INTRODUCTION

1.0 Cebuano

This work is a dictionary of Cebuano Visayan, here called Cebuano for short. Cebuano is spoken in the central portions of the Philippines: on the islands of Cebu and Bohol, on the eastern half of Negros, western half of Leyte, along the northern coasts of Mindanao, and on smaller islands in the vicinity of these areas. A large portion of the urban population of Zamboanga, Davao, and Cotabato is Cebuano speaking. Cebuano is also widely spoken throughout the lowland areas of the entire eastern third of Mindanao, where it is spreading at the expense of the native languages (most of which are closely related to Cebuano). Cebuano is the trade language in most places in Mindanao where Cebuano-speaking populations and populations speaking other languages are in contact.

Cebuano is also called Sugbuanon and is one of more than a dozen languages or dialects which are given the name Bisayan or Visayan. Other types of Visayan are spoken in areas surrounding the Cebuano-speaking area on the north, east, west, and southeast. This dictionary is confined to Cebuano forms and does not include forms which are not Cebuano from other languages called Visayan spoken outside of the area we have delineated.

In the areas where Cebuano is native and, to a large extent, also in areas where Cebuano is a trade language, it is used for almost every aspect of daily life and for most formal occasions: radio-TV, social life, religious life, business, and the first two grades of school. Cebuano is also largely used in the later grades, although English is supposed to be the medium of instruction. In these areas Cebuano language publications enjoy a wide readership.

1.1 Dialects

The Cebuano language is remarkably uniform. There are differences, to be sure, but these differences are no greater than the differences found among the various varieties of English spoken around the world. There are scattered places within the Cebuano area which use a speech widely aberrant from what we describe here: Surigao, Bantayan Islands, and the Camotes Islands. Forms peculiar to those areas we have simply omitted except for a few widely used forms which tend to find their way into standard Cebuano as spoken by natives of these areas. Such forms are listed, but marked ‘dialectal’. Otherwise whatever forms we have found we have listed without comment, whether or not they are in current use throughout the Cebuano speech area.

1.12 Correct and incorrect speech

2.0 Basis of this work

2.1 Personnel

The collection, transcription, and classification of the texts was carried out by a large staff in Cebu City, originating from all over the Cebuano speech area. The final stage, the writing up of the definitions, was carried by a small staff, exclusively native speakers of Cebuano now resident in Cebu: Miss E. Agapay, of Malitbog, Leyte, but also a long time resident of Talibon, Bohol, and in Guihulngan, Negros Oriental; Nicolas Ampatin, of Malitbog, Leyte; Abel Angus, of Tudela, Camotes; José Dioko, of Malaboyoc, Cebu; Mrs. E. Emnace, of Dumanjug, Cebu; Atty. A. Estorco, of Guihulngan, Negros Oriental; Everett Mendoza, of Maasin, Leyte; Mrs. D. Ag. Villondo, of Dumanjug, Cebu, but also a long time resident of Ozamis City, and Molave, Zamboanga del Sur.

2.2 Other sources

The scientific names for plants and shells are based upon specimens which were gathered and identified with their Cebuano names by reliable informants. The specimens were compared against the available literature, and where identification was certain, scientific names were given. Our scientific names for plants are taken from the following sources (in order—plants not listed in the first were referred to the second, those not in the first or second were referred to the third, and so forth): Brown, Quisumbing, Merrill, Steiner. For shellfish, we give no scientific names but follow the English terminology of Abbott, 1962. For the fishes and birds, we relied mainly on pictures for Cebuano identification. For fish available in the local markets, we could examine actual specimens. The scientific names of fish follow those given by Herre (1953) and for birds by Delacour and Myer.

We made heavy use of the anthropological sources listed in the bibliography but independently checked all information incorporated and used terminology listed in them only insofar as we could corroborate it.

3.0 Phonology and transcription

The following chart gives the Cebuano phonemes and the articulation:

Consonants

bilabial apico-alveolar palatal dorsal glottal

voiceless stops p t c k ʔ

voiced stops b d j g

nasals m n ŋ

spirants s h

liquids w l, r y

Vowels

high- or mid-front low central high- or mid-back

i a u

Vowels may be long or short. Contrast between long and short vowels occurs only in the final and the penultimate syllable of the word: káun [kā́ʔun] ‘eat’ and nagdá [nagdā́] ‘is bringing’. Further, there is only one long vowel per word. There is also a phoneme of stress which has a very low contrastive function. For the most part stress can be determined by the phonological make-up of the word: 1 stress falls on the long vowel of the word if the word has a long vowel: nagdá [nagdā́], káun [kā́ʔun]. 2 for words that have no long vowel, stress is on the penultimate if it is closed: tan-aw [tánʔaw] ‘see’; mugbù [múgbuʔ] ‘short’. If the penultimate is open and short, stress is on the ultimate: mala [malá] ‘dry’. Occasionally, in words with a closed penult the final syllable is stressed (marked here with a wedge): mandǎr [mandár] ‘order’; dughǐt [dughít] ‘instrument for poking’. In words with a long vowel in the ultimate syllable there is, in some dialects, a contrast between the stress on the first mora and stress on the second mora of the long vowel: nahū́g [nahúug] ‘fell’; húg [huúg] ‘woof’. This contrast does not obtain in all dialects.

3.2 Transcription

The transcription here adopted adheres as closely as possible to the spelling found in Cebuano publications and at the same time is strictly phonemic—that is, each phoneme is indicated, and no phoneme in a given environment is given more than one transcription. Our transcription follows the phonemic symbols given in the Chart 3.0 with the exceptions listed in the following sections.

3.21 Vowels

We write only three vowels: i, u, a. In Cebuano publications /i/ is sometimes written i, sometimes e, but with no consistency; and /u/ sometimes is written u, sometimes o (again with no consistency). But here the letters e and o are not used.

Long vowels are indicated with an acute accent: nagdá [nagdā́] ‘is bringing’, lána [lā́na] ‘coconut oil’. (Cebuano publications occasionally indicate long vowels by doubling them, but most frequently long vowels are ignored.)

Stress is not indicated if the placement is according to the rules given in Section 3.0, above. Where a word with a closed penult has a stress on the final syllable, this fact is indicated by a wedge: mandǎr [mandár] ‘order’. For words with a long vowel in the final syllable where the stress is on the final mora, the acute accent indicates the long vowel and stress on the final mora: húg [huúg] ‘woof, trák [traák] ‘bus’. For words with a long vowel in the final syllable where the stress is on the first mora, the stress on the first mora and length are indicated by a combination of a long mark and acute accent: nahū́g [nahúug] ‘fell’, ang-ā́ng [ʔangʔáang] ‘not quite’.

3.22 Glottal stop /ʔ/

3.23 /ŋ/, /c/, /j/, /dy/, /ty/

The phoneme /ŋ/ is transcribed ng, as in Cebuano publications: bángun /báŋun/ ‘get up’. The sequence /ng/ is transcribed n-g: san-glas /sanglas/ ‘sunglasses’.

3.24 Ciy and Cy; Cuw and Cw; ayi and ay; awu and aw

The contrast between /Ciy/ and /Cy/ and between /Cuw/ and /Cw/ (where C is any consonant) obtains only in the position where the /y/ or /w/ precedes a vowel of the final syllable (e.g. paliya [paliyá] ‘k.o. vegetable’ vs. palya [pálya] ‘fail’). When the /y/ or /w/ precedes a vowel of the penultimate or earlier syllable, the contrast does not obtain. If one consonant precedes the /y/ or /w/ we write Cy and Cw; biyà ‘leftovers’ but hibyaan /hi-byà-an/ ‘be left behind’; guwà ‘go out’, higwaan ‘gone out from’. If two consonants precede the /y/ or /w/ we write Ciy and Cuw respectively: pinsiyunáda ‘one who receives a pension’, nagkuwarisma ‘have a sad expression’ (but Kwarisma ‘Lent’).

Similarly, the contrast between /Vyi/ and /Vy/ or /Vwu/ and /Vw/ (where V is any vowel) obtains only when the /y/ or /yi/, /w/ or /wu/ are final in the word: bay ‘term of address’ vs. bayi ‘female’; mabaw ‘shallow’ vs. hibawu (or hibáwu) ‘know’. In closed final syllables or penultimate or earlier syllables the contrast does not obtain. We write Vyi and Vwu in closed syllables and Viy and Vuw in open syllables: bayinti ‘twenty’ but ayta ‘give me’; dawunggan ‘ear’ but awtu ‘car’.

4.0 Listing of Entries

The entries are liberally illustrated, with the primary aim of clarifying the meaning and with a secondary aim of exemplifying the morphological characteristics of the affixed forms.

5.0 Alternations

5.1 Morphophonemic alternations

Since the listing in this dictionary is strictly by root, an outline of the important morphophonemic alternations is given here. In the entries nonpredictable morphophonemic alternations are indicated by writing the affixed forms out.

5.11 Shift of stress

The general rule is that an affixed form has the stress on the same syllable as the root alone. Where this general rule is broken, there is said to be SHIFT OF STRESS. When an affixed form has final stress where the root had penultimate stress, there is said to be SHIFT TO THE FINAL SYLLABLE, indicated by the symbol (→):

káun /kā́ʔun/ ‘eat’ + nag-(→) = nagkaun /nagkaʔún/ ‘is eating’

tugnaw /túgnaw/ ‘cold’ + -un(→) = tugnawun /tugnawún/ ‘be cold’

When an affixed form has penultimate stress where the root had final stress, there is said to be SHIFT TO THE PENULTIMATE SYLLABLE, indicated by the symbol (←):

sakay /sakáy/ ‘ride’ + nag-(←) = nagsákay /nagsā́kay/ ‘ride together’

In many cases an unaffixed root has both final stress and penultimate stress (depending on the meaning). Whichever stress occurs with the prefix MU- (see the entry under MU-) is taken to be the stress of the root. Thus, the formation of the unaffixed root with a different stress pattern is said to be by the addition of an affix consisting of shift of stress alone:

5.12 Dropping of vowels

When a suffix is added to a root with a stressed final syllable, the tendency is to drop the vowel of the final syllable of the root:

dakup /dakúp/ arrest + -an = dakpan /dákpan/ be arrested

pisik /pisík/ splash + -an = piskan /pískan/ be splashed

lakat /lakát/ go + -unun = laktunun /laktunún/ errand

This occasionally also happens to roots with stressed penults:

kalímut /kalímut/ forget + -i = kalimti /kalímti/ forget it

5.13 Adding of /h/ or /ʔ/ to roots ending in a vowel when a suffix is added

Some roots which end in a vowel add /ʔ/ before a suffix, some roots add /h/, other roots add either /ʔ/ or /h/ (depending on which suffix):

bása /bása/ read + -un = basáhun /basáhun/ be read

adtu /ʔádtu/ go + -un = adtúun /ʔadtū́ʔun/ gone to get

kabaláka /kabaláka/ worry + -an = kabalak-an /kabalákʔan/ s.t. to worry about (with the vowel of the final syllable of the root dropped—5.12).

sulti /súlti/ talk + -un = sultíhun /sultī́hun/ talk it out

sulti /súlti/ talk + -ánay = sultiánay /sultiʔā́nay/ conversation

5.14 Metathesis

káun /káʔun/ eat + -a = kan-a /kánʔa/ eat it (with the final syllable of the root dropped).

luhud /luhúd/ kneel + -an = ludhan /lúdhan/ kneel on (with the vowel of the final syllable of the root dropped).

The sequences /ʔVh/ usually becomes /hVʔ/ (where V is a vowel):

túu /túʔu/ believe + -an = tuhúan /tuhū́ʔan/ believable (where /h/ is intercalated by the rule of 5.13).

Sequences of a liquid or /s/ plus a consonant tend to be metathesized when a suffix is added if the vowel of the final syllable of the root is dropped.

ngálan /ŋálan/ name + -an = nganlan /ŋánlan/ be named

sulud /sulúd/ enter + -un = sudlun /súdlun/ enter it

inum /ʔinúm/ drink + -a = imna /ʔímna/ drink it

putus /putús/ wrap + -un = pustun /pústun/ wrap it

lusut /lusút/ go through + -an = lutsan /lū́can/ go through it

These alternations also manifest themselves in competing root forms: alhu /ʔálhu/ and hal-u /halʔu/ ‘pestle’; kalamunggay and kamalunggay ‘k.o. tree’.

5.15 Change of /r/ or /l/ to /d, g, h/

Intervocalically, /d/ usually becomes /r/ or, less frequently, /l/:

búkid mountain + ka-an = kabukíran or, alternatively, kabukílan mountains

Vice versa, in roots with intervocalic /l/ or /r/, the /l/ or /r/ may change to /d/ when final or abutting on a consonant.

walà /waláʔ/ be lost + -un = wad-un /wadʔun/ lose s.t. (with loss of the final vowel of the root).

hurut /hurút/ use up + -un = hutdun /hútdun/ use s.t. up (with metathesis).

pálung /páluŋ/ extinguish + -an = pagngan /págŋan/ extinguish it

haluk /halúk/ kiss + -an = hagkan /hágkan/ kiss it

/r/ or, occasionally, /l/ at the end of a root may change to /h/ when suffixes are added. These are almost always words of Spanish provenience.

mantinil make do with + -an = mantinihan make do with it

imbitar invite + -un = imbitahun invite him

5.2 Competing forms

Forms which are the same in meaning and which are related to each other in that one underwent the sound change and the other did not are defined only once and cross reference is made. Some sound changes are so common and regular that only the older form is listed, and it is to be taken for granted that the form which shows the sound change also normally occurs unless a statement to the contrary is made.

5.21 Dropping of /l/

5.211 Intervocalic /l/

Most (but not all) roots which contain an /l/ between /a/’s and /u/’s compete with roots which lack /l/. The forms without /l/ are used generally in the Northeastern portion of the Cebuano area: all areas east of Cebu (Bohol, Masbate, Leyte and islands in between) and on the northern half of Cebu. In the Southwestern areas (Negros, southern half of Cebu and most of Mindanao, the /l/ forms predominate.

Between like vowels /l/ is dropped and the vowel is usually lengthened: kalabaw or kábaw ‘water buffalo’; balay or báy ‘house’; tutulu or tutú ‘three’. In closed syllables or in the case of /l/ beginning the antepenult, no compensatory lengthening takes place: kalatkat or katkat ‘climb’; kalamunggay or kamunggay ‘k.o. tree’.

Between /a/ and /u/ or /u/ and /a/, /l/ becomes /w/: lalum or lawum ‘deep’; sulab or suwab ‘blade’. The sequence /alu/ in the antepenult and penult or earlier in the root becomes /u/ in Cebu and northern Leyte but /awu/ in Bohol and southern Leyte: dalunggan or dunggan or dawunggan ‘ear’.

5.212 Post-consonantal /l/

There is a tendency to drop post-consonantal /l/ usually (but not always) with compensatory lengthening of the vowel of the penult: kinahanglan or kinahángan ‘need’; aplud or apud ‘astringent in taste’; danglug or dángug or dangug ‘slippery’. The /l/-less forms are most common in the areas which drop intervocalic /l/. The dropping of post-consonantal /l/ is by no means as widespread as dropping of intervocalic /l/, and alternative forms are listed.

5.213 Final /l/

In Bohol and southern Leyte there is a tendency for /al/ at the end of a word to become /aw/ and /ul/ to become /u/: bagal or bagaw ‘shell’. In this case alternative forms are listed.

5.214 Change of /l/ to /y/

Historically, intervocalic /l/ in isolated dialects became /y/. Forms with /y/ for /l/ have spread throughout the Cebuano-speaking area, and some are in competition with /l/-retaining forms: tingáli or tingáyi ‘perhaps’; kalugpus or kayugpus (also kugpus—by the rule of 5.211) ‘fold the arms’. In this case, competing forms are listed with cross reference.

5.22 Assimilation and metathesis

There is a tendency for nasal consonants which abut on consonants to be assimilated: bungdul or bundul ‘poke’; hingbis or himbis ‘scales’; amgid or anggid (also ambid) ‘like’. This alternation is sporadic, and competing forms are listed.

There is some competition between forms with voiced and forms with voiceless consonants, where the competition derives from assimilation: tikbas or tigbas ‘strike with a blade’; bukdu or bugdu ‘bulging out’. Again the competing forms are listed.

There is also competition between forms which differ by virtue of metathesis: bungdul or dungbul (and dumbul) ‘poke’; itsa or ista ‘throw’; bàgu /baʔgu/ or bag-u /bagʔu/ ‘new’. (Cf. Section 5.14.) Competing forms that differ by virtue of metathesis are listed except for forms containing a sequence /Cʔ/ which invariably compete with forms containing /ʔC/.

5.23 Change of vowels

The vowel of the antepenult sporadically may change to /a/: kumusta or kamusta ‘how are, is’; batíis or bitíis ‘leg’. Occasionally /a/ or /u/ is assimilated to a following /y/ or an /i/ in the following syllable: biyà or bayà ‘leave’; musimus or misimus ‘lowly’. In these cases competing forms are listed.

5.24 Change of /y/ to /dy/

5.25 Competing forms where no sound change is involved

Roots which are not relatable by the above rules are given separate definitions. The exception to this rule is equivalent names of flora and fauna and technical terms which refer to exactly the same cultural forms: e.g. gwayabanu, labanu, malabanu, síku karabaw are all the same plant (Anona muricata); humagbus and hinablus both refer to the same relationship.

6.1 Inflection

Future Past Subjunctive

Active

Punctual mu- mi-, ni-, ning-, ming- mu-

Durative mag-, maga- nag-, naga-, ga- mag-, maga-

Potential maka-, ka- naka-, ka- maka-, ka-

Direct Passive

Punctual -un gi- -a

Durative paga-un* gina-* paga-a*

Potential ma- na- ma-

Local Passive

Punctual -an gi-an -i

Durative paga-an* gina-an* paga-i*

Potential ma-an, ka-an na-an ma-i, ka-i

Instrumental Passive

Punctual i- gi- i-

Durative iga-* gina-* iga-*

Potential ma-, ika- na-, gika- ma-, ika-

6.2 Verbal derivation

When the active inflectional affixes are added to verb bases which contain some of these derivative prefixes, they undergo morphophonemic alternations as shown in the following chart:

together with prefix ni- (mi-, ning-) becomes mu- becomes

paN- naN- maN-

pakig- nakig- makig-

paniN- naniN- maniN-

pani- nani- mani-

panggi- nanggi- manggi-

These affixes are given entries and defined there.

7.0 Classification of roots according to their system of affixation

With the rich system of derivational and inflectional affixations to which Cebuano roots are subject, there are literally hundreds of different affixed forms for any given root. Since it is manifestly impossible to list exhaustively all affixations for any given root, we follow the principle here that PRODUCTIVE FORMATIONS are generally not listed unless there is s.t. especial about their meanings or morphophonemics. By PRODUCTIVE FORMATIONS we mean affixes which are added to all, or almost all, members of a certain group of roots. For example, the affix ka-an₂ is added to any root which refers to a plant to form a collective noun referring to a place where a group of that type of plant is found. The formation, ka-[plant]-an, is not listed except in cases where there is s.t. special about the affixation, as for example kalubinhan ‘coconut grove’ (from lubi) which undergoes special morphophonemics or kabaknitan ‘thicket’ (from baknit ‘k.o. vine’), where the meaning of the affixed form is not predictable from the meaning of the base and the affixes. The following productive affixes are listed only occasionally. For their meanings and a description of the type of roots to which they are added, see the entries: pa-1,2; paN-1a,c, panggi-, hi-/ha-; hiN-₁; -ay/-anay; paka-₂, doubling or Culu-; -in-₁, -in₂, ka-an₂, -in-an₁, -in-an₂, ma-₂.

The inflectional affixes which may be added to a given verb base in a given meaning are indicated by means of a formula which is explained in the following subsections. The derivational affixes paN-1a,c, pakig-, and ka- are also indicated with these formulas.

Our classification of verbs consists of two parts separated by a semicolon: the active and the passive. The active classes are indicated by capital letters A, B, C and numbers indicating subclasses; and the passive classes are indicated by minuscules a, b, and c followed by numbers indicating subclasses. E.g. palit ‘buy’, which is in class A; a, takes the active affixes listed for A (Section 7.11) and the passive affixes listed for a (Section 7.21). In the following subsections the verbs mentioned as examples of each conjugation class are listed with examples for all the relevant affixations.

7.1 Active verb classes

7.11 Class A conjugation, the action verbs

7.111 Subclasses of the class A conjugation

The numbers which follow the letter A indicate nonoccurrence of affixes. The symbol A1 indicates verbs of the A conjugation which do not occur with the punctual-active set, mu- (mi-, etc.). An example of a verb of this type is ikspidisiyun ‘go on an expedition’. The symbol A2 indicates that the base does not occur with the durative-active set, mag- (nag-, etc.). A verb of this class is sángit ‘catch, snag s.t.’. The symbol A3 indicates that the base does not occur with the potential-active set, maka- (naka-, etc.), e.g. habhab,3 ‘eat away a portion of s.t.’. Two numbers following the letter A indicate the absence of two of the three active affixes. E.g. A12 indicates a base which occurs only with maka- (naka-, etc.) but not with mu- and mag-, e.g. salà.

The symbol A13 indicates lack of mu- and maka- but occurrence of mag-, e.g. dahum ‘expect’.

The symbol S following a number indicates that the base occurs with the prefix represented, but that there is shift (Section 5.11). E.g. dalágan ‘run’ is in class A2S: it occurs with all three sets, but the penult is short when the durative affixes, mag-, etc., are added. Dáwat ‘receive’ is in class A3S: it occurs with all three active sets, but the penult is short when the potential affixes, maka-, etc., are added.

The symbol P following the letter A indicates that the unaffixed root and the root plus pa- have exactly the same meaning and are used interchangeably with the active affixes: e.g. mala ‘dry’.

The symbol A3P indicates that the root occurs with both maka- (naka-) and, alternatively, with makapa- (nakapa-) with no difference in meaning. Further, the base occurs with nonpotential affixes, but with the nonpotential active affixes, pa- cannot be added to the base without changing the meaning. The symbol A123P means that the root occurs only with potential-active affixes (i.e., does not occur with mu- or mag-), but it does occur with maka- and also with makapa- having the same meaning as maka-, e.g. malarya ‘get malaria’.

7.12 Class B conjugation, the stative verbs

Verbs of class B refer to s.t. that happened to s.o. or s.t. If they are the predicate of the sentence, the subject is the thing to which the event happened. Verbs of class B occur with mu- (mi-, etc.), meaning 3, mag- (nag-, etc.), meaning 3, ma- (na-, etc.), meaning 3, maka- (naka-, etc.) or, alternatively, makapa- (nakapa-) with a meaning ‘cause s.t. to become [so-and-so]’, and with magka-₂ (nagka-, etc.). The entry for pula ‘red’ illustrates this conjugation. The entry for duktur ‘doctor’ illustrates a verb of this class formed from a noun root.

7.121 Subclasses of verbs of the B conjugation

Verbs of class B1 lack mu-, e.g. págud ‘get burnt’. Verbs of class B2 lack mag-, e.g. palanas ‘be eroded’. Verbs of B3 occur with maka- but have a meaning ‘become [so-and-so]’, e.g. laun ‘age’. Verbs of class B3(1) occur with maka- in two meanings: (1) become [so-and-so], and (2) cause to become [so-and-so]. In the latter meaning it also occurs with makapa- (nakapa-), e.g. lup-ut₂ ‘thicken’. Verbs of class B4 lack na- (ma-). E.g. laúsag ‘got worse and worse’. Verbs of class B5 lack maka- (naka-) and verbs of class B6 lack magka-₂, e.g. paliyar ‘for an engine to malfunction’. Many verbs in the class B conjugation have one or more of these conjugational features. E.g. duktur as a verb ‘become a doctor’ is in class B16,—i.e. it lacks mu- and lacks magka-.

The symbols S and N are used just as with the verbs of the A conjugation. The symbolization B2S indicates that the penult is short with the durative affixes (mag-, etc.), e.g. lúya ‘get weak’. A symbol BN indicates that paN- may be added to the base with the volitional affix (mu-) and that the root plus mu- (mi-, etc.) does not differ in meaning from the root plus maN- (naN-).26 An example of a verb of conjugation BN is pula.

7.13 Class C conjugation, the mutual action verbs

Verbs of class C refer to an action which two or more agents engage in mutually. Verbs in this class usually have a long penult and shift the stress to the penult if the final syllable of the unaffixed root is stressed. Verbs of this class occur with the durative prefixes, mag-₁, (nag-, etc.), meaning 5, with the potential prefix magka-₁ (nagka-), and with the prefix makig- (nakig-). The entry for sábut ‘come to an understanding’ (under sabut (←)) illustrates a verb of class C conjugation.

7.131 Subclasses of the class C conjugation

The symbol C1 refers to verbs which lack the durative set, mag-. The symbol C2 refers to verbs which lack the potential set, magka-. The symbol C3 refers to verbs which lack the set makig-. The listing for balíus ‘miss each other’ exemplifies a verb of class C13 (missing both mag-₁ and makig-). The entry púyù ‘live together’ illustrates a verb of class C2 (lacking the potential form magka-₁).

7.2 Passive verb classes

7.21 Class a verbs

7.211 Subclasses of the class a conjugation

Verbs in class a1 lack a local passive; verbs in class a2 lack an instrumental passive (except in the benefactive and temporal meanings [-i₁, meanings 3 and 4], to which all verbs in the language are subject). Verbs in class a12 lack both the local and the instrumental passive. The verb daug, 1 ‘overcome’ exemplifies this conjugation. Verbs in class a3 have only potential passive affixes, e.g. dungug, 1 ‘hear’. Verbs in class a4 refer to a focus which is the thing suffering from or affected by the thing referred to by the verb (-un₁, meaning 2), e.g. malarya ‘get malaria’.

7.22 Class b verbs

Verbs of class b occur with a local passive affix, and the local passive refers to a focus which is the recipient of the action (see -an₁, meaning 2). Verbs of this class also normally occur with the instrumental passive affixes (see i-₁) in the instrumental, beneficial, and temporal meanings (i-₁, meanings 2, 3, and 4). Haluk ‘kiss’ illustrates a verb of class b conjugation.

7.221 Subclasses of class b

The symbol b(1) indicates verbs of class b which lack the instrumental passive conjugation (in any but the benefactive and temporal meanings [i-₁, meanings 3 and 4], to which all verbs in Cebuano are subject). An example of a b(1) verb is bantay ‘watch’.

The symbol b1 indicates verbs the local passives of which refer to a focus which is the place of the action (-an₁, meaning 1) or, in another meaning, to the recipient of the action (-an₁, in meaning 2). Laba ‘wash’ illustrates a verb of this type.

The symbol b2 indicates verbs of the a conjugation, the local passive of which refers to the place of the action, but which also occur with the affix hi-an(→) (hi-i), meaning 2, to refer to the accidental recipient of the action. Bása ‘read’ illustrates a verb in class ab2.

The symbol b3 indicates verbs the local passive of which refers to the reason for the action (-an₁, meaning 5). Dalágan ‘run’ illustrates this class. The symbol b3(1) indicates verbs of class b3 which occur only with potential affixes (ma-/na-an/-i or, alternatively, gika-/ka-an/-i). Hadluk ‘be afraid’ illustrates a verb of b3(1).

The symbol b4 indicates verbs the local passive of which refers to a focus which is the thing affected by the action or the thing this verb refers to (-an₁, meaning 4). Buntag, 3 ‘be overtaken by morning’ illustrates a verb of this class. The symbol b4(1) indicates verbs of class b4 which have only potential affixes. Walà ‘lose’ illustrates a verb of this class.

The symbol b6 refers to verbs which have no passive other than the local passive and the instrumental passive in the benefactive or temporal meanings (-i₁, meanings 3 and 4), and, further, the local passive refers to a focus which is the place or the beneficiary of the action (-an₁, meaning 1), or, in the case of adjectives, refers to a focus which is the person who considered s.o. to be [adjective]. Kulumbítay ‘hang’ is an example of a verb of class b6. The symbol b6(1) refers to verbs of this sort which also occur with an instrumental passive in the instrumental meaning—i.e. the focus of the instrumental passive is the instrument with which the action of the verb is carried out (i-₁, meaning 2). Dagkut, 1 ‘light’ is an example of a verb of class b6(1).

The symbol b7 indicates verbs the local passive of which refers to a focus which is s.t. diminished or added to (-an₁, meaning 2a). Kúhà ‘take’ illustrates a verb of this conjugation.

The symbol b8 indicates verbs which have only potential local passives. Kamau ‘know’ (listed under mau) is a verb of class b8.

7.23 Class c verbs

Verbs of class c have instrumental passive affixes which refer to a focus which is the thing conveyed by the action or the direct recipient of the action (see i-₁, meaning 1). Verbs of class c normally also occur with the local passive affixes (-an₁) referring to a focus which is the place or the beneficiary of the action (-an₁, meaning 1). Lábay ‘throw away’ illustrates a verb of this type. Dalágan,1 illustrates a verb of class c which refers to motion.

7.231 Subclasses of class c verbs

The symbol c2 indicates verbs for which the local and the instrumental passive forms are synonymous, where with the local passive and the instrumental passive forms refer to a focus which is the recipient of the action (-an₁, meaning 2, and i-₁, meaning 1). An example of a verb in class c2 is dusù ‘shove’.

The symbol c3 indicates verbs the instrumental passive of which refers to a focus which is the recipient of the action (i-, meaning 2), but which occur only with the potential affixes ika-, gika-. A verb in class c3 is isturya ‘talk to’.

The symbol c4 refers to verbs which optionally take a prefix ig-₁ for the future instrumental passive nonpotential form and igka-₁ for the future instrumental passive potential form. Dúngug,3 (listed under dungug (←)) ‘hear from’ is an example of a verb in class c4.

The symbol c5 refers to verbs the instrumental passive of which refers to a focus which is the reason on account of which the agent came into [such-and-such] a state (-i, meaning 5, and ika-₁, meaning 2). Lípay ‘be happy’ is an example of a verb with c5 conjugation.

The symbol c6 refers to verbs of class c which do not occur with local passive affixes.

For roots beginning with N plus the initial consonant after root produces

p, b m

t, d, s n

k, ʔ (written as initial vowel), ng ng

l ngl or, alternatively, nl

other consonants or clusters of consonants ng plus initial consonant