CHAP. V.

Country south of the Elrei — High land of Cameroons — An extinct Volcano — Chariot of the Gods — Old Cameroons — Jamoor and Malemba rivers — Moöhnda or Danger river — Gaboon river — Nazareth, Liverpool, Bristol, and Tawney rivers — Congo river — Rivers west of the Rio de Formosa — Rio Lagos — Mory river — Country around it — Rio Volta — Boosempra, Ancobra, and Assinee rivers — Mesurada river — Sierra Leone — Way to explore Africa — Distances of places, how ascertained — How to command Africa — Fernando Po, a sure stronghold — Sierra Leone, a secondary place — A settlement inland of the greatest importance — Extent of country it would command — French settlement in Africa — Wish to extend their power in that quarter — Rivers, their great use in the Torrid Zone — East coast of Africa, important for Commerce — Rivers Zambezi and Zebee — Island of Socotora — Situation of Africa — Slavery — The slave trade — Extent thereof — Slavery and superstition scourges of Africa — How to benefit Africa — Colonization — Advantage of colonies — The chief strength of Britain — Eagerly coveted by France — Our efforts in Central Africa would civilize all Northern Africa — Must expect to meet difficulties — Perseverance will ensure success.

It is now time to turn our attention to the rivers south of the Elrei. But first the high land of Cameroons demands our attention. This part of the coast extends from the mouth of the Elrei to Cameroons river, about 45 miles in a north north-west bearing. The ridge comes close to the sea. The nearest peak is a volcano, and is higher than the Peak of Teneriffe. A third of its height is above the limits of vegetation, and its top every morning covered with snow. Considering the latitude so near the equator, the height, before snow and ice could appear, must exceed 16,000 feet. Still farther inland, three other peaks are discernible, each rising in height; for, seen from the sea, the most distant appears of the same height as the nearest. In the clear atmosphere of these latitudes, such mountains may be seen at a distance of 200 miles. The face of these hills does not front the Bight of Biafra, but fronts south south-east; as the view from old Cameroons river clearly establishes. It is therefore almost certain, that this is the termination of a mighty chain of mountains, which branch off from the mountains of the Moon. It would be contrary to all the knowledge we have of other parts of the globe, to suppose the mountains inland were less high than those on the sea-coast. Such a chain must completely bar the passage of any river from the northwards. This chain is distinctly indicated in the maps constructed from the accounts of Arabian geographers. The chain, no doubt, follows the course of the Bahr Kulla; and thus shows how the Elrei and the Old Calabar rivers may have their course in elevated lands, and their springs amidst their hills. It also points out the deflection of the Niger to the west, as it descends from the north, and approaches the western extremity of these mountains. What we have noticed is a most extraordinary feature in African geography, not paralleled, I believe, in any other part of this globe.

There is the strongest reason to believe, that the high land which we have been considering is the “Chariot of the Gods” of the ancients. According to Hanno it was situated in a bay or gulf. The flame that issued from it at night, he says, extended to the stars, and by day the same tremendous appearance was maintained. Hence that navigator called it the Chariot of the Gods. It is clear, that it was beyond, and greatly beyond “Hesperus his Horn,” which Ptolemy places in 8° north latitude, and 13° east longitude from Ferro. Whoever considers the latter author with attention, will readily see, that, in the place we are considering, he has placed his “Deorum Currus.” There is no part on the coast of Africa which answers so accurately to the description given by Hanno. The mountain is an extinct volcano, but which, in the days of Hanno, might have been in full activity. Nothing is more probable. The Bights of Benin and Biafra must have undergone great changes since that early period. The Delta must be greatly increased, if not, in a great measure, formed, during the space of 2390 years. The island of Fernando Po also is evidently of volcanic origin. But it is foreign to my purpose to enter at length into these subjects.

Immediately south of this ridge, in 3° 40′, is Old Cameroons river, about two miles broad. It is navigable upwards, for vessels drawing 18 feet water. About 3° 20′ north latitude we have the great estuary of Old Cameroons, or Jamoor, and Malemba rivers. The extreme breadth is 12 miles. It communicates with Old Cameroons by Bimbia and other creeks. At a short distance from the sea, is an island between the Jamoor and Malemba rivers, on which the town of Cameroons is situated. The natives say, that all these three rivers come from one parent stream in the interior; but of whose source they are ignorant, as it was far distant. Southward, the coast rises into a table land, extremely beautiful, and very healthy. Passing Cape Claro, in 1° 10′ north latitude, we have Moöhnda, or Danger River, a deep and powerful stream, navigable for vessels of any burden. Its entrance is narrow and dangerous; but once entered, it is quite safe. The island of Corisco (Thunder) is in its mouth. Its banks abound with the finest timber for ship-building and other purposes. Forty miles south, passing along a low swampy coast, (almost a morass,) in latitude 0° 30′ north, is the entrance of the Rio de Gaboon, 30 miles broad, but inwards contracted to 12 miles. 45 miles from the sea, the river divides into two branches; the one streaching north-east in a deep stream, till, according to the natives, it comes from the Moöhnda. The other runs south-east, and about 60 miles upwards is formed by several streams from the mountains. The sources of the Moöhnda are said to be far into the interior, northward of east. Southward of the Gaboon, the land is low, and the navigation of the coast dangerous, by reason of currents in the sea. Northward of Cape Lopez, we have Nazareth River, which has a bar, with only 12 feet water at its mouth. It is a large and deep river, and navigable in the interior. Such are the accounts given by the natives. Southward, and round Cape Lopez, is Liverpool, Bristol, Tawney, and Cape Lopez rivers, said to be considerable streams, and, with the Nazareth River, to come from one river in the interior called Avongo, which, at a considerable distance from the coast, is said to fall over an immense precipice. The course, however, and sources of these rivers, are unknown, except that they come from the eastward. Towards the mountains of the Moon they, no doubt, have their rise, where the land is greatly elevated. South-west of that ridge, the maps constructed from the authorities of the Arabs, represent several rivers. It is a fact, and one worth attending to, that from Old Cameroons river inclusive, the natives on the coast are wholly unacquainted with Moors and Arabs, which shews they have no communication with the northern interior countries; a circumstance which could not have happened, had either the Niger or the Gir flowed to the southward.

From Cape Lopez to the mouth of the Congo, the land is hilly, and the shore in many places bold. Few rivers of any magnitude enter the sea on this part of the coast. The mountains seem to run parallel with the coast. The mouth of the Congo is in nearly 6° south latitude. The voyage of Tuckey has made us accurately acquainted with this stream in its lower course. Its magnitude has been greatly exaggerated. At Fathomless Point, the true mouth of the river, it is only three miles broad. The depth, however, is about forty fathoms. Higher up, and approaching the cataracts and rapids, it contracts to two miles, and even to one mile. These cataracts are numerous. The rapids continue for a considerable space, during which the river is frequently contracted to a very narrow channel. The ridges, on either side, rise steep, bare, and barren. Navigation is impracticable. The course is from N.E. Above the rapids and rocks it expands to the breadth of three and four miles. This is about 280 miles from its mouth. At this point Tuckey was forced to turn back. The navigation upwards was said to be open. Ten days’ journey above this, a large branch comes from the N.W. The great stream comes from the N.E.; and, in all probability, rises on the S.E. side of the Mountains of the Moon, in about 5° north latitude, and 31° or 33° east longitude. According to the Portuguese, near Concabella is the junction of several great rivers. A branch comes from the east, and one as large as the Po comes from the south. The Congo begins to rise in September. The flood is greatest in December. It begins to rise at the cataracts on the first of September. This rise begins a month before the rains commence in these parts. This is a convincing proof that its source is north of the equator, and south of those hills which give birth to the Nile, where the rains are greatest in August. From November to January the rains are heaviest in the lower parts of the Congo. Comparatively speaking, it may be said to be in perpetual flood. The reason is obvious. Its chief sources lie in different hemispheres, with one branch in the middle, between those extending eastward into the interior. The consequence is, that the Congo receives supplies from the rains of both Zones. The one beginning to swell it, before the flood from the other ceases. These things are a complete proof that it is no part of the Niger. Tuckey and his companions were surprised at the vast volume of water in the Congo, both above and below the cataracts, compared to that which rolled over them. They conceived the stream found subterraneous passages, from the number of tremendous whirlpools in it. Proyart, in his account of Loango, mentions some curious circumstances, which would favour Tuckey’s supposition. All the rivers in Loango, he says, flow in an equal stream in the dry and the rainy seasons. They suffer no diminution. However deep the natives dig, neither tuffe nor stone is found. A stratum of compact argile confines the waters to the interior of the earth. In some places it is interrupted, where the water undermines the surface, and often excavates large and deep abysses, which open spontaneously during the rains. The inhabitants fly as far as possible from these moving grounds. (Proyart, Pinkerton’s Coll. vol. xvi. p. 550.) Loango is west of the cataracts of the Congo, and situate beyond the chain of hills which run along its N.W. bank. Can the phenomena mentioned by Proyart, be occasioned by the subterraneous passages in the Congo, as supposed by Tuckey?

If the Congo were the Niger, then the latter must pass south, in the latitude of Benin, at the utmost not more than 300 miles east of the high land of Cameroons: now a mighty chain of mountains is from the coast seen to stretch two-thirds of this distance in that direction; and all the country in the interior, we are informed, is exceedingly mountainous. The vale, if I may use the expression, through which a river of such magnitude as the Niger is, can flow, must be very broad. Large streams would also join it from the west, as well as from the east. Bearing this in mind, it is plain that if the Niger passed to the Congo, no space of sufficient extent could remain between those mountains and the sea, to yield those immense rivers which enter the sea from Rio Lagos to Cape Lopez. The utmost extent of the course of any of them could not exceed 200 miles. If the Niger continued to flow to the Congo, after throwing off branches which form all the rivers in the Delta of Benin, and southward to Cape Lopez, then, considering the elevation which, in that case, the bed of the Niger behoved to have, their streams would have the rapidity of torrents; whereas, in all but the Old Calabar and Elrei river, it is the reverse.

Westward of the Rio de Formosa, we have the Rio Lagos river, which a branch from the Rio de Formosa joins at its mouth. The current is very rapid during the flood; bearing down floating islands, and forcing vessels from their anchorage, when in the roads. The chief stream comes from the northward, and above its junction with the branch of the Niger is said to be ten fathoms deep, and so broad, that when in the middle, the banks on either hand, though covered with lofty trees, can scarcely be discerned. This stream has different names, in different parts of its course. Seven days’ journey N.E. of Ardrah, it passes under the name of Azewoa. Six days’ journey N.E. of Yahndi, it passes S.E. under the name of Mory. Four days’ journey northward of Yngwa, the Kontoorooa, one of its branches, is found flowing S.E. half a mile broad, and near its junction with the Kirhala, which is a larger stream. This latter river is readily identified, as being that which travellers cross at twelve days’ or eleven days’ journey distant from Kong, in their route to Jinnë. The united stream of the Kontoorooa and Kirhala flows S.E., and is undoubtedly the Lagos river, which flows through populous and powerful countries and states.

The Mory, or Lagos river, has been mistaken by Robertson for the Niger; and, accordingly, he confounds the kingdoms and states on each, as if these were around or upon the same river. Soko, in Ashantee, he has thus put down as Sego, which place is 400 miles from Soko. The Mory river must be of great magnitude. Descending from such stupendous mountains, it must soon increase and become a very large stream. Six or seven days’ journey north of Ardrah, travellers represent it as being six miles broad. In length it must exceed 500 miles. Various accounts state that, north of Dahomey, is a very large lake from which several rivers issue. Robertson says it is 10 days’ journey N.E. of Agombe, the capital of Dahomey. Bowditch says it is situated in Hio, 10 days’ journey north of Dahomey; and Snelgrave and Barbot state that this lake lay between Gago and Dauma (Dahomey) 370 miles N.N.E. of Ardrah, a distance much greater than either of the two former authorities allow. There is little doubt, however, but it is the same lake that each authority has in view. Snelgrave and Barbot call it Guarde, and estimate its length at 100, and its breadth at 50 leagues. In this, however, they may be deceived, from estimating the days’ journey, the usual mode of calculation, at much more than it really is. There is little doubt, however, but that it is of considerable size, and its true position seems to be about 100 miles to the northward of east from Dahomey.

The countries to the west and north-west of Dahomey are represented as very populous, abounding in provisions, and the people great traders. Dagwumba, in particular, is a powerful state, and its capital, Yahndi, of considerable magnitude, and a great emporium for trade. Still more to the north-west, and amongst the Kong hills, are other powerful states. To the northward of the chief range, according to Bowditch, is the kingdom of Moozee; but, from other authorities, particularly Park, we learn that Moozee is the capital of the great kingdom of Gotto. It is a very common practice among negroes to place the capital for the kingdom and the kingdom for the capital. Moosee lies in about 10° 20′ north latitude, and 0° 45′ west longitude.

The soil in the kingdom of Dahomey is composed of a deep, rich, reddish clay, intermixed with sand, and scarcely containing a stone the size of an egg throughout the whole country. This affords a clear proof of its being low and level: it is very fertile. The surrounding countries exhibit the same features.

Westward of the Rio Lagos is the Rio Volta, a large, deep, and rapid stream, which is increased by the junction of the Laka at no great distance from the sea. The sources of both rivers we readily recognise in the Adirri and Addifoosoo, which take their rise in the eastern parts of the mountains of Kong, which are here so elevated as to be covered with snow, and amongst which springs the chief branch of the Niger. The Kirhala, and the Ba Nimma, also here take their rise. The mouth of the Rio Volta, between the breakers, is a mile broad, and has three fathoms water; sixty miles upward it is four fathoms deep. The stream flows through fertile and populous districts; the natives hold it in great veneration. Teak trees abound on its banks. The climate is fine, and the country healthy. A branch from the Rio Lagos communicates with the Rio Volta, in many places only divided by a sand-bank from the sea. All the natives on this part of the coast are industrious, and great traders. Many Arabic words are found mixed with their languages; several Arabian customs remain. About Fidah the country is fertile and delightful. The land rises gently from the sea, covered with lofty trees growing in regular order, as if planted by human hands.

Beyond Cape Three Points is the Boosempra, the Ancobra, and Assinee rivers, the latter the largest, but all comparatively small streams. Westward, as far as to the Mesurada, the rivers that enter the sea are mere torrents, a proof of the shortness of their course, and also that the river called “Zamma,” already mentioned, must be a branch of the Niger. The coast here is all bold and high. Inland, the country is exceedingly mountainous, rising in height and grandeur. Sierra Leone (hitherto supposed to be the chariot of the gods of the ancients,) seems to be the termination of the mighty chain which stretches north-east by east, through those parts of Africa; and it is very curious, that this chain appears to run exactly parallel to the grand chain of Mount Atlas. Perhaps it stretches across the Continent to Egypt.

Whether the Congo is the Niger or not—whether the latter flows to the Egyptian Nile, and whether or not it terminates in a lake, swamps, or sands in the interior, still the Bights of Biafra and Benin are the points from whence to set out to ascertain and determine this important point. A considerable portion of the journey, we know from the best authority, can be travelled by a water conveyance. The whole distance cannot much exceed 300 miles, till the point would be determined. The nations and people on the route are comparatively peaceable, civilized, and friendly to Europeans. At old Calabar, different European languages are understood. The English language is spoken, and taught, and read, and written. They keep regular mercantile accounts in our language; hence good guides could be procured. In any other route from the west, from the north, or from the east, into the interior, the path is through dreadful barren deserts, countries wild and rugged, and men fierce and rude, and by religion the most inveterate enemies to the Christian name. The distance also, by any one of these routes, to be travelled before the points alluded to could be decidedly determined, is about 2500 miles. It is not difficult, therefore, to determine the route which should be chosen.

Coomassie in the south, Mourzook in the north, and Cobbè in the east of Africa, are points accurately ascertained. Timbuctoo, in the centre, is tolerably well known. It is satisfactory that, taking the bearings, and calculating the distances on these by the most accurate scale, as all these are given by authorities wholly unknown to, and unconnected with each other, the positions of places and rivers agree with a remarkable degree of accuracy. In this manner the map which accompanies this work was constructed.

Agadez, according to Leo and Joannes Bleav, is about 160 leagues distant from Cano. This corresponds very nearly indeed with the position where it is placed according to the accounts obtained by Ritchie and Bowditch. From Cashna to Zegzeg, according to Leo, is 150 miles, which will fix the position of the latter place about 100 miles north-east by north of the Niger at the point where Sidi Hamed crossed the great ridge. The mountainous nature of Zegzeg, mentioned by Leo, is thus supported by the testimony of Sidi Hamed. From Cashna, westward to Gonjah, (Kong, or districts near it,) according to Shereef Imhammed, is 97 days’ journey, which, from the nature of the country passed through, and the route taken, will agree with sufficient accuracy with the position of Kong, as placed by the information given to Bowditch. From Gonjah, or Kong, to the sea coast, through Tonouah, is 46 days’ journey according to Shereef Imhammed. This will be found to agree very nearly with the accounts obtained by Bowditch. Kashna is stated to be east of Timbuctoo 690 miles, and west of Bornou 650 miles. (Rees’ Encyc.) Both these distances will be found to agree well with the position of Kashna, as obtained from Bowditch and others. Park’s guide, Amadou Fatouma, told him that from Sansanding to Kashna was a journey of 60 days or two months. Much of this journey was by water, and consequently more expeditious than by land.

From Cubcabea in Darfur, by Wara in Dar Saley, to Bornou, according to Browne, was a journey of 60 days. According to Ledyard, the distance from Mourzook to Bornou is 660 geographical miles. According to Burkhardt it is 50 days’ journey, (by others 52,) which, at an average of 13 miles per day, is 650 miles. From Mourzook to Agadez, according to Ledyard, is 479 geographical miles: from other authorities it is 47 days’ journey, and 17 days’ journey additional to Kashna, which is nearly south of Mourzook. From Tripoli to Timbuctoo, according to Ritchie, is a journey of 80 days. The two places are 1260 geographical miles distant from each other. This would give an average of 15½ miles for each day’s journey, which, being through an open country, exceeds considerably what can be made good in one day in the woody and mountainous districts.

South of the Niger we will find the reckonings equally exact. From Coomassie to Yahndi is 24 days’ journey. This will place Yahndi in north latitude 8° 38′, and 0° 55′ east longitude. From Yahndi to Yaoora is 42 days’ journey, and the same distance to the point where the Niger is crossed in the route to the city of Houssa. From Inta to Timbuctoo is 41 days’ journey; from Coomassie to Kong is 24 days’ journey, and thence to Jinnë is 42 days’ journey, according to the accounts which Bowditch obtained from different authorities. From Elmina, on the Gold Coast, to Oenessy, on the river Ingaee, (evidently the Niger at Jinnë or Lake Dibbie,) by a route through Buntakoo, Inta, Oalla, &c. is, according to Robertson, (p. 180,) 60 days’ journey. Calculating the day’s journey at 10 geographical miles made good south of the Niger, and 13 miles, (12 to 13 is the number allowed by Browne, p. 448,) upon an average, in the cultivated countries north of the Niger, the reader will perceive how nearly different authorities, wholly unconnected with each other, are made to agree; a proof of the general accuracy, and also that the proper scale for estimating these days journey has been followed.

To explore Central Africa to its deepest recesses—to acquire the command and control over the whole of its trade, we require only two great stations: first, an insular one near the grand estuary of the Niger; second, as the river has several navigable estuaries, another station in the interior is necessary, either where the stream divides or unites, as may be found most eligible or most healthy. With these we command the whole trade of Northern Africa, from the source of the Senegal to Darfur, and from Bornou to Benin. A third station, at the Rio Lagos, would give us the command of the trade into the deepest recesses of the Kong mountains. If ships cannot navigate to all these more distant parts, we know that boats, and vessels of a magnitude sufficient to render the conveyance of goods cheap, expeditious, and easy, can and do. Steam-boats could navigate to the most distant parts—to Balia, to Bornou, and Dar Saley. Ten, twelve, fifteen, or twenty days, would serve to reach Timbuctoo, and the most distant parts from our interior settlement. Steam would impel them upwards; the current would bring them down without any expense of fuel. Coals could be carried out cheap; wood can be had in abundance. Who can calculate the advantages that would result from such an intercourse?

The Island of Fernando Po is the insular station which nature points out, I may say that she has planted, for that important end. This island is about forty miles distant from the mouth of Bannee River—the same distance from the estuary of Cross and Elrei rivers—scarcely farther removed from Cameroons and Malemba rivers, and about 200 and 220 miles from the Moöhnda and Rio de Gaboon, thus commanding the entrance of all these rivers, if they proceed from the Niger, or whether they proceed from the Niger or not. Even if the Niger flowed to the Congo, after throwing off all the rivers mentioned—even though the Gir were a separate stream, and besides throwing off the rivers south of the high land of Cameroons, it continued its course to the Congo, then the value of Fernando Po would by this be greatly enhanced; because, besides an entrance into Northern Africa, we should command an entrance into Southern Africa also, as the Congo is not navigable near its mouth by reason of cataracts. The Island of Fernando Po has been successively abandoned by the Dutch, Portuguese, and Spaniards, and the title to it could thus readily be acquired. The land is very high, and therefore healthy. It is 36 miles long, and 15 broad, and could be made very productive. On each side it has fine and safe anchorage; the inhabitants are warlike, but their subjugation would be an easy task. Prince’s Island, 110 miles south-west, is a fine soil and climate, and might also be taken possession of, to prevent any other European nation from annoying us. St. Thomas’s, under the equator, is very unhealthy, and both it and Annabon is too distant from the coast to render them of such importance as the former two.

The reason why an insular situation is necessary is obvious: it would be healthier than the low lands on the coast of the continent. It could be kept and protected by a naval power, at much less expense than a settlement on the coast of the mainland. It would prove a station which would equally command every approach, while it would prove an impregnable bulwark in the hands of the Mistress of the Ocean, from whence our internal establishment could always be supplied, and to which it could look for succour and effectual assistance in case of any emergency.

Fernando Po is, of all places, the best, and, it may be added, the only proper station on the African coast, for our cruizers to watch and cut up the slave trade, which is, and while it continues, will always be, greatest on the coast opposite. Our naval officers know, and are well convinced of this. Sierra Leone is near 1600 miles from this island, and from the prevailing winds, vessels from the Bights of Benin and Biafra, where the greatest number of captures are made, are forced to beat all the way to Sierra Leone, which renders the passage exceedingly tedious. As the vessels now employed in the slave trade are small, and built to sail fast, that they may elude our cruizers, and being thus exceedingly crowded, the length of the passage to Sierra Leone proves fatal to many of the slaves. Sierra Leone is also the most unhealthy spot on the whole western coast of Africa, and, from its situation, must remain so. It is a grave for Europeans; and whoever turns his eye to the map, will readily perceive that it is the worst chosen station on all the coast of Africa for an extensive political or commercial establishment. From the nature of the country behind this settlement, it is obvious it can have no communication with the interior but by land carriage, and this, from the mountainous nature of the country, is almost impracticable. It has nothing in it or about it that ever can give it an ascendancy in Africa, and an establishment on the Niger and Fernando Po would soon shew its insignificance.

But, while possession of Fernando Po would, in time of war, completely command all the grand outlets of Central Africa, and place whatever European settlements were therein planted, completely at the mercy of Great Britain, still the possession of that island alone, would neither give us the monopoly of the trade to those parts, nor prevent other European nations from sharing in that trade with us in time of peace. A commanding station, however, inland on any spot which could controul the united stream, would give to this nation the complete monopoly and every advantage. Without this, Fernando Po would only become valuable to Great Britain when war occurred betwixt her and any European power which had settlements in the interior. Without such a controuling settlement also, in the interior, the trade from Great Britain to those Central parts of Africa, laid open by these rivers, had much better, as more convenient and less expensive, be carried on direct from any port in Great Britain, to Timbuctoo, &c. (should the Niger prove navigable for ships) than to have the goods landed, and afterwards reshipped at Fernando Po. This island may be of great use as a depot, till the point for forming a settlement in the interior is finally pitched upon, and rendered secure against any attack. In choosing the position for this settlement, care must be taken not only to take into consideration the security and advantage for the present moment, but those great advantages and important results which may be fairly anticipated for the future.

Granting that the navigation of the Niger was interrupted at Boussa, by reason of rapids or rocks rising amidst the stream; still, we know that the river can be navigated in safety from Boussa upwards, and from Boussa downwards. Therefore, on this commanding spot, let the British standard be firmly planted, and no power on Africa could tear it up. A trifling land carriage would then give this nation nearly all the advantages of an open navigation, and by such a natural barrier, place the Niger completely under her controul. Firmly planted in Central Africa, the British flag would become the rallying point for all that is honourable, useful, beneficial, just, and good. Under the mighty shade thereof, the nations would seek security, comfort, and repose. Allies Great Britain would find in abundance. They would flock to her settlement, if it had the power and the means to protect them. The resources of Africa, and the energies of Africa, under a wise and vigorous policy, may be made to subdue and controul Africa. Let Britain only form such a settlement, and give it that countenance, support, and protection, which the wisdom and energy of British Councils can give, and which the power and resources of the British empire can so well maintain, and Central Africa to future ages will remain a grateful and obedient dependency of this empire. The latter will become the centre of all the wealth, and the focus of all the industry of the former. Then the Niger, like the Ganges, would acknowledge Great Britain as its protector—our King as its Lord.

The extent of country and population whose improvements, labours, and wants would be dependent upon, and stimulated to exertions by, a settlement on the Niger, is prodigious, and all together unequalled. The extent compromises a country of nearly 40° of longitude, from W. to E., and through the greater part of this extent of 20° latitude, from N. to S., a space almost equal to Europe. Where the confluence of the Gir, or the Bahr Kulla with the Niger takes place, is the spot to erect the Capital of our great African establishments. A city built there, under the protecting wings of Great Britain, and extended, enriched, and embellished by the industry, skill, and spirit of her sons, would ere long become the capital of Africa. Fifty millions of people, yea, even a greater number, would be dependent on it.

Whoever turns his eyes to the map, must at one glance perceive that this is a kingdom—a colony—a trade in which no foreign power whatever could come into competition with us, or endanger its stability and prosperity. Insurmountable barriers oppose on every side. On the north and on the east deserts intervene, across which all attempts at mercantile competition must be fruitless, and where no hostile armies in any force can find their way. From the west, south-west, and south-east, impenetrable mountains (for I may say these are so for any purposes of trade or attempt at invasion) arise, insuperable barriers. By the majestic stream of the Niger an entrance can only be obtained. The Mistress of the Ocean may place a barrier there, which she, and she only, can shut and open at her pleasure. The rival which can approach nearest, must do so by means of the Senegal. But this stream ceases to be navigable above Galam. Thence to the Niger is nearly 200 miles, across such mountains, and through such forests, as may be considered impassable for any army of strength, or for any mercantile speculation which could alarm or shake the prosperity of the settlements eastward on the Niger.

The French nation have long looked towards Africa with an anxious and a longing eye, in order to repair the losses which revolution and war have occasioned in their colonial establishments. France is making every effort to explore and collect information concerning the interior parts of the northern division of that Continent. She is already established on the Senegal, and commands that river; and if the supineness and carelessness of Great Britain allow that powerful, enterprising, and ambitious rival to step before us and fix herself securely on the lower Niger, then it is evident, that with such a settlement in addition to her command of the Senegal, France will command all Northern Africa. The consequences cannot fail to be fatal to the best interests of this country, and by means surer than even by war or conquest, tend ultimately to bring ruin on our best Tropical Colonial establishments. She will then meet this country with a decided superiority in every market, not only with all colonial productions at present known, but also with others peculiar to Africa, and as yet, little known in Europe.

The rivers are the roads in the Torrid Zone. Nature seems to have intended these as the great help in introducing agriculture and commerce. Wherever the continents are most extensive, there we find the most magnificent rivers flowing through them, opening up a communication from side to side. What is still more remarkable, and becomes of great utility, is, that these mighty currents flow against the prevailing winds, thus rendering the navigation easy, which would otherwise be extremely tedious and difficult. This is the case with the great Maranon and Oronoco in South America. The prevailing trade winds blow right up their streams. This is the case with the Niger, and in a more particular manner during the time it is in flood. For ten months in the year, but more particularly from May till November, the prevailing wind in the Bights of Benin and Biafra is from south-west, thus blowing right up all the outlets of the Niger. January and February are the months during which the Harmattan wind blows, a dry wind coming from the north-east, and from the great deserts south of the Mediterranean. In the Congo, Tuckey found the breeze generally blowing up the stream. It is needless to point out, at length, the advantages which may be derived from this wise regulation in the natural world. The meanest capacity may comprehend these.

But it is not the west coasts and interior of Northern Africa only that afford eligible situations for settlements, and a wide field for profitable commerce. The east coasts afford ample range for both. From the Cape of Good Hope, but more particularly from Caffraria to Cosseir on the Red Sea, there are rich and ample fields. These were the mines of wealth for the ancient world, and from whence the Phenicians, Tyre and Zidon drew their golden stores. By political events, cut off for ages from the civilized portions of the earth, these countries have become sunk in ignorance and barbarity, and their capabilities remain neglected and unknown. But the materials remain. And could Tyre and Zidon—cities on the Mediterranean in the earliest periods of history, while knowledge was limited to what it is now—do what Great Britain cannot? Certainly not. We have more than they ever had within our power. Immense rivers flow on the east coast of Africa. The Zambezi, or, as it is called at its mouth, Quilimanca, enters the sea in about 18° south latitude, and by five different mouths, forming so many Deltas. Far into the interior, and before it divides into branches, it is a league broad. It inundates the country in April, a proof that its sources are towards the Southern Tropic. The country up this river, and its tributary streams, is very rich in metals and minerals, as it is also towards the south about Sofala, so famous for its gold mines. Northwards are other important rivers, particularly the Zebee. But the grand station in these parts is the Island of Socotora, to the east of Cape Guardafui. In the hands of a naval power, such as Great Britain, this shuts up the Red Sea most completely, and gives us the command of Western Arabia, and all the inlets into Abyssinia and Nubia. The coasts of Africa opposite, are the lands so famed in ancient times for myrrh and incense. It brings us into immediate contact with, and in fact enables us to command, the fertile kingdom of Aden on the Arabian coast, so famous for its spices. Possession of this island would enable us to shut and open the Red Sea at our pleasure, in all the trade from the East Indies, or indeed from any part. A small exertion might get from the Turks Massouah, and Suakim, and Cosseir, ports on the west coast of the Red Sea. These places are of no use to them, but would be most valuable to us.

Unfold the map of the world. We command the Ganges—fortified at Bombay, the Indus is our own. Possessed of the islands in the mouth of the Persian Gulf, we command the outlets of Persia, and the mouths of the Euphrates, and consequently of countries the cradle of the human race. We command at the Cape of Good Hope; Gibraltar and Malta belonging to us, we controul the Mediterranean. Let us plant the British standard on the Island of Socotora—upon the Island of Fernando Po—and inland upon the banks of the Niger, and then we may say Asia and Africa—for all their productions and all their wants—are under our controul. It is in our power. Nothing can prevent us. A tenth part of the sum which our merchants and manufacturers have lost in overstocking old markets, would have been sufficient to fix us securely in Africa, and to have developed completely all the mercantile stores which she possesses, and the improvements of which she is susceptible.

To benefit Africa, and make Africa a benefit to Europe, we must know and consider the evils she suffers, and the wrongs she inflicts on herself. In every part of Africa her population, whether Moors, Arabs, Negroes, or the mixed race descended from these, is divided into innumerable petty states, who are engaged in constant quarrels and warfare with each other. Wherever we find more powerful states in Africa, there the ignorant sovereign rules over his trembling subjects by the terrors of superstition and the sword. Life, liberty, and property, are consequently every where insecure. Slavery exists universally, and the slave trade is prevalent every where. The elements of human society are dreadfully disjointed. Nevertheless, the nations in central Africa, I mean its northern part, are not savages. They are barbarians, and some less rude than others. Every where we find them collected into cities, cultivating the land, and carrying on commerce, which, though rude when compared to civilized nations, yet clearly distinguishes their condition from that of the savage state. Here, the fiery zeal and hard yoke of the Arab has done some good. Wherever their influence extended, cannibalism and human sacrifices, so prevalent on the coasts of Guinea, and countries bordering on it, were abolished. The days, however, of Arabian grandeur and greatness are fled. Their power in Africa is decaying fast. The governments on the southern boundaries of the Zahaara, and in the north-east parts of Sudan, exhibit the strangest compound of arrogance and weakness, pride and imbecility, despotism and ignorance, barbarity and folly, that are to be met with on the face of the earth.

Yet the materials for a better order of things exist both amongst them and the Negro population. The power that could curb the lawlessness of the one, and enlighten the ignorance of the other, would soon make them useful. Were it not that the power of the Arabs is so much decayed in better countries, the population of Africa to the Gold Coast had at this day acknowledged Mecca as their temple, and Mahomet as the prophet of God. Decayed as their power is, still they are more than a match for the timid and indolent Negro, whose lands are invaded and plundered by these marauding bands. The Mahommedan religion teaches its votaries that it is a deed meriting paradise to convert, by any means, an infidel to the true faith. To accomplish this, the Negro is loaded with chains. Enthusiasm and interest goad on the Arab and Moor. Large caravans seek Sudan from every quarter, and barter the commonest merchandize for men. Into Morocco, the Barbary States along the Mediterranean, Egypt, Nubia, Abyssinia, across the Red Sea into Arabia and other countries, from 60,000 to 70,000 slaves are carried annually. Since the abolition of Christian slavery in the Barbary States, this traffic in Negro slaves is greatly increased. The miseries the slaves endure marching across the deserts, sinks the middle passage of the European slave trade into insignificance.

There is no efficient way to arrest the progress of this deep-rooted evil, but to teach the Negroes useful knowledge, and the arts of civilized life. Left to themselves, the Negroes will never effectually accomplish this. It must be done by a mighty power, who will take them under its protection— a power sufficiently bold, enlightened and just, to burst asunder the chains of that grovelling superstition, which enthrals and debases their minds, and that, with the voice of authority, can unite the present jarring elements which exist in Africa, and direct them to honourable and useful pursuits. A small portion of European knowledge and spirit would be sufficient to rouse the Negro to assert his independence, and drive back, with shame and disgrace, any force which either the Moors or the Arabs could send against him. Till this is done— till the native princes are taught that they may be rich without selling men—and till Africa is shown, that it is in the labour and industry of her population, and in the cultivation of her soil, that true wealth consists—and till that population see a power which can protect them from such degrading bondage, there can be no security for liberty or property in Africa; and, consequently, no wish or hope for improvement amongst her population. Slavery, and a slave trade, existed in all their virulence many centuries before Europeans had any knowledge of Western and of Southern Africa. Were the European abolition rendered ever so effectual— were all the traffic with the other places previously enumerated completely abolished, still this would scarcely dry up one tear that flows to swell the tide of African misery. Millions are still slaves—slaves to slaves in Africa. It is in Africa, therefore, that this evil must be rooted out—by African hands and African exertions chiefly that it can be destroyed. It is a waste of time and a waste of means, an aggravation of the disorder, to keep lopping off the smaller branches of a malignant, a vigorous and reproductive plant, while the root and stem remain uninjured, carefully supplied with nourishment, and beyond our reach. Half the sums we have expended in this manner, would have planted us firmly in Interior Africa, and rooted up slavery for ever. Only teach them and shew them that we will give them more for their produce than for the hand that rears it, and the work is done. All other methods and means will prove ineffectual.

It is the policy of the Moors and Arabs to keep Christians, in any numbers, from penetrating into the interior of Africa. Fanaticism and interest make them oppose all such attempts. This jealousy is heightened by superstitious fears; for there runs a tradition amongst all the Mahommedans in Africa, that the Christians are one day to wrest the country from them. The Negro States on the south of Africa act with similar policy, and for similar reasons. They do every thing they can to hinder Europeans from having communication with the nations in the interior. They want a monopoly of every trade carried on with the interior; and all these people are convinced, that if ever Europeans can find their way into the interior, their monopoly, and all their power and influence, are gone. It is evident, therefore, that till all these barriers which stand in the way of African improvement are broken down and destroyed, no great progress will ever be made in civilizing Africa, or of rendering that continent serviceable to her inhabitants, or to the rest of the world. Protection and conquest, permanent and commanding, can only accomplish the object. Not that conquest, which, springing from unprincipled ambition, overruns to destroy, but that conquest which subdues and controls to restrain evil, and establishes what is good. This once civilized a part of Africa—this only can accomplish such a work again.

While the first and determined effort must be made to put down every foreign slave trade with, or in the interior of Africa, it may be a question, how far it would be politic and safe to intermeddle with the internal slavery there existing, except to ameliorate it. This, as in Russia, exists to an enormous extent. The number of slaves in Africa is about three-fourths of her population. But we must not grasp at too much at first. We must get their chiefs to go along with us at the outset. This, it is possible, we might not effect with that cordiality which is necessary, should we require all their slaves to be made free at once. In Africa there is no such a thing as a freeman hiring himself to labour; it is all done by slaves; consequently, without them no labour could be carried on. Also, we must create the labour in which freemen could be employed. With the present internal establishments, therefore, it might be prudent not to interfere further than to see strict justice maintained to all in their relative situations, till time prepared their minds for the change, and till a general system of industry, and influx of wealth from labour, enabled the freemen and their chiefs to emancipate their slaves, without reducing themselves to beggary and want: In short, till the one could procure labour to earn his subsistence, and the other free labourers to keep up his former rank and independence. But while we did not interfere too rashly in these internal regulations, so as to bring unnecessary difficulties on our hands, and which might blast our future prospects, still it must never be forgotten, that no time and no opportunity ought to be lost in making freedom universal in Africa; and every exertion must be made, in every way and at all times, by precept and by example, to prepare the minds of the one part of the population in Africa to give, and the other to receive it. We must instruct this to be done; and, above all, we must counsel and direct all external traffic in slaves to cease. With that there can and must be no compromise, if we wish to benefit Africa. But let these instructions and commands be issued and carried into effect in the spirit of moderation, conciliation, and peace—by that spirit which, placing ourselves in the situation of our neighbour, would do as it wishes to be done by; and with this, our object cannot fail, in time, of complete success. We must be the sole arbiter and director in this part of Africa; and therefore our intentions must be honest, our actions just, and our sentence irrevocable.

In establishing such a colony in Africa, we must not, as in the case of America and New Holland, go with a few unarmed settlers, as amidst a few straggling savages. We must go with a force that will command respect and obedience, and be able to resent and punish every aggression made, or insult offered. A force less than the garrison of Gibraltar would command all the interior of Northern Africa; and a few Congreve rockets would serve to disperse and reduce the most numerous armies that the most powerful sovereigns in these parts could arm against us. Europeans, indeed, could not undergo in these climates the same fatigues as the natives; but the superiority of the former in knowledge and skill would compensate for the mere physical superiority of the latter. The opinion universally entertained of European superiority, would, of itself, judiciously applied, half conquer Africa. Besides, we could levy and organize a force, to any extent judged prudent, amongst these natives, to aid in the control and command of the country. We have done this in India, and why cannot we do it in Africa? Nay, we might make India subdue Northern Africa;—the Ganges the mighty engine which would give us the command of the Niger. From the banks of the former we could obtain a voluntary force, which would enable us to dictate to the latter. By these means we should make India the means of preparing for us an empire of equal importance to replace her strength, when that, in course of political changes, is withdrawn from our allegiance. Once established on the Niger, the work is done. The resources and energies of Africa would complete the object. There are many of the people, both Moors, Arabs, and Negroes, who, though they could not be made agriculturists, followers of commerce and manufactures, would yet make good soldiers; and, commanded by European officers, would, with a small proportion of European troops, be equal to every purpose. The preservation of the health of European troops in warm climates, is now better understood than formerly, and in the interior of Africa there are numerous healthy situations.

There is but one opinion amongst all those who are, or who have had an opportunity of being acquainted with Africa, her population, and present institutions, namely, that colonization, fixed and stable, can only render her any permanent benefit. The mere abolition of the external slave trade, they all agree, will do little or nothing for the welfare of Africa. Governor Ludlam, than whom no person better understood the African character, or interests of Africa, goes even a step farther. “To abolish the slave trade,” says he, “is not to abolish the violent passions which now find vent in that particular direction. Were it to cease, the misery of Africa would arise from other causes; but it does not follow that Africa would be less miserable: she might even be less miserable, and yet be savage and uncivilized. The abolition of the external slave trade does not actually set us forward one step in our course to civilize or benefit Africa. Nay,” says he, “where they have been in some measure improved, I rather think they will sink back into their former state, which is still the state of the natives two or three hundred miles inland (from Sierra Leone.) In the next place, the administration of every African government must become extremely severe, if not extremely bloody. When so effectual a punishment as slavery is done away, which yet, as it sheds no blood, is readily executed on petty criminals, and in doubtful cases, severe punishments, and more terrible examples, must be introduced. Every ancient institution, the power of every hereditary chief, must now be sustained by blood instead of slavery. While the punishment of many small crimes has, by means of the external slave trade, been raised into slavery, it is not less true, that the punishment of some great ones has been sunk into it. The abolition, therefore, will be of little benefit to Africa, unless plans for its improvement and civilization be vigorously acted upon. That civilization will follow conquest, I readily allow;” and, adds he, “there will be no question that the French will diligently endeavour to extend their influence in Africa by all possible means, and as diligently endeavour to drive us out of it.” (Letter to Zach. Macauly, Esq. Sierra Leone, April 14, 1807.)

This was the opinion of one intimately acquainted with the west coast. Every passing day has served to confirm his opinions, formed from actual observation. Let us attend to the observations and opinions of another intelligent observer, made in Eastern Africa, namely Burkhardt. Page 344, he says, “Were all the outlets to Sudan closed to the slave trade, and the caravans which carry on the traffic with Barbary, Egypt, and Arabia, prevented from procuring farther supplies, still slavery would universally prevail in Sudan itself; for as long as these countries are possessed by Mussulmans, whose religion induces them to make war upon the idolatrous Negroes, whose domestic wants require a constant supply of servants and shepherds, and who, considering slaves as a medium of exchange in lieu of money, are as eager to obtain them as other nations would be to explore the African mines, slavery must continue to exist in the heart of Africa; nor can it cease, until the Negroes shall become possessed of the means of repelling the attacks, and resisting the oppression of their Mussulmen neighbours. It is not from foreign nations that the Blacks can obtain deliverance; this great work must be effected by themselves, and can be the result only of successful resistance. The European governments who have settlements on the coasts of Africa, may contribute to it by commerce, and by the introduction among the Negroes of arts and industry, which must ultimately lead them to a superiority over the Mussulmans in war. Europe, therefore, will have done but little for the Blacks, if the abolition of the Atlantic slave trade, which is trifling when compared with the slavery of the interior, is not followed up by some wise and grand plan, tending to the civilization of the continent.”

Colonization, permanent and powerful, is this “wise and grand plan.” Established in the heart of Africa, Great Britain would be the arbiter of Africa. Her precept, and example, and assistance, would serve to teach and enable every Negro potentate to repel all foreign aggression, and the beneficial tendency of employing their present slave population in cultivating their own kingdoms. This would procure them wealth. Wealth would induce them to seek security, and enable them to obtain the means of protecting themselves from external injury; or, where they could not of themselves accomplish this object, bring them to place themselves under the wings of the power which could do so. On this grand and wise principle, colonization and cultivation were the first settlements of the Portuguese established in Africa. The beneficial results soon became most extensive and apparent, even after the attention of that power was unfortunately withdrawn to another quarter of the world. The number, and extent, and prosperity, of their settlements in Africa are well known. Unfortunately, however, for Portugal, and still more unfortunately for Africa, the spirit, strength, and influence of Portugal received a check in Europe, and the discovery of, and desire for cultivating America attracted her attention, withdrew her affections and care from these settlements in Africa; and not only so, but by a most erroneous policy, and barbarous system, induced her to withdraw the strength of Africa to cultivate the fields of America. In this manner her extensive colonies in the former were lost, or became only points for carrying on the slave trade; and all the good she had done, and might have done to Africa and to herself, was lost and disregarded. What she might have done, and what every European power has so long neglected, it is now in our power, under more favourable circumstances, to set about and accomplish.

There is, and can be but one opinion about the policy of extending our connections political and commercial with Africa. In the manner pointed out, these can only be permanently and beneficially extended. It must cost some expense, but the result will repay it. It is to her colonial system that Great Britain is indebted for her greatness and her glory. It is these possessions which enabled her to resist and beat down beneath her feet, the world united against her. It is her colonial trade that gives her sailors, acquainted with every coast, and inured to every climate. The whole trade of Northern Africa would augment more than others the number of these most useful subjects. Nor is it merely the number employed in that trade which such an intercourse would give her. The command of African produce would give her the trade to other quarters of the world, and by so much more, add to the numbers of her seamen. These would man her fleets with determined hands on every emergency. On these things depend the preponderance of Britain in the councils and affairs of Europe. If neglected, that preponderance is gone, and our existence, as a nation, is endangered. Our formidable rival France, understands this well. She has learned it by experience. Had the counsels of Talleyrand been followed by her Government, the fatal disasters which befel France had never happened, nor the glory and power of Britain been so raised and extended. To procure and rear up colonies, was at all times the earnest recommendation to his countrymen, of this crafty but wise politician. He placed Britain before their eyes as a most striking example of what such possessions did do, and could enable her to perform.

In his valuable pamphlet, written during the French Consulate, for the purpose mentioned, he says of Britain. “Her navy and her commerce are at present all her trust. France may add Italy and Germany to her dominions with less detriment to Britain than will follow the acquisition of a navy, and the extension of her trade. Whatever gives colonies to France, supplies her with ships, sailors, manufactures, and husbandmen. Victories by land can only give her mutinous subjects; who, instead of augmenting the national force by their riches or numbers, contribute only to disperse and enfeeble that force; but the growth of colonies supplies her with zealous citizens, and the increase of real wealth, and increase of effective numbers, is the certain consequence.”

“What would Germany, Italy, Spain, and France, combining their strength, do against England? They might assemble in millions on the shores of the Channel, but there would be the limits of their enmity. Without ships to carry them over, without experienced mariners to navigate these ships, Britain would only deride the pompous preparation. The moment we leave the shore, her fleets are ready to pounce upon us, to disperse and destroy our ineffectual armaments. There lies her security; in her insular situation and her navy consist her impregnable defence. Her navy is, in every respect, the offspring of her trade. To rob her of that, therefore, is to beat down her last wall, and to fill up her last moat. To gain it to ourselves, is to enable us to take advantage of her deserted and defenceless borders, and to complete the humiliation of our only remaining competitor.” These are great and serious truths, which every British statesman, and indeed every Briton should engrave on their memories. France will always consider us as her competitor; and she will, accordingly, pursue the plans which can only render her successful against our independence and prosperity. This, Britain ought carefully to remember.

The change contemplated in Africa could not be wrought in a day. But were we once firmly established, in a commanding attitude, on the Niger, and an end put to the two great scourges of Africa, superstition and an external slave trade, the progress of improvement would be rapid, and the advantages great. Commanding the Niger, none could interfere with us. The Arab and the Moor would no longer be tempted, by gain from traffic, to brave the dangers of the great Zahaara; and, if from ambition or love of plunder they did so, then meeting a foe which could effectually oppose them, they would not venture to repeat their incursions and attacks. Thus cut off from the means of obtaining slaves from the interior of Africa to labour for them, as they are now debarred from enslaving Christians, they would be compelled to labour—compelled to follow the example of civilized nations—compelled, in a word, to become civilized also. Nor would the consequences stop here. Those fierce hordes, rendered savage by the hardships they endure, and who frequent the great Zahaara to plunder the traveller and the merchant, and who are tempted with the hopes of wealth to lead such unsettled lives, finding this trade no longer carried on by these routes, would be compelled to emerge from their burning wastes, seek more habitable spots, and thus come more within the power of civilized man. The accomplishment and carrying into effect the object and measures I have endeavoured to point out, would not only civilize Southern and Central Africa, but all the northern and eastern parts thereof; and is, perhaps, the only way by which it can be done, except by the conquest of all those countries by some formidable European power, which, even if one capable of doing that could be found, the jealousies of the other powers would oppose and prevent. But the same reason does not apply to controlling the Southern and Central parts of Africa, because that does not immediately threaten the independence, repose, or interests of any European power.

But it will, and may very justly be asked, what right have we, or any other European nation, to go and fix ourselves in Africa, conquer and controul the native powers, levy taxes, and make them our subjects? The answer is plain; we have no such right, nor is any such right here claimed or advocated. In every thing that has been stated, or that may yet be stated, in the prosecution of this subject, I have viewed matters prospectively, and considered our connection with Africa and our empire there, as extensively and permanently formed. But there is not the smallest idea of wishing to recommend that we should, or hope expressed that we would, enter Africa with the sword drawn to accomplish these objects. Quite the contrary. Fernando Po we may take possession of with the permission of the Portuguese, (should that be deemed necessary to ask,) without invading or violating, in the slightest degree, any right of the natives, or those of any native power in Africa. For the settlement inland, let us purchase the right and title to the space of country we may judge necessary for that purpose, from any of the native Princes or powers to whom it may belong. This was done at Sierra Leone, and may be done in any other part of Africa very readily, and at a trifling expence.

This done, there fixed and fortified, we have an unquestionable right to extend our connections in Africa by trade, and by treaties. We can form alliances, take nations under our protection who may solicit the same, (many certainly would,) and thus situated, we should have the clearest right to resist, repel, and conquer every power which might dare to attack ourselves, or any of our allies. In this manner, as in India, but at much less trouble and expence, our influence, power, and empire, would be felt, would be consolidated, extended, and securely fixed in Africa; and, ere long, it would comprehend all the countries which have been pointed out, either as friends, or immediately under our sway. It is in this manner I would recommend, and wish to see, and hope to see, our power and commerce extended in Africa; and, in this manner, it can and would extend, not only without infringing upon any legitimate rights, but extending inestimable blessings and benefits to all.

We have attempted to do much for Africa, but hitherto without effect. We have expended millions in endeavouring to arrest the career of the slave trade, and upon Sierra Leone; but, in regard to the former, it may be stated altogether without effect. Let it not be supposed that I mean any reflections upon any one on account of the measures which have been pursued, but the expence has hitherto been such as to be a serious item in our national expenditure, and all without any good resulting to either to ourselves or Africa, at least such as offers any prospect of permanent advantage. It was only the other day that, for one year, L.150,000 was voted to pay Portugal for illegal captures of her slave ships, and L.18,000 more as the expences for commissions to watch over and investigate these matters. Large as these sums are, still they are comparatively trifling to what has at different times previously been paid to Spain and Portugal, and in rewards to our naval officers for seizing those very vessels which this nation is thus obliged to repay. A portion, however, of the sums mentioned, and not a very large portion, would be sufficient to commence an establishment such as that recommended, and which, from the trade it would draw to it and protect, would not only be soon able to support itself, but to repay whatever advances government may, in the first instance, have made. On this principle also ought colonies only to be formed in Africa, to draw wealth to Britain, not to take it from her. We have done much for Africa. We are the best entitled of any European nation to secure to ourselves whatever advantages she may possess. To extend and to increase these advantages, a liberal policy in all things is absolutely necessary, and it may be equally advantageous to Africa and to Great Britain that foreign ships should be admitted into such a colony or colonies with the produce of their respective countries which Africa may require, and be permitted in return to take away cargoes of African produce to their own countries, but to these countries alone. This, so far from injuring our commerce in that quarter, would tend rather to increase it, or, where it might militate against our interests, a trifling duty imposed upon foreigners, might, without materially injuring them, make up the difference.

In an undertaking of this kind, we are not to be led away by too sanguine hopes of immediate success; because, if we are so, we shall be completely and unnecessarily discouraged at any untoward circumstance which may, in the course of events, come in our way. Neither are we to imagine that the population of Africa, or indeed any other population within the Torrid Zone, can be brought to exert themselves in the same manner as the hardier natives of temperate climates. But were the exertions of the former only brought to equal one half the labours of the latter, the gain would be immense to Africa and to the world. It would give a new turn, and a different tone, to the feelings and pursuits of the population of that unhappy country. But nothing can be done—nothing ever will be done, to alter their present indolent and inactive mode of life, till justice and general security are spread throughout these extensive regions. It would be vain to expect industry or exertion on their parts, in order to procure the comforts and the luxuries of life, when no one can call any thing he may possess his own, or where the superior wealth which he does possess serves only to mark him out as the prey of the unfeeling robber or sovereign despot. Formidable as these two scourges are in Africa, still they are only so to the feeble and imbecile population, whom superstition and ignorance have, from time immemorial, taught to bend under the yoke. Before the power, energy, and intelligence—before the firmness, prudence, and justice of Great Britain, these would vanish. Those fearful butcheries, under the name of “customs,” at the death of any person of note, so prevalent in Southern Africa, would disappear. Industry and commerce would rear their heads. Christianity would enter, with Liberty in her train; and the unprincipled despot, and the sanguinary freebooter, would shrink back into the deserts, and be heard of no more.

The exertion on the part of Great Britain to accomplish all this would be small. The power of the Arab is declining; it is easy to contend with a power in that condition. The climate opposes some obstacles, the population of Africa none. The smallest gun-brig in our navy would lay the nations dwelling on both banks of the Niger, from Bammakoo to its mouth, from Bornou to Benin, prostrate before us, with awe, obedience, and respect. Coming as their friend—overthrowing what is evil— rearing up, encouraging and protecting what is just, we should teach the nations in these extensive regions to assume their rank amongst the sons of men. To accomplish this, we have, by means of the Niger, a safe and an easy road. Let no other nation pre-occupy it.

TRADE AND COMMERCE OF NORTHERN CENTRAL AFRICA.