TRADE AND COMMERCE OF NORTHERN CENTRAL AFRICA.

CHAP. I.

Colonies necessary to Great Britain — France anxious to colonize Africa — New markets can alone relieve our trade — Old overstocked — Africa, the best field — Superior productions — Country near the Niger — Powerful, populous, cultivated and commercial states — Large cities — Numerous valuable productions — Africa long neglected — Formerly enriched other countries — Articles of export and import — Particular enumeration and value of those most in demand — Salt — Ostrich feathers — Spices — Precious stones — Gums — Drugs — Dye stuffs — Gold dust — Ivory — Gunpowder, Fire arms, &c. — Value of articles — Great profits on trade — Immense advantages of a water conveyance — Hardships attending the trade at present — Value of articles at the Gold coast and the interior — Extent and value of the trade at present — Would supply our West India Colonies with provisions — Obtain plenty of fine cotton — Would open up a trade to the Cape of Good Hope and India — Abolition of the slave trade would relieve and cultivate Africa — If not checked our West India colonies must be ruined — Infringe the rights of no civilized nation in colonizing Africa — Three modes of establishing the trade — A chartered company the best — Regulations under which to be formed — Government must countenance and support such an undertaking — Plans to be adopted and pursued — General reflections on the climate of Africa, and the importance of the contemplated undertaking.

The high rank and preponderance of Great Britain in the scale of nations, can only be maintained by extensive commerce. This alone can give us naval superiority, and that can be secured to us only by colonial establishments. In the present depressed state of our manufactures and commerce, no permanent relief can be hoped for, if new markets for our trade be not discovered and established. The old, of which we had the monopoly, have, from the industry, the skill, and exertions of the population of other countries, become less beneficial to us than formerly; and for the reasons stated, as well as from the poverty of other countries, the demand from us is greatly reduced. Besides this, we must look forward to new colonies to replace such as in the course of time we must lose. Amongst this number are our North American possessions, and the East Indies, all of which will, sooner or later, throw off our yoke. Our West India colonies are also on the decline. The system that made them is destroyed; and it is quite certain, that a revolution in their internal establishments, violent or gradual, is not far distant, either of which will work such a change as will render these possessions of little value as commercial colonies. They are also daily getting more and more into contact with dangerous and ambitious neighbours, which must render the tenure of these possessions more insecure, and perhaps force us into future contests, the expences attending which, the parent state may, from their altered economy, grudge to bear. All these considerations render it imperious upon us to turn our thoughts to commence establishments in some other parts of the world, that by gradual improvement these may render the decay and ultimate loss of some of our present colonial establishments as light and little felt as possible. In establishing such colonies, care should be taken to keep them free from the inconveniences, dangers, and changes to which several of our present colonial establishments are so much exposed. There is, perhaps, no part of the globe where new commercial establishments could be set down more easily, or where these could be more effectually protected than in Africa. It is at present a noble, and at present an undisputed, but not long to remain an undisputed field.

The French nation is most anxious and most earnest to extend their settlements and influence in Africa. Deprived by the Revolution and by wars, of, I may say, all their valuable colonial possessions, France looks to Africa with a longing eye. To cultivate colonial produce in Africa by means of her population was the idea of Talleyrand, and the plan of her late Imperial Despot; and nothing but the constant wars in which his restless and unprincipled ambition involved him, and his ultimate downfall, prevented him from putting this plan into execution, with an energy and means which would have altered the whole face of European colonial policy in tropical regions. The same advice which suggested this plan has yet the ear of the French government, and every proceeding on the part of France shews clearly, that she has the object in view as soon as circumstances will permit. America has also turned her attention to Africa; and an expedition for a settlement, and another for discovery, was lately sent out to the west coast of Africa for similar purposes and similar views. The spot that we ought to choose for our exertions, may—nay, must soon be pitched upon by one or other of these powers.

The object which this country ought at present to attend to, is, as has been shortly noticed, to look out for and obtain new markets for the productions of her industry. Laying open the trade to India and to China, taking off all the restrictions with which our commerce is at present unavoidably fettered, will merely afford a temporary relief to the mercantile interest of the country. Other nations may adhere to restrictive systems, and, at all events, we will be met on equal terms on that point. In and with the countries particularly mentioned, and many others not enumerated, we have and will continue more and more to have the unencumbered efforts of the mental skill and physical exertions of their whole population to contend with. To no civilized country can we at present send manufactures in which we do not find native manufactures springing up to oppose, and to be encouraged, in preference to ours. This is what we had reason to expect, and of which we have no just reason to complain. In France, Germany, the kingdom of the Netherlands, Russia, and Prussia, this is remarkably the case. The renovated governments of several nations of Europe, the moment they are got clear of political storms, will turn their attention to similar objects. In India our manufactures are met by cheapness and superiority. The British manufacturer and merchant may there gain the superiority; but, in effecting their object, both may be forced into sacrifices which no future compensation will be able to repay; while any partiality shewn in that trade may very readily raise a tempest, which will tear up to its foundations the fabric of our power in India. In China we may say they exchange no manufactures with us. South America is convulsed with civil war, and, end as that contest may, still the greater part of the real property of the country, namely, the slaves, by whom alone the land was cultivated and produce raised, is, by their emancipation, destroyed; and it is evident that a long time must elapse before the loss is replaced or injury repaired under another system. The United States are stripped of all their neutral carrying trade, and all that valuable trade to our West India colonies so long their great gain and support; and thus situated, these States cannot, if they were inclined, take from us any thing like the quantity of manufactures which they formerly did. Besides, they are endeavouring to rear up manufactures amongst themselves, while the independence of South America will lay open to all the world a trade of which Great Britain, from particular circumstances, has long enjoyed almost the complete monopoly. It is a fact that they prefer the linens of Silesia and other manufactures of Germany to many articles of our manufacture.

New markets, therefore, can only afford this country a great and a permanent relief;—new markets in countries where no competition from manufactures produced by native skill and industry can for ages lessen the value of, the demand for, or come in competition with ours;—new markets which can supply us, in return for the productions of our skill, with the precious metals, and with the raw materials for many branches of our trade, and other articles which we at present must take from rival commercial states. Africa is that country, and the natives in the interior of the northern central parts thereof the people we have to look to as consumers of our manufactures, and from whom we can fear no competition at all. The introduction of gold dust alone would tend to lessen the value of money raised by the resumption of cash payments, and consequently tend greatly to lighten the load of our national debt.

On the United States of America, we may say, we chiefly depend for the superior cottons for our finer manufactures. War betwixt those States and this country is by no means an improbable event. Their interests would no doubt, notwithstanding, lead them to get their cotton to a British market; but, during war, it is evident that it could only find its way at an enhanced rate. This additional price might be such as would raise the value of our manufactures to a price beyond what Continental nations could afford, or are inclined to give, and therefore lead them more and more to encourage manufactures of their own growth, and to manufacture for themselves. It must therefore be of the first importance to our cotton manufacturers to be independent of America for a supply of fine cottons. Africa, as we shall presently see more at large, can furnish that supply. The tea trade to China is a continued drain upon this country for specie. From good authority, it seems that this valuable plant may be cultivated to advantage on the rich plains which extend between the Rio Volta and the Niger. Also the old Arabian traveller, Batouta, who had visited China, states, that in the interior parts of Africa, along the Niger, which he visited, the tea plant grew abundantly. Here is another and a mighty inducement to secure as ours the produce of these regions. In comparison with China, these parts are at the door; and the difference in freight and insurance alone, would give the tea there produced a decided superiority in the European market, and in the markets of every part of the western world. It could also be obtained from Africa in exchange for our manufactures, and not as from China, in exchange for specie only.

It is to the Niger and his tributary streams that our attention ought to be turned. The magnitude and importance of these, have elsewhere been sufficiently dwelt on. The wide extent of Africa through which these rivers run, is susceptible of great improvement, and is every way adapted for trade. Here is not a barren wilderness inhabited by a few savage individuals, who possess not one idea of useful knowledge or civilized life. We should not, in Africa, wander as the first European settlers did on the banks of the Maranon and the La Plata, for hundreds of miles, without seeing a habitation where a half civilized human being would be content to shelter his head. No! numerous, powerful, and populous cities, rise around us on every side. The inhabitants of these are indeed unlettered barbarians, compared to Europeans, but the materials for a better state of society are most abundant, and want only a power to direct, to excite, and to controul them.

Bornou is a very extensive and powerful monarchy. The capital thereof is so large, that travellers, in describing its magnitude, state, that Cairo, which contains half a million of people, “is a trifle to it.” Kashna, which is subject to Bornou, is said to contain 1000 towns and villages. The country is represented as being very pleasant, beautifully diversified with hill and dale, very fertile, well cultivated, abounding in docks and herds, and very populous. In this kingdom, they dye goat skins red and yellow in a very superior manner. These form a very considerable branch of trade with the Barbary States, particularly with Morocco, from whence they are carried into most of the countries in Europe. The kingdom of Asben, of which Agadez is the capital, is a beautiful and a very rich country, populous and well cultivated. From Assouda to Agadez, and also southward to Tegomah, it is particularly so. Silver is said to be so plentiful in this country, that the natives construct their defensive armour and the corslets of their horses with that metal. Houssa is also a very populous country, and throughout all the territories included under this name, the population are represented as being a very superior race of people to any other in the interior of Africa. The environs of Timbuctoo, and for many days journey north-east of it, is all a cultivated and populous country. On the Niger, above it for several hundred miles, we know from undoubted authority, that the population is very considerable, and that both agriculture and commerce are successfully and extensively carried on. About the beginning of last century, the sovereigns of Morocco carried on a great and lucrative trade with Timbuctoo, by means of regular caravans, properly guarded, and assisted by regular establishments in the Great Desert. This trade, once the chief source of the wealth of Morocco, has been for many years nearly lost, owing to political revolutions in that country. It is now, however, about being re-organised by the Emperor of Morocco, under the direction of an Englishman, and upon a better and a securer footing than before.

Descending the Niger, we find at Wassanah every mark of cultivation and commerce. Betwixt this place and Timbuctoo, there are, no doubt, many fine districts, particularly where Kuku is situated, so “famous for magnitude” in the early ages of Arabian power. From Wassanah to the sea, and westward to Ashantee, we hear of considerable attention to agriculture and unremitting attention to commerce. All ranks are traders in Africa. No one thinks mercantile matters and pursuits beneath his notice, or that he is degraded by following trade. On the contrary, the merchants amongst them are accounted the chief ones of the earth; and it is remarkable, that in many places traders pass free and unmolested between nations at war with each other. In every part of the Delta of Benin commerce is eagerly followed. Westward from the Rio Volta the population is numerous, most of them very industrious, and all actively engaged in business of some description or other. The country from the Rio Volta to the Rio de Formosa, is represented as being uncommonly beautiful; and the agriculture in many places such as would not disgrace many parts of Europe. Inland, the country known under the name of Wangara, or those parts of Africa supposed to go under this name, is in all probability a country considerably advanced in civilization. “It is the country of gold and aromatics,” says Bakui. Gold dust is amazingly plentiful all along the Niger, from the sources downwards. The quality is particularly fine about Bourrè above Tangarari. It is found also in Houssa, and about the sources of the Bahr Kulla. Silver, copper, and iron, abound in various parts of Africa, particularly in those countries situated upon the Niger, in the early part of his course, and towards the sources of the Senegal and the Gambia. The latter is of a very fine quality. Many other rich stores would undoubtedly be added to our knowledge were these countries explored, as doubtless they would be, if subjected to Great Britain.

The cities in these places are numerous and large. Sego, we know from good authority, contains 30,000 inhabitants; yet it is but a trifling place to Walet, Timbuctoo, Houssa, Wassanah, and Kashna, on the north-east side of the Niger. Coomassie, Yahndi, Abomey, Benin, Ardrah, Lagos, and many other places, are all great towns. Moors and Negroes no doubt amplify in their descriptions of places, but still, allowing largely for that, sufficient remains to shew the importance of all these places. The country throughout is covered with smaller towns, villages, hamlets; and to most of these places navigable branches of the Niger extend. There cannot be a doubt, but, that these places would prove prodigious outlets for all the manufactures of this country. Even at the commencement the demand would be considerable, and every succeeding voyage would increase it.

Every kind of colonial produce can be cultivated in Africa. The rich soil from the Volta eastward, in all the Delta of Benin, and along the Niger northward, are particularly adapted for coffee, sugar, &c. Cotton of a quality remarkably fine may be had in abundance. Rice is found every where, and in great quantities. Indian corn of the very finest quality is in all places most abundant, and which of itself would form a great source of wealth and a most valuable and important branch of commerce. Various kinds of dyes and dyewoods are very plentiful. The qualities are very superior. Some of them are said to resist both acids and light. To this country the importation of such articles would be invaluable. The fine navigable rivers render the conveyance and shipment of all these heavy articles of produce easy and cheap, an advantage which no territory distant from a water conveyance can possess. Such means of conveyance are advantageous every where, but within the Tropics these are incalculably so. The Jaboos, a superior race of people, situated between Lagos and Benin, use the dye stuffs of the country with great ingenuity; and the manufactures carried on by the population about the junction of the Gir with the Niger are numerous and well executed. Immense herds of deer traverse the fertile plains situated north of Iffla or Popo. Teak trees and other very fine kinds of timber for ship-building are every where to be had in any quantity. Various descriptions of timber also fit for furniture, and some fine kinds peculiar to Africa, can be readily obtained. Palm oil, which finds ready market in this country, is to be had in abundance. But it is impossible to enumerate, within the bounds of a publication like this, every article of commerce which may even now be found in Africa. What must it become when science is introduced, and property and life made secure?

The legitimate commerce of this portion of Africa has long been neglected. In early ages it was certainly of much more importance than it is now. There is good reason to believe that the Roman empire obtained the greater part of the gold which enriched it from the centre of Africa. After the Arabs extended their arms into those parts of Africa, commerce was very active, and the quantity of gold brought from Sudan was very great. Morocco was the great emporium of this traffic, and from thence this precious metal was circulated into most of the nations of Europe. The Sovereigns of the former country were so sensible of the immense advantages which this trade conferred, that they carried large armies across the desert, subdued, and for a long time held in subjection the finest parts of Sudan. Timbuctoo was the chief seat of their power. With that city and Fez there was a regular and open communication. Segelmessa, and all the towns south of Mount Atlas, were enriched by the traffic carried on with the land of the Negroes. In the days of Leo Africanus, who visited all these parts, this trade was carried on with much industry. Segelmessa, in particular, was greatly enriched by it. So also was the province of Dara, in its immediate neighbourhood. “Their castles in this province,” says Leo, “are inhabited by goldsmiths and other artificers, and so are all the regions lying in the way from Timbuctoo to Fez.”

Jinnë was famous in the days of Leo for cotton, and grain, and gold; all of which they exchanged with the caravans from the northward. The inhabitants of Timbuctoo were particularly wealthy. There were many shops of artificers and merchants, especially such as wove cotton and linen cloth. The king had many plates and sceptres of gold of great weight and value. Their coin had no stamp. Perhaps it was what is now called Wangara gold bars. There are Negroes in our West India islands, from the interior of Africa, who distinctly state that there are in their countries shops and places of business not inferior to many in some of the best towns in these islands. Gago was also an important commercial station: “It is wonderful,” said Leo, “to see what plenty of merchandize is daily brought hither, and how costly and sumptuous all things be.” The arms of Morocco also reached this distant place, and it is said that Muley Hamed, son of the famous Muley Moluck, sovereign of Morocco, some time about the year 1590, brought from Gago 75 quintals, and from Timbuctoo 60 quintals of gold dust, making together 135 quintals or 16,065 lbs. avoirdupois weight of gold, the whole worth about L.962,100 Sterling. (Jackson’s Shabeeny, p. 520.) The yearly tribute of Timbuctoo was 60 quintals. Succeeding sovereigns continued to draw immense supplies from the same quarter of this precious metal. In the days of Leo, the central parts of Africa received all their foreign supplies from the northern side of the great desert. The length of the journey, and the difficulties and dangers attendant thereon, rendered the price of every article of foreign manufacture very high. Thus horses bought in Europe at 10 ducats each, sold at Gago for 40 and 50 ducats. The coarsest European cloths brought four, and the finest 15 ducats per ell. One ell of Venice or Turkey scarlet cloth, sold as high as 30 ducats per ell. A sword brought four crowns; spears, bridles, &c. were proportionally dear. Salt, however, exceeded every other commodity in value. The duty in Gago was L.5 for a camel load of 600 lbs. The prime cost at Tegazza was only four shillings per load. At Timbuctoo also this article bore a very high value. Though some of the articles mentioned now reach these interior parts from the Gulph of Guinea, still their value in the interior is, from various circumstances, not greatly reduced.

The articles chiefly imported into the different places connected with the trade of interior Africa are as follows, viz. into the eastern parts from the Red Sea, into Abyssinia, Nubia, and westward to Kordefan and Darfur, they import, cambrics, baft (used as currency,) India goods, such as Bengal silks, China silks, nankeens, cotton cloth, cotton stuffs, refined sugar, in small loaves of about four pounds each, linen, paper, sheep-skins, tar, looking-glasses, silver trinkets for female ornaments, soap, files, scissars, thimbles, needles, razors, sword blades, coral, spices, such as cloves, mace, nutmegs, cinnamon, ginger, black-pepper, India and Mokha beads, and a great variety of other articles. From the north and from the sea-coasts on the west, there is sold and carried into interior Africa, viz. manufactured silks, damasks, brocade, velvet, raw silk, combs of box and ivory, gold, thread, paper, cochineal, (from France, Italy, &c.) red woollen caps, baize, check linens, light coarse woollen cloths, blue linens, long cloths, superfine and plain brilliant cloths, and mixtures, and cassimeres, Turkey carpets, glazed cottons, printed cottons, calicoes, cotton netting, veils, printed and calico handkerchiefs, muslin dresses and scarfs, cotton stockings, dimities, creas, rowans, Britannias and Irish linens, plattillas, tissues, muslins, (mulls) gum-benzoin, gum, tartar, cassia, vitriol, brimstone, alum, copper, brass, iron nails, copper nails, brass nails, dagger blades, knives, fire-arms, powder, and shot, all kinds of hardware for common use, trinkets, beads, glass-ware, salt, iron, tobacco, lead, cocoa, coffee, sandals, cushions, Silesias, all India cotton and linen goods, brandy, rum, and various other articles previously enumerated.

From eastern Sudan the exports are, viz. slaves, gold dust, gum-arabic, gum-liban, (a kind of incense much esteemed,) leather, whips, rhinoceros horns, very valuable, ostrich feathers, very fine, ebony, ivory, musk, &c. To Morocco and other Barbary states are exported, viz. slaves, gold dust, gold bars, gold trinkets, B’kore, a kind of frankincense, greatly esteemed by Mahommedans, guza serawie, (grains of paradise,) ivory, amber, ostrich feathers, gum-Arabic or gum-Sudan, gum-Copal, assafoetida, dyed skins, tiger skins, leopard skins, senna, manna, indigo, equal to that of Guatimala, hemp, &c. From the south and from the west coasts are exported, viz. elephants’ teeth, gold dust, wax, honey, palm oil, rice, Indian corn, cotton, indigo, amber, barwood, camwood, ebony, sandalwood, hides, a great variety of medicinal herbs and drugs, dye-woods and dye-stuffs of very superior qualities, and a great variety of timber fit for ship-building and other articles.

In the interior, a great trade is carried on from place to place in exchanging various commodities of native productions and produce. Shea butter, produced from the shea tree; Garoo nuts, a fruit eagerly sought after by all the nations south of the Niger; and some native trinkets and manufactures, form considerable branches of commerce in Africa. The latter, however, would soon yield to the superiority of European skill. Provisions also form a considerable branch of trade, in carrying these from one state to another, as may be found requisite. There no doubt exists other branches with which we are unacquainted; and many more would be produced were industry and security extended and put in activity over these extensive districts of Africa.

Several of these articles of commerce are so important, as to demand our particular attention and observation. From these we may obtain data to enable us to judge of the value and importance of other articles already enumerated. To begin with salt: This is an article of the greatest importance in commerce, and one which the population of these parts cannot possibly do without. The profits thereon, says Jackson, “are extravagant.” According to El Hagi Shabeeny, “it is more profitable than linen.” (Jackson’s Shabeeny.) In almost every part of Africa, it bears the same high price. In Dar Kulla, Browne informs us, that twelve pounds of salt will buy a male, and fifteen pounds a female slave. At Timbuctoo, it has been known so high in price that six pounds thereof was equal to the value of a prime slave. In Melli, a camel’s load brings from 200 to 300 mitgalli, or minkalli, each worth about a ducat. These loads are generally small; for, being composed of rock salt, they do not carry much, lest a heavy load should chafe the backs and sides of the camels. These loads are sometimes more, sometimes less, and from 200 lbs. as high as 600 lbs. About 300 lbs. may be reckoned a medium load. This would make the value in Melli from 4s. to 5s. Sterling per lb. Leo Africanus says, he has seen 80 ducats given for a load at Timbuctoo. Each load costs at Tegazze, in the Desert, 4s. Sterling. From the heart of the Great Desert, the Moors and Arabs carry on an immense trade in this article, to all the neighbouring parts of Sudan. Since the days of Edrisi also, to this day, it has been an extensive article of commerce from the sea-coasts on the Bights of Biafra and Benin, to the interior parts of the continent. It is carried to the most distant parts by means of the rivers. But having so many petty states to pass through, where the trader cannot protect himself, so many duties, presents, expenses and exactions, are laid upon it, and so many barterings and sales take place, that it becomes extremely dear by the time it reaches the interior countries, without yielding a great return to each hand engaged in conveying it. To the slaves brought from Houssa, and other countries in its neighbourhood, to the sea-coast, a piece of salt is the greatest rarity which can be presented to them. This shews the scarcity of it in the interior, and the absurdity of placing the Isle of Ulil and the salt-pits of the early Arabian geographers in those very parts of Africa where salt is unknown. Rock-salt is what is chiefly carried from the great desert. Such can be purchased in Britain, for exportation, at the rate of 12s. to 15s. per ton. It is needless to point out the ease with which European merchants and navigators could carry it into the interior of Africa by a water conveyance, and the advantages to be derived from such a trade.

Ostrich Feathers.

This is also an important and lucrative branch of African commerce. Those brought from Timbuctoo, Houssa, &c. are much superior to any that are found in Eastern Sudan, and from thence carried to the Egyptian market. Yet the latter sell at Cairo for 280 piastres (L.70 Sterling) per lb. They are generally sorted in parcels of 10 lbs. containing a proportion of each kind from the best to the worst. The price at Cairo is ten times greater than at Shendy in Nubia. (Burk. p. 282.) Hence we can form some idea of the advantages which the merchant would derive by getting into the interior of Africa, and procuring and transporting these with the facilities which a water communication affords. Sorted for the Cairo market, the parcels contain 1 lb. of the finest and the whitest sort, 1 lb. of the second quality, and 8 lbs. of the coarser kinds, in equal proportions, making the parcel 10 lbs. which sells for 2800 piastres, or L.700 Sterling. The price at Shendy may be taken as a just criterion to judge of the value at Timbuctoo and Houssa, say 28 piastres, or L.7 Sterling per lb. In Britain, the finer kinds cost very high. The advantages of this branch of commerce is very evident.

Spices, Precious Stones, &c.

According to the accounts of various travellers, pimento is abundant in Dar Kulla. The tree which bears it is called kumba. A rotal, or pound of salt, will purchase four or five mid, each mid about a peck, or nearly 35 lbs. for 5s. which is about the value of a pound of salt in that country, (Browne, p. 309.) Edrisi and Ibn-al-Vardi, expressly describe Vancara as “the country of gold and aromatics.” We have seen in what part of Africa this country lies. Ptolemy, in his “Mundi Descriptio, cap. 15, states the remarkable fact, that in these parts of Africa, “Hyacinthus et chrysoprasus ibi reperiunter. Cinnamomum ibi colligitur.” Hyacinths and chrysoprasus are there found. There cinnamon is collected. Jackson informs us, that one of the chief articles of export from Sudan to Morocco is “B’Kore Sudan,” (fumigation of Sudan,) a kind of frankincense much esteemed. Burkhardt mentions gum-Liban as an article of value in the exports from the eastern parts, and which is also a kind of incense, and used as a medicine. As early as the days of Hanno, Africa seems to have been remarkable for spices. That navigator expressly mentions, that in his voyage between “Hesperus his Horn,” and the “Chariot of the Gods,” he sailed along a coast from which the gales were perfumed with incense. This was no doubt the Mellegette, or Pepper coast, where the Portuguese found such great quantities of pimento, and which, to this day, abounds there. When the trees are in blossom, the fragrance which perfumes the air is delightful, and reaches to a distance. Many other valuable articles would, without a doubt, be brought to light by the energy and activity which European intelligence would create and call forth in Africa. Once shew the population that the fruits of their industry is secure, and a market open for the same to exchange, in order to supply their wants, and the work is done.

Gums, Drugs, &c.

Senna is most abundant in the interior parts of Africa, particularly in the territories of Kashna. It is brought into Europe by way of Tripoli and Alexandria. That brought from Tripoli is the best, owing perhaps to the journey being shorter, and the article receiving more care in the packing, and less damage in the carriage across the desert. The King of Fezzan exacted from the tribes of Tibesti an yearly tribute of 20 camel loads of this article. Manna is also abundant in the central parts of Africa, near the confines of the desert. About Agadez the inhabitants collect it in small vessels, and, mingled with water, they esteem it a very precious drink. It is of a very cooling nature, and therefore extremely useful in such a climate. Gum Arabic is particularly abundant in Africa. The name it there goes by is Gum Sudan. Burkhardt informs us, that what of this article is brought from the countries to the westward of Kordofan is of the very finest quality. That produced in the central parts cannot be less so. The value thereof we shall immediately and particularly consider. In proportion to its value, must be the value of all other commodities of a similar description in interior Africa. The prices, therefore, of the following articles in Britain, are worth attending to. The whole quoted are African productions.

Gum Copal, 2s. 3d. to 6s. per lb.; duty, 1s. 8d. per lb.

Assafœtida, £5 to £10 per cwt.; duty, 10d. per lb.

Musk, 12s. to 15s. per oz.; duty, 5s. per oz.

Senna (Tripoli,) 3s. to 3s. 3d. per lb.; duty, 1s. 3d. per lb.

Gum Ammoniac, drop, £22 to £25 per cwt.; duty, 1s. 3d. do.

Do. do. lump, £10 to 10 guineas, do.; do. do.

Gum Galbanum, drop, £28 to 28 do. do.; do. 1s. 4d. do.

Grains, Guinea, £9 to £10 per cwt. do. 2s.

Indigo, (Guatimala,) 8s. 6d. to 9s. per lb.; duty, 5d. per lb.

The latter article, Jackson informs us, which is produced abundantly in Africa, is of a quality equal to that brought from Guatimala, which is the finest that is to be got. Various other dye stuffs, and also dye woods, are abundant in Africa. The quality of some of these are so superior as to resist both acids and light. Such would be most invaluable to a manufacturing country like this. The Senna of Agadez is worth, at Tripoli, from L.4, 4s. to L.4, 10s. per 100 lbs. That of Tibesti is only worth from L.2, 14s. to L.3 per the same quantity. (Transact. Afric. Assoc. p. 169.)

Gold Dust.

This article is very abundant in all the mountainous districts of Africa. The following places are more remarkable for it than others, viz. Mandingo, the countries around the sources of the Niger, Senegal, &c. and the country to the south of Vancara, or amidst that range called Mount Thala by Ptolemy. Also about the sources of the Bahr-el-Abiad, and south-west of the Bahr-el-Azreek, about Dumute and countries to the south-west. Gold is said to be more plentiful in those parts than in Peru. There can be no doubt but if a civilized and strong power were established on the Niger in Central Africa, that this article would circulate to it from regions the most remote, and hitherto unknown, and be collected by people who are at present careless, as not knowing what to make of it. The value of this article is different at different places in Africa, and is not always easily and correctly ascertained. Being easier transported than other merchandize, it in general approaches nearer its European value than articles and produce of greater bulk and more expensive carriage. At Fezzan and Cashna, the ounce of 640 grains, or 9 Mitkals, is worth, in Cashna, L.4, 10s. but in Fezzan only L.4. At this rate, an English ounce of 480 grains, is worth, in Cashna, L.3, 17s. 6d., and in Fezzan only L.3. (Transac. Afric. Assoc. p. 169.) El Hagi Shabeeny states, that the value of gold at Timbuctoo and Fezz was as 90 at the former to 150 at the latter, a difference of nearly 70 per cent., which would almost induce us to believe that there is some mistake.

Ivory, &c.

Ivory is a most important and lucrative branch of African commerce. It is to be had in considerable quantities in the interior. The medium value in Britain at first hand is L.21 per cwt. exclusive of a duty of L.3. It is bought at Houssa at about 1½d. per lb. and sells in Morocco at the rate of 60 ducats for 200 lbs. In Ashantee the price is about 20s. per cwt. All these articles mentioned, and many more of the most interesting and valuable kinds, medicinal herbs, drugs, dye-stuffs, dye-woods, colonial produce of every kind, timber of the most valuable kinds for ship-building, and other purposes, would soon be found in abundance in Africa. The water communication which the Niger and his tributary streams afford lays the whole immediately and readily open.

Gunpowder, shot, flints, and fire-arms, are every where in great demand, and bring an enormous profit. The exportation of these articles, however, from Great Britain is prohibited. The reason given is, that these things would tend to encourage wars amongst the natives, and extend the slave trade. This is an erroneous policy on our part, and has an effect diametrically opposite to what we suppose. Foreign nations carry these things into Africa to exchange for slaves, and for slaves alone. The consequences are, that the natives and powers on the sea-coasts arm themselves with these formidable weapons, and carefully and strictly prohibit the introduction of any into the interior countries. In this manner the former are rendered superior to the latter, who become an easy prey to their profligate neighbours whenever or wherever they find that it suits their interest and convenience. In this manner the slave trade is extended and aggravated, and we, at the same time, lose all the benefit which the sale and exchange of these commodities afford, without rendering Africa the service we intend. If the nations inland could procure European fire-arms, there is not the smallest doubt but they would be able to repel all the hostile attacks of their lawless neighbours, made for the sole purpose of procuring slaves, whether these inroads are made by the Negro Powers from the sea-coasts, or the Moors and the Arabs from the Great Desert. The policy of both are the same on this point, and each do all they can to keep the population of the interior from obtaining such supplies, that this population may, at all times, remain at their mercy. All accounts, European or African, agree in their statements on this head.

If Great Britain carried her arms into Africa to colonize and to rule over it, then her policy, and her just and wise policy, would be to keep, as far as she was able, fire-arms from the hands of every nation in the interior, but such as she can depend upon as being friendly and faithful to her. While this is not the case, however, our obvious policy is to exchange and sell such productions of our skill and industry as the population of Africa may have the greatest desire to obtain. In this manner we shall wrest a valuable branch of commerce from the hands of foreign nations, who use it for the worst of purposes, obtain the friendship and protection of the greater powers, and thus get our manufactures and our policy—our name and our greatness extended over Africa. It is a mistake that the possession of fire-arms render wars more bloody, and nations more eager to engage in them. The reverse is the case, as, if it were here necessary to establish more fully, a reference to history both ancient and modern would readily prove. The extension of a trade in these articles to Africa, and such may be extended to an inconceivable degree, would be of the utmost advantage to Great Britain, and, in a particular manner, it would tend to relieve the stagnation of the trade in Birmingham, so greatly depressed from the cessation of hostilities in Europe, the duration of which occasioned continued and extensive demands for these articles from that city.

The cotton and linen manufactures of this country are particularly coveted and sought after in Africa. Showy prints are particularly sought after by the negro women; and there cannot be a doubt, but when they perceive that the finer dresses are within their power, that these will also be eagerly coveted. The finer cloths would also soon find a market in the interior, and even the coarser would be in demand in the cold mountainous countries. The three following instances of the value of European articles in the interior, upon the authority of Mr. Jackson and others, may serve to give us an idea of the value of other articles, which, in all such as are most in request, we may rest assured, is upon an equal scale. An 100 lbs. of refined sugar brings at Timbuctoo 100 Mexican dollars, worth 4s. 6d. each, or L.22, 10s. Sterling. A piece of Irish linen, 25 yards, of ordinary quality, brings 75 dollars, or L.16, 17s. 6d. A piece Flemish platillas brings 20 mezeens of gold, or 50 dollars, L.11, 5s. In order, however, to understand the subject better, and see it in a clearer light, we shall state the value of these articles, as these are rated in the trade at present carried on from Morocco and other places across the Great Desert, and the value which these would bear if carried direct from Great Britain by a water conveyance, and African productions brought back by the same means.

IMPORTS AT TIMBUCTOO.

100 lbs. refined sugar cost in Britain £3 10 0

Duty in Morocco 10 per cent. 0 9 0

Freight to Mogadore 0 3 6

Carriage and duties across the Desert 2 0 0

Costs at Timbuctoo £6 0 6

Sells there for 100 Mexican dollars, at 4s. 6d. each 22 10 0

Profit by this conveyance £16 9 6

If carried by water, charges would be 30s. less 1 10 0

Profit if carried from Britain direct, or 300 p. cent. £17 19 6

LINEN.

A piece Irish linen worth at Timbuctoo £16 17 6

Prime cost in, and charges from, Britain, 3 10 6

Profit, or near 400 per cent. £13 7 0

PLATILLAS.

A piece is worth at Timbuctoo £11 5 0

Cost in, and charges from, Britain, about 2 0 0

Profit, or nearly 450 per cent £9 5 0

EXPORTS FROM TIMBUCTOO.

GUM SUDAN, OR GUM ARABIC.

200 camel loads, at 250 lbs. neat, cost 4 Mexican dollars each load 800 dollars

Camel hire to Akka in Barbary, at 18 dollars each 3600

Statta, or convoy duty to chiefs 300

Camel hire from Akka to Santa Cruz, at 3 dollars 600

Suppose freight and charges to Britain 600

Total 5900 dollars

Value brought across the Desert £1327 10 0

Gum Sudan, or Gum Arabic, costs in Britain, (the finest quality,) L.10 per cwt. including a duty of 12s.

200 camel loads is 22⅓ tons, at L.200, is £4466 13 4

Deduct

Duty £268 0 0

First cost, &c. landed in Britain 1327 10 0

1595 10 0

Profit, or about 210 per cent £2871 3 4

If Gum Senegal, it would stand thus:

221 tons, at L.100 per ton, (neat) £2233 6 8

Deduct first cost 1327 10 0

Profit, or nearly 70 per cent. £905 16 8

In the preceding statement, no account is taken of the profit of the merchant at Santa Cruz or Mogadore, but the whole is stated as if the article were brought to Great Britain by the route of the Desert. If shipped to Great Britain by the Niger, it would stand thus, viz.

Neat proceeds 200 camel loads, or 22⅓ tons, at the price of Gum Arabic £4198 13 4

Deduct

First cost at Timbuctoo, 800 dollars £180 0 0

Freight 22⅓ tons, at L.10 223 6 8

Insurance, at 5 per cent. 20 0 0

Allow for commissions 20 0 0

443 6 8

Leaving the enormous profit of £3755 6 8

If Gum Senegal, neat proceeds £2233 6 8

Deduct cost and charges 443 6 8

Leaving profit 400 per cent. £1790 0 0

Clear profit, at a medium between both £2772 13 4

TRADE BY BARTER AT TIMBUCTOO.

800 pieces Flemish platillas cost in Britain £1200 0 0

400 pieces Irish linen, ordinary quality 1200 0 0

Say freight and charges to Timbuctoo by Niger 600 0 0

Cost landed at Timbuctoo £3000 0 0

In the trade across the Desert, these articles, in quantity and quality as above, have been exchanged for, viz.

500 skins Wangara gold dust, each containing

4 ounces, is 2000 ounces, at 75s. £7500 0 0

100 Wangara gold bars, each 20 ounces, at 75s. 7500 0 0

50 Camel loads Gum Sudan, medium value 700 0 0

£15,700 0 0

Deduct

Cost articles exchanged £3000 0 0

Freight and charges gold to Britain 1500 0 0

4500 0 0

Profit, or 370 per cent. £11,200 0 0

But if the above articles were sold for gold or specie, and then native produce purchased, the profits on a voyage would be much greater, because there would be a profit both on the export and the import in an equal ratio. The only difficulty to calculate this, is to ascertain what is the value of gold at Timbuctoo. This is uncertain; but suppose it is the same as at Fezzan, namely, L.3 per English ounce, we cannot err far. Then 400 pieces Irish linen, and 800 pieces platillas, would bring at Timbuctoo L.12,050, or 53,550 dollars. This sum would purchase 13,387 camel loads, or 1494 tons Gum Sudan, which would produce in Britain,

Less duties £280,972 0 0

Deduct freight and charges 29,686 0 0

Profit Gum Arabic, 200 per cent. £251,286 0 0

If Gum Senegal, would bring £149,400 0 0

Deduct freight and charges 29,686 0 0

Profit Gum Senegal, or 100 per cent. £119,714 0 0

Exclusive of 400 per cent. profit on the outward bound cargo.

IVORY

Costs at Houssa 1½ per lb. or per cwt. £0 14 0

Freight and charges to Britain 0 13 0

Cost by water conveyance £1 7 0

Sells in Britain for 21 0 0

Profit by this mode £19 13 0

I state these things merely as a criterion to judge of the advantages which may be derived from such a trade and such communications being laid open. I am perfectly well aware that the quantity of the articles mentioned could not be procured at any one place, or, under the present circumstances, at any one time in Africa. But various articles, all bearing a proportional value, could be procured. No doubt, to do so, would take some time, as there is no such a thing as depots of merchandize to any extent in Africa. Consequently great deductions would fall to be made on account of the expences which the greater delay attending such a voyage would occasion. But, as security was established in Africa, the articles to be exchanged would be brought to favourable spots ready for the market, and thus much delay and expence, which, under the present circumstances, must be incurred, would afterwards be avoided. It is almost unnecessary to observe, that as the interior is gained, the nations become more civilized, the country more populous, the value of all European goods greater, and that of all native productions less, and the quantity more abundant. Therefore, it is evident, that the trade to those parts must be most beneficial, and that the water conveyance will render the most bulky the most profitable, as being by this means more readily brought to a market. By the use of steam-boats, every article of commerce may safely, and expeditiously, and cheaply, be carried into the remotest parts of Africa. Already the French have got these kinds of vessels on the Senegal. A short time will, I hope, see such vessels placed on a nobler stream. Nor is it possible to conceive a sight more surprising and grand than that which will be disclosed when the first steam-boat bears an European throughout all central Africa. The consequences will prove beyond all calculation beneficial.

It would be a waste of time, and a waste of words, to point out further the advantages which such a trade would confer on this country, and on any and all who engage in it. No doubt the value of European articles would decrease as these became more abundant in the interior of Africa. But it must also be borne in mind, that the diffusion of knowledge, and industry, and the establishment of security for life, liberty, and property, would create such a degree of wealth and of wants, as would increase the demand to an astonishing degree, and thus keep up the value. The price also of the productions of interior Africa would no doubt rise in those countries, and fall in Europe, but the immense supplies which could so readily be procured and speedily produced, if once her numerous population had felt the sweets of industry, and property would tend to counterbalance any exorbitant rise in value from the increased demand. But, taking every casualty and every difficulty into account, still the field that remains is so extensive and so fruitful, that a rich and abundant harvest must be the certain result.

As the principal part of the trade into Sudan is at present conducted, it is subjected to the most serious inconveniences. Besides a duty of 10 per cent. in Morocco, and the excessive expences of land carriage, amounting, according to the nature of the goods, to three times or five times the original value, the merchandize in its passage into the interior passes through five different hands, each of whom receives from 20 to 30 per cent. of profit and duty, &c. Yet the merchants engaged in it make rich. The African produce brought back is subjected to the same burdens, and, in Gum-Sudan, we have an instance of the enormous expence of land carriage, being more than five times the amount of its original cost. A water conveyance will remove entirely this excessive expence.

From considering the previous statements, derived from real and authentic mercantile transactions between Morocco and Timbuctoo, &c. it is evident that gold and gold dust are not the most profitable, though these may, in some instances, be the most marketable articles of Exchange. Being easier transported, gold commands at Timbuctoo a price much nearer to its European value than any other article, but particularly bulky articles of African produce. Though the freight of gold would be lower than any other article, still, its value being greater, larger sums for commissions and other expences are necessarily paid upon it. From a trade in the articles we have mentioned into the interior of Africa, it is evident that a duty to government could very well be afforded. Suppose the imports into Africa amounted to one million, and the exports from it to as much, as there is sure data to shew would be the case, then the duty to government at five per cent. would produce L.100,000. If the land and properties in Africa paid at the same rate, wherever we colonized or protected, (at present they pay ten times the sum, not for protection but for oppression,) it would be very easy, in this manner, to raise a sufficient revenue to defray every expence attending any settlement to colonize and to civilize Africa.

The whole population of Africa, high and low, are traders, and in some way or other engaged in trade. Already they are acquainted with its advantages, and some of its rules. They only want security and a greater degree of knowledge to make them thoroughly acquainted with the principles of honourable commerce. The Moorish and Arabian merchants, who everywhere, in perfect safety, frequent the markets of interior Africa, may be made the ready instruments of diffusing commerce from the great towns on the rivers to which European merchants, with their goods, can have easy access into the more remote and inaccesible parts of the continent. They are very honourable in their dealings, and there cannot be a doubt, but that they would most cheerfully engage in conveying European goods, from places on the rivers to towns at a distance from their banks, rather than run the risk they now run, in transporting goods through the fearful deserts and dangers that intervene between Morocco, Fezzan, Tripoli, Egypt, and Sudan. All these merchants are well acquainted with the country, inured to the climate, and conversant with the different languages, even if Arabic were not generally understood in Africa. They may thus be made most useful and active commercial agents.

To give a farther illustration of the advantages to be derived from a trade to Africa, I shall here adduce, from the authority of Mr. Bowditch, the profits on that carried on between Cape Coast and Coomassie, (capital of Ashantee,) and other places more into the interior. The expence attending it must be considerable, when we reflect that it is carried on by means of land carriage, through the immense forests, and over the hills of Southern Africa.

India silk costs, at Cape Coast, L.4 per piece of 11 yards, brings 5s. per span[9] at Coomassie, and 20s. per fathom at Yahndi—profit 175 per cent.

Sarstracunda (highly glazed British cotton, of bright red stripes, with a bar of white) at Cape Coast 30s. per piece, at Coomassie 2s. 6d. per span 400

Glasgow Dane, 30s. Cape Coast, at Coomassie 5s. per handkerchief 75

Rum, Cape Coast 10s. per gallon, Coomassie 7½d. per dram 400

Flints, Cape Coast 5s. per 100, Coomassie 3d. each 600

Tobacco, (Portuguese,) Cape Coast L.6 per roll, (42 fathoms) at Coomassie L.10 75

Ditto, at Inta 150

Gunpowder, Cape Coast L.4 per ¼ barrel 25 lbs., at Coomassie 7½d. per charge of ¾ ounce 400

Iron, Cape Coast L.1 per bar, Coomassie 35s. 75

Ditto, Sallagha and Yahndi 60s. 200

Lead, the same

Spanish dollars, 5s. Cape Coast, at both places 10s. (two ackies) 100

Ditto, ditto, Sansanding, 25s. to 50s. 600

Sal Amoniac is abundant in Dagwumba, and at Ashantee, 2s. will buy a lump as big as a hen’s egg. Small Turkey and Mesurata carpets bring at Coomassie 2 ounces gold, worth 75s. per ounce, or even L.4. The Ashantees frequently give the governor of the Dutch forts 2 ounces of gold for one roll of Portuguese tobacco.

The nature and extent of the trade at the outset, under the settlement and the regulations proposed, would be, first, the value of all the trade at present carried on across the Desert. Second, the whole trade at present carried on between Cape Lopez and Cape Palmas. Third, the inland trade of Africa between place and place in commodities and wants purely African, and particularly salt from the coast to the interior. These three branches are at once placed in the power and under the controul of those who can navigate and command the Niger and his tributary streams.

The value of the present trade into the interior of Africa cannot be calculated with perfect accuracy. The trade from Morocco is about 1,000,000 dollars in exports annually. From all the other Barbary States, from Mourzook, Egypt, Nubia, Darfur, &c. it is about three times as much, in all one million Sterling from the North (chiefly) and from the East. In the trade from Morocco the returns are said to be in some instances ten to one, and, in general, that a capital of 5000 dollars will be raised in two years to 20,000 dollars. The trade from Mourzook must be in a similar proportion, and that from Egypt, according to Burkhardt, yields from 150 to 500 per cent. each journey, according to the nature of the articles carried to market. Slaves, however, are chiefly the returns, at least those on which the profit is greatest; but in the trade contemplated this would form no part, and consequently the profits would not be in the same proportion. But, on the other hand, the profits would be greatly increased, from the quickness of the returns, and the reduced expences at which the trade would be conducted. The British exports to Africa, (Cape of Good Hope included,) were, on an average of three years, ending 1810, to the amount of L.830,000 annually, and the imports, exclusive of gold dust, L.430,000. The quantity of gold brought from the gold coast annually, is estimated to amount to L.400,000. Since that period both the exports and the imports are greatly increased. At least L.300,000 in imports, and as much in exports, centre in those places where the projected establishments would be placed. At present also the British trade to these places is greatly reduced, because other nations, continuing the slave trade, which we have abandoned, supply those places with a great quantity of goods which would otherwise have come through our hands. The extent of this annually it is difficult to estimate; but it is, perhaps, equal to our share of the imports, and, exclusive of slaves, fully one-third of the exports of African produce.

To give a stronger and more correct idea of what might be the extent of the trade in question, it is only necessary to point out, and to mention the following fact. During the continuation of the slave trade, Great Britain exported manufactures to Africa to the extent of L.1,000,000 annually, entirely for the purpose of barter in that trade. It is not too much to say that all the other European nations sent an equal amount for the same purpose. One-half of all this certainly went to those places situate between Cape Coast and the Rio de Gaboon, but principally confined to that part of the coast from the Rio Lagos to the Rio Elrei. From Bonny River alone, it is calculated 20,000 slaves were annually exported by European nations. These would cost, at the lowest, L.10 each. Thus, at least, L.1,000,000 of European goods were annually imported into those parts of Africa where the Niger enters the Sea, the greater part of which were intended for the consumpt of the nations inland. The contemplated settlements would secure to Great Britain, and that immediately, the whole of the trade mentioned, and the advantages to be derived from African produce taken in exchange.

This is the present trade with those parts of Africa. It would soon increase greatly, and include the supply of all our West India colonies with the finest descriptions of dry provisions, such as Indian corn, rice, &c. and also with live-stock of every description, which are indispensably necessary for the supply and health of our naval force and garrisons in that quarter of the world. For all these we are at present chiefly dependent upon a foreign and a rival power. Indian corn is the finest of all food for Negroes. They prefer it to superfine flour. It is found to be better for their health. In the West Indies we have 800,000 slaves. These must require large supplies. From the United States we formerly imported into these colonies annually 647,853 bushels of corn; 431,504 bushels meal and flour; and 9,393 bushels rice; altogether, valued at L.440,000. The live-stock imported also cost a large sum, and, altogether, the imports from America to the West Indies exceeded half a million Sterling. Canada cannot supply these articles, because it does not produce them. Africa could supply these, and at a cheaper rate; and in return, take back rum, as the United States formerly did.

Secondly, there would be an immense importation into this country of cotton of the finest qualities, coffee, indigo, superior dye-stuffs, and excellent timber, either for the purposes of ship-building or ornamental furniture. Africa yields all these in abundance. The value and advantages of all these it is impossible to calculate. To the United States, and to the Brazils, we give annually six millions for cotton, which Africa produces of a much finer quality. By obtaining it from Africa we should thus be independent of either of these powers in case of war, and not only so, but we should, by this means, if not deeply injure their present establishments, at least completely check the further extension of the cultivation of cotton in these countries, which is one of the greatest sources of their wealth and their power. This, in a political point of view, is of itself a matter of great consequence, and a way of weakening a rival power of which no nation has any just right to complain. The introduction of cotton from Africa to any extent, would lower the value of the article from every other quarter, thereby affording our manufacturers the raw material at a cheaper rate, which must tend to the extension of their business, and, by cheapening, create increased demands for their goods. The same may be said with regard to coffee, sugar, and dye-stuffs. The advantages of a supply of ship-timber, independent of any rival power, are too obvious to require pointing out.

Thirdly, under this head would be a trade to the Cape of Good Hope. The northern settlement would take flour and wine from the southern, and, through the Cape, a supply of East India goods, articles which are in great request in Africa. The southern settlement would take back from the northern, sugar, coffee, and various other articles, such as timber for ship-building and other purposes, thereby mutually benefiting each other, while the wealth of each must ultimately flow to the mother country in increased demands upon her for various articles, which their labour, capital, and soil, cannot produce. Fourthly, we should acquire nearly all the trade to the Mediterranean with the Barbary powers, by carrying to their doors, at a much cheaper rate, all the articles which they are accustomed to procure from the interior of Africa. This increased intercourse with Britain would tend greatly to soften the asperity and fanaticism of their character, two things which so deeply injure the moral and the natural features of this fine portion of Africa. The severest laws of Mahomet would bend to interest, and honest commerce has, in every age, proved a powerful instrument to civilize mankind.

From the previous enumeration, it would appear that the direct foreign trade of this portion of Africa which would fall into our hands immediately, is fully equal to three millions in imports and exports. From the extent and populousness of the country itself, from the fertility of the soil, the abundance of the precious metals, the cheapness of provisions, and, above all, from the manners and pursuits of a great multitude of the population being favourable to, and engaged in, commercial concerns, there is no reason to doubt but that, under prudent management and adequate protection, the trade, in a short time, would be augmented to five times, nay, to ten times the sum. There cannot be a doubt but that, in exploring, cultivating, and civilizing the tropical regions of Africa, immense, and as yet hidden stores for the benefit and advancement of manufactures, and commerce, and agriculture, would develope themselves[10]. They know nothing of the Torrid Zone who can think otherwise. Security will give the Africans industry. Both will teach them wants, and when they find that these can be gratified with safety, there can be no doubt respecting the result.

Attention to every article of agriculture, and the demands occasioned for these in the regular course of trade, would be found the most easy, powerful, and effective engine which could be used to turn the attention of the population of Africa to understand their true interests, and consequently prove the most peaceable and expeditious mode of extending knowledge and civilization amongst them. Without roads and regular means of conveyance of goods and produce, such as we possess, the ignorant despot of the interior will never think of making his slaves, or his people, cultivate or transport produce of great bulk, and of laborious and expensive carriage, in order to procure in exchange articles which he requires, either for ornament or for use; produce too, which is liable to be injured by the way, while, with a trifling labour, and at a still more trifling expence, the slave can be compelled to walk to the most distant market in order to be there sold and exchanged for mercantile commodities, to gratify the passions of a barbarous master. Nor have we any reason to expect any change while cut off from all ready communication with any enlightened nation, and not only so, but, on the contrary, everywhere surrounded by fanatic powers, whose interest and whose policy it is to teach, and encourage these sovereigns to follow an opposite course. It can tend to little advantage to cut off a foreign slave-trade, (granting that could be made effectual,) unless we teach the Africans how to employ their slaves in a more useful and profitable manner. Unless we do this, the abolition of the foreign slave-trade will only tend to secure a greater number of wretched victims for those bloody “Customs,” and wholesale butcheries under the name of sacrifices, which are so frequent in many parts of Africa.

This detestable traffic must be gradually, that it may be wholly and entirely abolished, not only between Africa and foreign countries, but in Africa between state and state. To accomplish this end effectually, it is necessary also to destroy that grovelling superstition which disgraces human nature in Africa, and which binds the minds of prince and people in the worst and most ruinous of all bondage. In fact, it is this which leads to personal slavery, and every evil which afflicts Africa. Till the chains of superstition are broken asunder, neither the fetters of slavery, nor the yoke of the slave-trade ever will. The introduction of Christianity will dispel the terrors of the one, and its benign influence root out and remove the horrors of the other. Nothing else can accomplish the object. It is in our power to do this. The blessings and the benefits which, by the exertions of men from other countries, were first conferred upon us, we are bound to diffuse amongst other nations who remain deprived of them. It is on this sure basis, the introduction of true religion, and the education of young and old in its principles and its duties, that we must build the fabric of our dominion and our fame in Africa. Every other means will prove a foundation of “sand,” which each flood of human passions will sweep away. But, erected on the rock of Christianity, the foundation of our power in Africa will be impregnable, and our dominions spread invulnerable against every assailing foe. Christianity is the great enlightener and softener of human nature. Power directed by its principles can never fail of stability.

Let us proceed: we have nothing to fear. The whole civilized world is on our side. Our immediate interference is necessary to rescue Africa from severer afflictions and deeper woes than any she has previously endured. The accounts from every quarter are most deplorable, calamitous, and distressing. The slave-trade is stalking abroad with more appalling steps than ever. Since the abolition of Christian slavery by the Barbary States, their fury and their cupidity is directed, as might have been foreseen, to the unhappy population of the interior. The latest accounts from these places are most distressing. Havoc and ruin, pillage and desolation, are marching in awful array over all northern Sudan, and whole tribes are driven away into slavery by the ruthless Moor and unprincipled Arab. Powerful assistance and protection can only terminate this dreadful state of anarchy, distraction, and misery, into which Africa is so deeply plunged. These alone can check those frightful evils, and bring peace, security, and happiness, to Africa. Let us plant our standard, the standard of liberty, peace, and order, in her bosom, wherever our power can be most commanding, and by good deeds, acts of kindness, and protection, let us draw them to be our willing subjects, and then we shall see what power in Africa or elsewhere will dare to make slaves of them—to steal—to buy—or to sell their children any more.

Not only our duty, but our interests, require of us prompt and decisive measures on this subject, and on this occasion. It is the continued extension of the slave-trade which is proving the deepest injury to our West India colonies, and unless it is checked, the further continuance of it will cover all these colonies with ruin. The vast quantities of sugar, coffee, and cotton, which the United States, the Spanish and the Portuguese possessions are now raising, and the cheap rates at which these are produced from the continued importation of slaves, has driven our West India merchants out of every market on the Continent. It is in vain to speak about stopping a trade where individual and national interest are so much concerned, while all Africa is ready also to welcome any who embark in it, and while we pay such enormous sums annually to purchase that very produce, (cotton in particular,) which is raised by the labour of the slaves thus introduced. The united navies of Europe, and all the laws which the nations in it can pass, will fail in effecting the desirable object. British capital and industry thus strongly, though indirectly, carries on the slave-trade; for it is the interests of the governments, deriving so much benefit from its continuation, to wink at the conduct of their subjects who engage in it. There seems, therefore, no way to stop this trade effectually, and by so doing secure the prosperity of our West India possessions, but by colonizing interior Africa, and teaching and commanding the population there to abandon this disgraceful and abominable traffic.

Every object here pointed out can be carried into effect without trenching, in the smallest degree, upon the immediate rights and interests of any civilized nation upon earth. The advantages which Africa would derive from such measures cannot escape the notice of the most thoughtless. There cannot be a doubt of the rapid growth and extension of such a connexion and such a commerce. Whatever benefits Africa derived from it, would be returned upon us with double interest. Those who are acquainted with the character of Negroes, know how eagerly they seek after our cotton manufactures, particularly showey prints, &c. both for the purposes of ordinary use, and ornament upon festive occasions. They are all, particularly the females, fond of shew, and the outlet which would thus be created for the manufactures of Sheffield and Birmingham, Manchester, Glasgow, and Paisley, would be prodigious. The profits of such a trade also are not to be calculated by the scale of that trade carried on from Sierra Leone and the countries on the Gold Coast. The former place is inhabited chiefly by captured Negroes, the refuse of Africa, savage, poor, idle, and indolent, and from it there is no conveyance by water into the mountainous interior, while the latter are occupied by a population, harassed, oppressed, and plundered, by some petty or higher despot. At the same time, they have no extensive communication with the wealthier countries in the interior. The trade proposed and contemplated will, and it is obvious must, have a wider range, greater facilities, and a securer foundation.

It is a point of the utmost importance, and a subject which requires the deepest consideration, to determine the best mode of establishing a commercial intercourse with Africa, that shall prove advantageous and permanent. The following views of the subject present themselves to our consideration. The first is a direct trade with the natives of the different countries in the interior, conducted in a similar manner as other branches of commerce are carried on betwixt this country and other independent nations. Taking the formation of the trade in this point of view, we should merely have commercial without any political establishments. Thus situated, we must depend upon the native powers in whatever country our mercantile establishments are formed for justice and protection; and to the power and interference of our own country for redress, if, in course of our transactions, justice is denied or protection withdrawn. Amidst a barbarous people, such occurrences may be expected; while, before punishment is inflicted, the wrong is committed which will undermine the security of all commercial intercourse. Under such circumstances also, we ought not to interfere, and have no right to interfere, in any shape, with any of the present institutions established in the interior, whether these be civil or religious. Thus situated, the trade must continue on the same footing, and consequently on the same insecure and limited scale which it has hitherto done during the lapse of so many centuries, and continue to be subject to all the vexatious delays and extortions with which the capricious tyranny of the rude and ignorant despots of Africa may choose to load it. A trade so insecure and liable to so many unfavourable contingencies, cannot possibly be profitable to any one, and consequently could not be durable. Under such a system, there could be no rational hope of any speedy improvement amongst the population of Africa, which improvement can only give extension and permanency to the trade. No doubt, a legitimate commerce, carried on with Africa would, in time, tend to open the eyes of both the princes and the people to their true interests; but the progress thereof, under the most favourable circumstances, must necessarily be very slow; while so many obstructions lie in the way, so many difficulties under this mode of proceeding would remain to be overcome, and so many untoward circumstances may take place, as might very readily deter European merchants from prosecuting a trade under so many difficulties, and at last induce them to discontinue it altogether. Besides, foreign nations would participate in this trade. Conflicting European interests would be transplanted into the heart of Africa, and add to all those jealousies, the rivalry, and those distractions which already so grievously afflict and torment her.

The second view of the subject, which occurs for our consideration in the establishment of this trade is, by colonization and conquest; for in Africa the latter would necessarily, and speedily, and extensively, follow the former. Under these circumstances, the trade contemplated might safely be left free to the capital and industry of any British merchant or subject who might choose to engage in it. All that would be necessary in this case, in order to secure the most beneficial results to this country and to Africa, would be to prevent foreign nations from participating in this trade upon equal terms. At the outset, individuals might lose in this trade. The markets might, and in all probability would, be overstocked with supplies, both such as are proper and such as are improper; such as are calculated for the present wants of the natives, and such as are not calculated for that purpose. The loss, however, thus occasioned, would not be a national loss. Foreigners would derive no benefit therefrom. What one British subject lost another would gain, and in time every thing would be reduced to order. The supply would be suited to the demand, and the competition would be confined to those articles which are best adapted to the market. The capital and industry of all would have a fair, open, and honourable field for exertion. Under such circumstances, it might be most advisable to lay open, establish, and carry on the trade contemplated. This mode would certainly be most consonant to the present feelings of the population of the British Empire: but I am not sure, and indeed have strong doubts, if it would prove soonest and most extensively beneficial, either to this country or to Africa. The situation and interests of the latter must never be lost sight of, because it is only by bettering or improving her condition that we can greatly benefit ourselves.

The next mode of establishing this trade is under a chartered company. This may be done after the manner of the East India Company. In duration, however, it may and ought to be greatly limited, so as to render it expedient for those to whom it is granted to carry on the trade with energy, in order to reap every possible advantage from it, and that it may not be left to languish, as might be the case, if the period was greatly extended. On the other hand, the duration of it ought not to be narrowed too much, otherwise that circumstance would tend to discourage the merchant, and prevent him from laying out money at the first outset, to any considerable extent, or from embarking in the trade with that energy and vigour which could only render it productive and successful, or reimburse him for his labour expended and capital advanced. Perhaps 15 years might be a very fair period for the duration of such a charter. With diligence and activity, the time mentioned would render it an object well worth the attention of mercantile men, and nothing more than the encouragement which the nation ought to give for the labour in forming, or I may say creating, a commerce which is altogether new to this country, from which, through the individuals engaged in it, the nation derives immediate benefit, and lays, in the only way in which it can be securely laid, the foundation of a trade, from which the whole nation may fairly anticipate, and are certain to derive, at a future period, still greater advantages.

A charter, for the purpose contemplated, may either be extended or reduced, in regard to the numbers and capital engaged in it, as may be found most eligible or necessary. As the nature of the commerce in view, both as regards exports and imports, will naturally confine itself to the three chief commercial ports of this kingdom, namely, London, Liverpool, and Glasgow, and that in nearly equal proportions, so the charter may be granted to an extent proportionate to the magnitude of each of these places, and in a manner such as those merchants who are inclined to embark in it may regulate and determine. Their interest would lead them to choose the port which would prove the most conducive thereto, from whence they could send supplies, and to which they would direct the returns to be made. A power might be vested in the Board of Trade to examine into the general management of the chartered company, and to regulate these upon the strict principles of national justice and national advantage.

A charter for the purposes mentioned, and under such circumstances, can scarcely be called a monopoly. It is indeed an exclusive privilege in trade, but then this exclusive privilege is for a trade yet to be formed—a trade which neither this country, nor any other civilized nation, are, or have previously, been in possession of—a trade, which it is a very doubtful case if this country ever could possess, (certainly not so soon, if at all,) to the extent to which she would command it, if gone into under the regulations and privileges recommended. No legislative interference with, or burthens imposed upon, any other settlement in Africa, is required or expected. It is not solicited or contemplated, that the produce of any other country or colony should be prohibited from entering, or be taxed upon its entering, any of the ports of Great Britain, (the great and most objectionable features in other charters,) in order to enhance the value of, or insure a preference in, the consumption of any articles which may be brought from Africa under the privilege here recommended. No prohibitive or protecting laws in any branch of commerce are thought of. On the contrary, it is proper, and it is expected, that all branches thereof should be left free and open to the competition of capital, skill, and industry.

The judicious application of charters is one thing, and the injudicious grant of them another. To a trade carried on with any civilized country, every exclusive privilege is injurious. The reason is obvious. There law, justice, and order prevail. Every individual is equally protected, and no evil consequences can result from competing interests. To an uncultivated and uninhabited country, similar regulations are equally, if not more injurious, because the prosperity and advancement of the same, in every branch of improvement, depends upon the ability, caprice, liberality, capital, credit, and judgment—the good or bad fortune of those who obtain such an exclusive privilege. With a populous, but a barbarous country, incapable of organizing any thing that is stable or advantageous for itself or its neighbours, a very different line of conduct is rendered necessary. Without a chartered company, Great Britain never could have achieved what she has done in India, nor reared such a noble fabric of commerce and civil government as she has there done. Yet when Britain entered that part of the world, India was peopled by civilized nations. Compared to what the inhabitants of India were, the people of Africa are rude barbarians. Compared to what the population of India are now become, the inhabitants of central Africa are mere savages. It may be for the greater advantage of Great Britain and of India, that the trade to the latter should now be thrown open, but it never could have been for the interest of either that this should have taken place at an earlier period. The situation of Africa, however, is totally different. There every thing is to do. Regular commerce is to be created. Society is almost altogether to be formed. Security and civilization, law, order, and religion, are each and all yet to be introduced into and planted in Africa. Unity of action and design, therefore, becomes absolutely necessary to accomplish all these desirable objects. Conflicting interests, amidst such a disjointed population, must, and will, indefinitely retard it. A charter is clearly and indispensably necessary, in order to conduct mercantile affairs to a prosperous issue—in order to regulate the supply, to explore the country, and find out the proper markets—to negotiate, as an irresistible and stable power, with the native princes—to purchase lands, to protect trade, to punish aggression—to rear up, gradually an empire in Africa, such as has been done in India, against which no native power shall be able to raise its head. Then, but not till then, the trade may be thrown open, but the territorial power of the charter may, as in India, remain.

Without such regulations for a time, there is too good reason to dread that our connection with Africa will never be more than the transient visitations of insulated merchants acting without concert—often contrary to one another—glutting the markets, pouring in ill-timed and improper supplies—raising the price of native produce above its value, and depressing each other’s commodities; in short, strengthening the hands of the native tyrants, and enabling them more easily to dictate hard terms to commerce, to shut up the interior altogether, and to enable barbarous hands, or savage life, still to hold the balance in that ill-fated country. The whole of our establishments on the coasts of Tropical Africa, afford, at this moment, a sad confirmation, and striking illustration of these important truths. If this erroneous policy in their intercourse with Africa is still to be continued by European powers, then, to the latest period of time, the central and southern parts of that vast continent are doomed to remain in the same deplorable state of ignorance, degradation, and misery, which has been their lot during the lapse of 3000 years.

No doubt the capital, skill, and industry of British merchants, can do much, and overcome difficulties which perhaps the merchants of no other nation can. If government established powerful settlements in Africa, and rendered Great Britain respected, feared, and obeyed, then there could be no danger with regard to the ultimate success of the trade, though laid open to all. But, in this case, a very considerable expence must be incurred by the nation, without any adequate or immediate return; whereas, in the other case, that return, and the expense incurred for protection, would go hand in hand. The question for the consideration and decision of government in this case, is, which method will prove the most secure and permanent, and soonest become the most beneficial to individuals and to the national interests, and at the least possible outlay or expense? The plan that can accomplish these things, is that which should be chosen, and acted upon without hesitation or reserve. For the reasons already mentioned, as well as for various others too tedious to enumerate, a chartered company for a limited time seems the most advisable way to enter upon and establish the contemplated trade. On such an important point, however, I would wish it to be understood, that the opinion here given is adduced with great deference.

The trade to Central Africa ought to belong exclusively to the subjects and the people of Great Britain. Every article which the people on the Niger can require for convenience, ornament, or use— all implements of agriculture—all articles for domestic purposes—for dress, for navigation, commerce, manufactures, science—in short, every thing that a population advancing from the rudest state of society, through all the intervening stages to the most enlightened, can want, are almost exclusively the productions of the British soil, or of British industry. Our finer manufactures would be chiefly sought after for the light dresses adapted for the climate; but the coarser and the warmer would in some instances also be sought after, by those people who live amidst the African Andes. Where the fine and costly manufactures of other nations were in request, then, coming through our hands, we should make it more their interest to be on friendly terms with us. If the trade to Interior Africa, carried on by barbarians, with our goods sold to them in the first instance at a fair price, and then carried thither by them, subject to all the danger, delay, expense, exactions, and robberies, which unprincipled despots, and lawless freebooters heap upon them—if this trade yield them such extensive profits as it really does, what must the British merchant gain who can carry these goods from the first hand, at the first cost, and land these at Timbuctoo almost as cheap as they can at present be landed at Mogadore, Algiers, Tunis, or Tripoli? How much could he under-sell both the Moor and the Arab, either in the imports to the interior, or the exports from it, while his goods would at all times arrive at their destined market in a state superior to what it is possible theirs at present can now do? Besides, the conveyance by water would enable us to carry many articles to those markets which, from the nature of the articles, cannot possibly now be got transported into the interior by land carriage.

A trade such as that contemplated, may employ a capital of any extent; but at the outset, under a company, there is no necessity for its being great. On the contrary, it is evident, that from the situation in which Africa is, the trade, to do good to any party, must feel its way—must make itself. The articles which would be chiefly exported in its early stages, would be of the coarser and cheaper kinds, and the returns of a description that will command a ready market. Small vessels, both for expedition in the voyages, and also for navigating the rivers, would be the best in the commencement of the undertaking. Indeed, till the latter are completely explored, small vessels are indispensable. Some time must elapse before all these points can be fully known. Till then, it is evident the trade cannot be forced, while, at the outset, it may very readily be overdone.

In an undertaking of this kind the countenance and support of government is absolutely necessary, in order to induce merchants of capital, credit, and character, to embark in it. To be done correctly and advantageously, every thing must emanate from one source in Africa, whether it regards civil government or commerce. Unity in design, and obedience to the dictates of one authority, can alone render the present plan completely successful. The reasons urged against the exclusive privilege of trade to a civilized state do not apply in this instance. The trade, open to all, would create conflicting interests, which would retard and endanger, if not altogether prevent the accomplishment of the grand, the ultimate object in view. Besides, it is one thing to embark in a trade to a country where civilization, law, and justice prevail, and another to engage in one to a country where all those things are yet to be formed. The latter requires an exclusive privilege to induce and protect the adventurers, while the trade, in the same or similar articles with other parts of the world, remaining upon its present footing, or without any preference to either, will always prevent the apparent monopoly from injuring the general interests of the parent state by exorbitant prices, while the competition they have to meet with from other markets, would compel the merchants engaged in the trade with Africa, to be diligent, prudent, and industrious. Unless such a privilege were granted, there is too much reason to dread, that every object at present contemplated will fail, and that the nation, as well as individuals, will thereby sustain a great and irreparable loss. Conflicting interests also would lower us in the eyes of the natives, and prevent us from acquiring and maintaining that superiority in Africa indispensably necessary for our protection, and for her civilization and improvement. In Africa, as in India, opinion gives power. Without power in Africa we could not effect any thing.

The persons to be employed under government in these parts should be men who are willing to serve their country for their country’s good. They ought to be amply remunerated for their services, and their public duty ought not to be forgotten or sacrificed for private emolument. Their business and their duty is to see justice impartially administered to all, and to raise the honour and fame of their country on a sure and a permanent basis. The settlement must, for as short a time as possible, be rendered burthensome to Great Britain. Africa is to receive the benefit, and ought to and must defray the expence. All expences attending civil and military establishments must be borne by Africa. A trifling tax imposed upon the property of the country under our controul, would be adequate for this purpose, as, at the outset, these need not be large. As these increased, Africa, from the benefits received, would be more able to defray the additional expence. A tenth—a twentieth part of what the population of Africa now pay to those from whom she receives no benefit whatever, would now, and, at any future period, be more than sufficient for this purpose. The blessings of good government, true religion, peace, and security, would by this tribute be cheaply purchased.

All expences, merely commercial, or in any way relating thereto, such as travelling expences for agents, salaries for servants in the employ of the company, or for the furtherance of any object connected with their immediate and exclusive interest, ought to be borne by the mercantile body engaged in the undertaking. A public fund should be set apart to defray the expences of exploring the country, in order to form connections and establishments in more distant parts thereof. But as this tends to the benefit of this nation—of Great Britain and Africa, an allowance (till the revenue of the latter can defray the expence) should be made out of the public purse to the mercantile body for this purpose, government having the power to require satisfactory information how the money has been expended. The interest of the merchant would induce him to pay liberally, and, at the same time, to proceed economically. In all undertakings of this kind, mercantile men can prevent or rectify abuses easier than any government can do, and, therefore, it becomes more proper to bestow upon them such an authority, and such an exclusive privilege, as is here pointed out.

The expence of embassies to the courts of the native powers, which ought to be frequent, should be borne by Britain at the outset, and afterwards by the colonial government. The former ought to lend her name and authority to individuals resident in large cities as consuls or persons exploring the country, thereby conferring upon all these persons a degree of importance highly necessary in Africa, and which would not fail to claim respect from the sovereigns and the people. In all the chief towns men of this description should, as soon as possible, be placed, in order to gain the most correct knowledge of the country, its productions and wants, and to buy, sell, receive, or send off these productions and supplies, to the general depot where these articles are directed to be collected in their voyage to, or from Europe, and other places. This mode of proceeding would sooner teach the natives the value and utility of their productions and their labour.

The concern being for the general benefit of the nation, should, from the outset, receive the cordial and unremitting attention and support of the nation. In all matters, either civil or political, every establishment must be under the controul of the British government. In political matters and civil government, none must lift a hand or a foot in Africa without permission from it. In every thing relating to commercial affairs, the direction and management must remain entirely in the hands of the company and its servants, while, at the same time, the servants of government must be instructed to render the merchants every protection and assistance requisite to prosecute and extend the trade. This company, by their charter, ought to have the power to extend their capital as they may see necessary. This capital may consist of transferable shares. These shares may be smaller or larger, as may be judged most convenient. The smaller, however, the better, as it will give a greater number of persons an opportunity to engage in the undertaking, and thus create a greater interest in the mother country for the welfare and prosperity of these African Colonies. Government, in the first instance, must be at the expence of every outlay for permanent military establishments, such as proper fortifications and adequate garrisons; but both the principal and the interest of the outlay ought, as soon as possible, to be paid from the proceeds of internal taxation, laid on such things as may be found most eligible. All regulations, laws, and measures for the government of these colonies, must be formed by the British Government and Legislature, or subject to their approval and revisal, always, however, restricted, (could that be supposed necessary,) in so far as these shall not militate against the interests of the company or main object of the undertaking.

Provision should be made in every place for the teachers of religion, and the instructors of youth. A fixed revenue should be raised and appropriated for this purpose; and it is the people of Africa, and others who may derive benefit from it, who should defray the expence. The superstition which degrades and debases Africa must be vanquished by the spirit and the precepts of the Gospel; and the other, namely, human sacrifices, wherever we may find these, be prevented by the arm of power, if necessary. No expence ought to be spared to accomplish these objects. In this the authority of the company and of the government should go hand in hand. The blessings of the British constitution should be gradually extended to the colonists, as their intelligence, power, and resources increase. At the outset this could not be done with safety. Justice, however, must be most carefully administered; and in every thing, Europeans must set a good example, that the liberty bestowed upon the African population may not be construed by them as a path to licentiousness. All kinds of African produce and commodities should be admitted into Great Britain and her other colonies, upon the same terms as those articles are admitted from other places, with the exception of sugar, the great staple of our West India Islands, where so much British capital is vested, and whose cultivation is so expensive. A considerable time, however, must elapse before any establishment could be formed in Africa to cultivate sugar to an extent which could affect the market. There are other points for regulation, which a due consideration of this important subject, in all its bearings, and the wisdom and liberality of the British government, will, either now, or in due time, supply. Having thought much and long on the subject, I only hint at this with due deference to the opinion of the government and of the public.