the European Nations, Eng. tr. 3rd ed. p. 103. Cp. Crichton and Wheaton, Scandinavia, 1837, i, 383–96; Otté, ScandinavNote 12 · Otté, pp. 232–36; Crichton-Wheaton, i, 398–400; Geijer, Hist. of the Swedes, Eng. tr. i, 125. ↑Note 13 · Koch, p. 104; Geijer, i, 129. ↑Note 14 · Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 322. ↑Note 15 · Ludwig Holberg, Baron Holberg, born at Bergen, Norway, 1684. After a youth of poverty and struggle he settled at Copenhagen in 1718, as profNote 16 · Nicolai Klimii Iter Subterraneum novam telluris theoriam ac historiam quintæ monarchiæ ... exhibens, etc. Dr. Gosse, in art. Holberg, Encyc.Note 17 · It was published thrice in Danish, ten times in German, thrice in Swedish, thrice in Dutch, thrice in English, twice in French, twice in RusNote 18 · Cap. vi, De religione gentis Potuanæ. ↑Note 19 · Cp. pp. 75–78, ed. 1754. ↑Note 20 · Cap. vi, p. 69; cp. cap. viii, De Academia, p. 101. ↑Note 21 · Id. p. 77. ↑Note 22 · He had visited England in his youth. ↑Note 23 · Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 322. On p. 159 a somewhat contrary statement is made, which obscures the facts. Cp. Schlosser, iv, 13, as to ChristianNote 24 · Geijer, i, 324. ↑Note 25 · Id. p. 343; Otté, p. 292. ↑Note 26 · Geijer, i, 342. Cp. Ranke, Hist. of the Popes, Eng. tr. ed. 1908, ii, 399; iii, 345–46. ↑Note 27 · Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 88–89, and refs. ↑Note 28 · Cp. Ranke, as cited, ii, 407. ↑Note 29 · Work cited, pp. 288–89. This writer gives the only intelligible account of the private execution of Christina’s secretary, Monaldeschi, by hNote 30 · Bouillier, Hist. de la philos. cartés., i, 449–50. ↑Note 31 · Geijer, i, 342. ↑Note 32 · See his treatise, Of the Nature and Qualification of Religion in Reference to Civil Society, Eng. tr. by Crull, 1698. ↑Note 33 · Heaven and Hell, 1758, §§ 353, 354, 464. ↑Note 34 · Translated as The Divine Providence. ↑Note 35 · §§ 235–264. ↑Note 36 · Work cited, § 241. ↑Note 37 · De cultu et amore Dei, 1745. tr. as The Worship and Love of God, ed. 1885, p. 18. ↑Note 38 · “When he was contradicted he kept silence.” Documents concerning Swedenborg, ed. by Dr. Tafel, 1875–1877, ii, 564. ↑Note 39 · Cp. Swedenborg’s letter to Beyer, in Documents, as cited, ii, 279. ↑Note 40 · For many years he seldom went to church, being unable to listen peacefully to the trinitarian doctrine he heard there. Documents, as cited, Note 41 · W. White, Swedenborg: his Life and Writings, ed. 1867, i, 188. ↑Note 42 · Schweitzer, Geschichte der skandinavischen Literatur, ii, 175, 225; C.-F. Allen, Histoire de Danemark, Fr. tr. ii, 1900–1901; R. N. Bain, GuNote 43 · Correspondance de Grimm, ed. 1829–1831, vii, 229. ↑Note 44 · Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 206. ↑Note 45 · Writing to his mother on his first visit to Paris, he takes her, ostensibly as a libre esprit, into his confidence, disparaging Marmontel anNote 46 · Bain, as cited, i, 224–31. ↑Note 47 · Id. ii, 208–12. ↑Note 48 · Id. i, 267–68. ↑Note 49 · Cp. Bain, ii, 272, 287, 293–96. ↑Note 50 · Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 335. ↑Note 51 · Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 322. Cp. pp. 161–63. Schlosser, iv, 15. ↑Note 52 · Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 190; Otté, p. 322; C.-F. Allen, as cited, ii, 194–201; Schlosser, iv, 319 sq. ↑Note 53 · Cp. Mary Wollstonecraft’s Letters from Sweden, Norway, and Denmark, 1796, Let. xviii. One of the grounds on which the queen was charged withNote 54 · Trans. from the German, 1774; 2nd ed. 1825. See it also in the work, Converts from Infidelity, by Andrew Crichton; vols. vi and vii of ConstNote 55 · Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 190–91. ↑Note 56 · Work cited, Letter vii. ↑Note 57 · Id. Letter viii, near end. ↑Note 58 · Crichton-Wheaton, ii, 324. ↑Note 59 · He claimed that the remarks penned by him in an anti-atheistic work, challenging its argument, represented not unbelief but the demand for aNote 60 · Fletcher, History of Poland, 1831, p. 141. ↑Note 61 · Fletcher, pp. 145–46. ↑Note 62 · Hardwick, Church History: Middle Age, 1853, pp. 386–87. ↑Note 63 · L. Sichler, Hist. de la litt. Russe, 1887, pp. 88–89, 139. Cp. Rambaud, Hist. de Russie, 2e édit. pp. 249, 259, etc. (Eng. tr. i, 309, 321, Note 64 · R. N. Bain, The First Romanovs, 1905, pp. 136–51; Rambaud, p. 333 (tr. i, 414–17). The struggle (1654) elicited old forms of heresy, going bNote 65 · Prince Serge Wolkonsky, Russian History and Literature, 1897, pp. 98–101. ↑Note 66 · Morfill, History of Russia, 1902, p. 14; Bain, p. 201. ↑Note 67 · Cp. Wolkonsky, p. 101. ↑Note 68 · C. E. Turner, Studies in Russian Literature, 1882, p. 2. ↑Note 69 · Id. pp. 16, 17, 25, 26, 40; Sichler, p. 148. ↑Note 70 · Sichler, p. 139. Peter’s dislike of monks won him the repute of a freethinker. Morfill, p. 97. He was actually attacked as “Antichrist” in aNote 71 · Cp. Bain, p. 392. ↑Note 72 · Turner, p. 22. Kantemir was the friend of Bolingbroke and Montesquieu in Paris. ↑Note 73 · Sichler, p. 147. ↑Note 74 · Turner, pp. 40–41. ↑Note 75 · See the passages cited by Rambaud, p. 482, from her letter to Voltaire. ↑Note 76 · Seume, Ueber das Leben ... der Kaiserin Catharina II: Werke, ed. 1839, v, 239–40; Rambaud, pp. 482–84. ↑Note 77 · See Bishop Burnet’s Letters, iv, ed. Rotterdam, 1686, pp. 187–91. ↑Note 78 · Zeller, Histoire d’Italie, pp. 426–32, 450; Procter, Hist. of Italy, 2nd ed. pp. 240, 268. ↑Note 79 · Burnet, as cited, pp. 195–97. ↑Note 80 · Prof. Flint, who insists on the deep piety of Vico, notes that he “appears to have had strangely little interest in Christian systematic theNote 81 · Siciliani, Sul Rinnovamento della filosofia positiva in Italia, 1871, pp. 37–41. ↑Note 82 · Siciliani, p. 36. ↑Note 83 · Introduction (by Mignet?) to the Princess Belgiojoso’s tr. La Science Nouvelle, 1844, p. cxiii. Cp. Flint, Vico, 231. ↑Note 84 · Ganganelli, Papst Clemens XIV, seine Briefe und seine Zeit, vom Verfasser der Römischen Briefe (Von Reumont), 1847, pp. 35–36, and p. 155, nNote 85 · See the Storia della economia pubblica in Italia of G. Pecchio, 1829, p. 61 sq., as to the claim of Antonio Serra (Breve trattato, etc. 1613Note 86 · Briefe, as before cited, p. 408. ↑Note 87 · Correspondence littéraire, ed. 1829–31, vii, 331. Cp. Von Reumont, Ganganelli, p. 33. ↑Note 88 · The Dei delitti e delle pene was translated into 22 languages. Pecchio, p. 144. ↑Note 89 · See in the 6th ed. of the Dei delitti (Harlem, 1766) the appended Risposta ad uno scritto, etc., Parte prima, Accuse d’empietà. ↑Note 90 · See his letter to the Abbé Morellet, cited by Mr. Farrer in ch. i of his ed. of Crimes and Punishments, 1880, p. 5. It describes the MilanesNote 91 · Pecchio, p. 123. ↑Note 92 · Cp. McCulloch, Literature of Political Economy, 1845, p. 64; Blanqui, Hist. de l’economie politique, 2e édit. ii, 432. ↑Note 93 · As to the genuineness of the Ganganelli letters, originally much disputed, see Von Reumont’s Ganganelli, Papst Clemens XIV; seine Briefe undNote 94 · Lett. lvi, Eng. tr. 1777, i, 141–42. No. lxxii in Von Reumont’s Ganganelli, 1847. ↑Note 95 · Lett. xiii, 1749. Eng. tr. i, 44–46; No. cxiv in Von Reumont’s translation. ↑Note 96 · Lett. vi and xiv; Nos. ix and xxii in Von Reumont. ↑Note 97 · Lett. xxx, p. 83; No. xxxiv in Von Reumont. ↑Note 98 · Lett. xci; No. xcii in Von Reumont. ↑Note 99 · Lett. cxlvi; No. xiii in Von Reumont. ↑Note 100 · Lett. lxxxii, 1753 or 1754; No. lxi in Von Reumont. ↑Note 101 · Lett. cxxiv, 1769. This letter is not in Von Reumont’s collection, and appears to be regarded by him as spurious—or unduly indiscreet. ↑Note 102 · Lett. lxxxiii, 1754; No. lxxiii in Von Reumont. ↑Note 103 · Corr. Litt. as cited, vii, 104. ↑Note 104 · Zeller, p. 473. ↑Note 105 · Zeller, pp. 478–79. ↑Note 106 · Julien Luchaire, Essai sur l’evolution intellectuelle de l’Italie de 1815 à 1830, 1906, p. 3. ↑Note 107 · Parini wrote a reproving Ode on the subject. (Henri Hauvette, Littérature Italienne, 1906, p. 371.) He was one of those disillusioned by theNote 108 · Hauvette, pp. 391–93. ↑Note 109 · Coxe, Memoirs of the Bourbon Kings of Spain, ed. 1815, iv, 408. ↑Note 110 · Villanueva, Vida Literaria, London, 1825. ↑Note 111 · Buckle, iii, 547–48 (1-vol. ed. 599–600). The last victim seems to have been a woman accused of witchcraft. Her nose was cut off before her Note 112 · Letter of D’Alembert to Voltaire, 13 mai, 1773. ↑Note 113 · Grimm, Corr. Litt. x, 393. ↑Note 114 · Llorente, ii, 534. ↑Note 115 · As to which see Buckle, p. 607. ↑Note 116 · Llorente, ii, 544. ↑Note 117 · Id. ii, 544–47. ↑Note 118 · Grimm is evidently in error in his statement (Correspondance, ed. 1829–31, x, 394) that one of the main grievances against Olavidès was his Note 119 · Llorente, ii, 532. ↑Note 120 · Id. ii, 534–35. ↑Note 121 · Id. pp. 547–48. ↑Note 122 · Llorente, ii. 549–50. ↑Note 123 · Id. ii, 472–73. ↑Note 124 · Id. pp. 436–40. ↑Note 125 · Id. ii, 440–42. Llorente mentions that Clavijo edited a journal named The Thinker, “at a time when hardly anyone was to be found who thoughtNote 126 · Llorente, p. 449. ↑Note 127 · Id. ii, 450–51. The book was prohibited, but a printer at Bayonne reissued it with an additional volume of the tracts written for and againsNote 128 · Id. ii, 469–72. ↑Note 129 · Buckle, p. 618. ↑Note 130 · Id. p. 612. ↑Note 131 · Id. p. 613. ↑Note 132 · Carnota, The Marquis of Pombal, 2nd ed. 1871, p. 242. ↑Note 133 · Id. p. 240. ↑Note 134 · Id. pp. 261–62. ↑Note 135 · Id. p. 262. ↑Note 136 · Id. p. 375. ↑Note 137 · Cp. P. Godet, Hist. litt. de la suisse française, 1900. ↑Note 138 · E. de Budé, Vie de François Turrettini, 1871, pp. 12–18. B. Turrettini was commissioned to write a history of the Reformation at Geneva, whiNote 139 · Cp. Budé, as cited, pp. 24 (birth-date wrong), 294; and the Avis de l’Éditeur to the Traité de la Verité de la Religion Chrétienne of J. A. Note 140 · Work cited, i, 8, note. ↑Note 141 · Lettre à Damilaville, 6 décembre, 1763. The reserved youth may have been either Jean-Alphonse, grandson of the Socinian professor, who was bNote 142 · Voltaire to Damilaville, 12 juillet, 1763. “Il faut que vous sachiez,” explains Voltaire “que Jean Jacques n’a été condamné que parce qu’on Note 143 · Voltaire to Damilaville, 21 auguste, 1763. ↑Note 144 · Cp. i, 2, 16, 56, 58, 65, 68, 70, 71, 73, 94; ii, 290, etc. ↑Note 145 · For instance: “Je me recommande contr’eux [les prêtres] à Dieu le père, car pour le fils, vous savez qu’il a aussi peu de crédit que sa mèreNote 146 · On this see the correspondence of Voltaire and D’Alembert, under dates 8, 28, and 29 janvier, 1757. ↑Note 147 · Lettre à D’Alembert, 27 août, 1757. ↑Note 148 · Lettres sur le Déisme, 1759, p. 6. Cp. pp. 84, 94, 103, 105, 412. ↑Note 149 · Holland, so notable for relative hospitality to freethinking in the seventeenth century, continued to exhibit it in the eighteenth, though wNote 150 · In 1708 there was published at Amsterdam a work under the pseudonym of “Juan di Posos,” wherein, by way of a relation of imaginary travels, Note 151 · The German traveller Alberti,5 citing the London Magazine, 1732, states that Passerano visited England and published works in English througNote 152 · 1. Traces of new rationalistic life are to be seen in the Scandinavian countries at least as early as the times of Descartes. There, as elseNote 153 · In 1611 there broke out between Sweden and Denmark the sanguinary two-years’ “War of Calmar,” their common religion availing nothing to averNote 154 · 2. For long, the only personality making powerfully for culture was Holberg,15 certainly a host in himself. Of all the writers of his age, tNote 155 · There is a trace of the tone of Frederick alike in the eulogy of tolerance and in the intimation that anyone who disputes about the characteNote 156 · 3. In Sweden, meantime, there had occurred some reflex of the intellectual renascence. Towards the middle of the seventeenth century there aNote 157 · Her annotations of Descartes are of little importance; but it is noteworthy that she accorded to his orthodox adherents a declaration that hNote 158 · 4. That there was, however, in eighteenth-century Sweden a considerable amount of unpublished rationalism may be gathered from the writings Note 159 · With his odd mixture of scripturalism and innovating dogmatism, Swedenborg disposes of difficulties about Genesis by reducing Adam and Eve tNote 160 · 5. According to one of Swedenborg’s biographers, the worldliness of most of the Swedish clergy in the middle of the eighteenth century so faNote 161 · 6. In Denmark, on the other hand, the stagnation of nearly a hundred years had been ended at the accession of Frederick V in 1746.51 NationaNote 162 · The most celebrated northern unbeliever of the French period was Count Struensee, who for some years (1770–72) virtually ruled Denmark as thNote 163 · In spite of the reaction, rationalism persisted among the cultured class. Mary Wollstonecraft, visiting Denmark in 1795, noted that there anNote 164 · 1. In Poland, where, as we saw, Unitarian heresy had spread considerably in the sixteenth century, positive atheism is heard of in 1688–89, Note 165 · 2. In Russia the possibilities of modern freethought emerge only in the seventeenth century, when Muscovy was struggling out of Byzantine baNote 166 · 1. Returning to Italy, no longer the leader of European thought, but still full of veiled freethinking, we find in the seventeenth century tNote 167 · 2. First came the great work of Vico, the Principles of a New Science (1725), whereof the originality and the depth—qualities in which, despNote 168 · 3. It is noteworthy, indeed, that the “New Science,” as Vico boasted, arose in the Catholic and not in the Protestant world. We might say thNote 169 · 4. Between 1737 and 1798 may be counted twenty-eight Italian writers on political economy; and among them was one, Cesare Beccaria, who on aNote 170 · Of the aforesaid eight-and-twenty writers on economics, probably the majority were freethinkers. Among them, at all events, were Count AlgarNote 171 · To the merits of Algarotti and Genovesi there are high contemporary testimonies. Algarotti was on friendly terms with Cardinal Ganganelli, wNote 172 · In an earlier letter, Ganganelli writes: “The Pope [Benedict XIV] is ever great and entertaining for his bons mots. He was saying the other Note 173 · But Ganganelli’s own thinking on the issues between reason and religion was entirely commonplace. “Whatever,” he wrote, “departs from the acNote 174 · Italy, however, had done her full share, considering her heritage of burdens and hindrances, in the intellectual work of the century; and inNote 175 · 1. For the rest of Europe during the eighteenth century, we have to note only traces of receptive thought. Spain under Bourbon rule, as alreNote 176 · In Spain too, as elsewhere, freethought had made way among the upper classes; and in 1773 we find the Duke d’Alba (formerly Huescar), ex-ambNote 177 · 2. Still all freethinking in Spain ran immense risks, even under Charles III. The Spanish admiral Solano was denounced by his almoner to theNote 178 · 3. Another grandee, Don Christophe Ximenez de Gongora, Duke of Almodobar, published a free and expurgated translation of Raynal’s History ofNote 179 · 4. In another case, a freethinking priest skilfully anticipated prosecution. Don Philip de Samaniego, “priest, archdeacon of Pampeluna, chevNote 180 · 5. Out of a long series of other men of letters persecuted by the Inquisition for giving signs of enlightenment, a few cases are preserved bNote 181 · 6. Another savant of the same period, Don Joseph de Clavijo y Faxardo, director of the natural history collection at Madrid, was in turn arrNote 182 · 7. Still in the same reign, the Jesuit Francisco de Ista, author of an extremely popular satire against absurd preachers, the History of theNote 183 · 8. It is plain that the combined power of the Church, the orders, and the Inquisition, even under Charles III, had been substantially unimpaNote 184 · 9. Portugal in the same period, despite the anti-clerical policy of the famous Marquis of Pombal, made no noticeable intellectual progress. Note 185 · During the period we have been surveying, up to the French Revolution, Switzerland, which owed much of new intellectual life to the influx o
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