A Cruising VOYAGE Round the WORLD, Begun August 1. 1708. and Finished October 14. 1711. (continued 5)

The Province abounds with several sorts of good Timber, which makes it the chief Country of Peru for building and repairing Ships; there’s seldom less than 6 or 7 at a time on the Stocks before the Town of Guiaquil. The chief Commodity this City and its Province afford is Cocoa, which is so plentiful, as to supply most Places on the South Sea; they say there’s never less exported in a Year than 30000 Cargaus, each Cargau 81 Pound Weight, and sometimes double the Quantity: It was purchas’d generally at half a Ryal per Pound, but now much cheaper, so that the Cargau may be bought for 2 Pieces of Eight and a half. Their coasting Trade is for Salt and Salt Fish, from Point Santa Helena, and most vended at Quito and other distant Places within Land. A vast quantity of Timber is laden here for Truxillo, Chancay, Lima, and other Sea-ports, where ’tis scarce; it pays a great Freight, and is a profitable Trade: They export also from hence Rice, Cotton, and some dry’d Jerkt Beef. There are no Mines of Silver or Gold in this Province, but Plenty of all sorts of Cattle, and very cheap, especially on the Island Puna, where we supply’d our selves with what we could stow conveniently. Here’s no other Corn but Indian, so that all their Flower is brought from Truxillo, Cheripe, and other Places in the Windward Parts, it blows here always Southerly. They are also supplied with several sorts of Woollen Cloth, and very good strong Bays made at Quito; their Wine, Brandy, Oil, Olives and Sugar, &c. come from Piscola, Nasca, and other Places to Windward. All sorts of European Goods come hither from Panama, whither they are brought over Land from Portobello out of the North Seas; so that the Number of Ships that come and go from hence, without including the Coasters, are no less than 40 Sail every Year, which shows that the Port of Guiaquil is no mean Place of Trade in this Part of the World. A Market is also kept on Bark-Logs and Boats in the River every day before the Town, with all that the Country affords in great plenty.

Having thus given an account of the Wealth and Trade of the Town and Province from my own Knowledge, or good Information, I shall now proceed to give a further Account of the Strength and Government of the Province. The Corregidore is Governour in all Civil and Military Affairs of the whole; the next is his Lieutenant, call’d by the Spaniards Lieutenant General, and all the chief Officers reside in or near Guiaquil.

Description of Guiaquil.

Their Method of trying Civil and Criminal Causes being different from ours, I shall give as clear an Idea of it as I can. When any Court is held, or urgent Affair happens, the following Persons are summon’d to the Council in Guiaquil. First, the Corregidore, the Lieutenant General, 2 Alcaldes or Justices, who are generally Men vers’d in the Law, and serve in the nature of Mayors and Justices by turns every Year; the next is the Algozil Major, with 8 Regidores or Common Council-men, who supply the room of the superior Officers, in case of Absence or Death, till the Viceroys Pleasure be known, and always give their Votes in publick Affairs; in Cases of Law they are a standing Jury, and the Corregidore is Judge, but generally follows the Advice of the Alcalds. The Plaintiff or Defendant may appeal after Trial to the Supream Court of Lima, which is encourag’d by the Gentlemen of the Law, who improve Suits to such a Degree, that tho’ they are almost as numerous as the Clergy, yet they are a thriving Society, seldom want Imployment, and have large Fees. There are 2 Attorneys call’d Clerks of the Court, and 4 Algozils or Serjeants. All Lawyers are allow’d to practise here, and have a Sallary from the King besides their Fees, and since Money abounds here, many of ’em don’t scruple taking Fees on both Sides.

The Inquisition rages worse here than in Old Spain; their chief Court is at Lima, but 4 Officers from that Court are settl’d at Guiaquil, besides 24 Clergy belonging to the Town, who inform against any Person that they suspect of Opinions contrary to the Roman Church, and with a violent Zeal prosecute ’em almost without any Formality. The Offenders are speedily sent to the chief Court at Lima, where nothing but a great deal of Money can save ’em, if found guilty in the least degree.

Their Military Men affect great Titles, and their Strength is as follows.

The Corregidore is General, Don Hieronimo Boso. Master le Camp, Don Christopher Ramadeo de Areano. Serjeant Major, Don Francisco Gantes. Commissaria de la Cavalaria, Don Antonio Calabria.

They have 5 Dons all Captains of Infantry, and each of ’em a large Company: One Don is a Captain of near 200 Horsemen, and there are Lieutenants, Ensigns, Serjeants, Corporals and Drummers to each Company, as customary among the Spaniards. By the most reasonable Computation of their Force, they could in a few days bring together 900 armed Horse and Foot Militia; and I was inform’d by them they had not less than 500 of these in a Body before we landed, and beat ’em out of the Town, there being always that Number ready in the Towns and adjacent Parts upon an Alarm. These and many more form’d a sorry Camp within a League of us in the Woods, whilst with about 160 Men we kept the Town till they ransom’d it. An English-man that run over to us after the Fight, who had lived 2 Years in the Town, and saw their Force, told us there were many more than what the Spaniards acknowledge by the abovemention’d Account, and that he saw at one time, a few Months before, upwards of 1100 Horse and Foot drawn up and muster’d before the Town.

Their other Towns are govern’d by Lieutenants deputed by the Corregidore; above half of ’em border on the same River and its Branches, so that they can join those of the Capital in 2 Tides, tho’ at several Leagues distance. These Towns and Lieutenancies are as follow.

A LIST of the Lieutenancy of this Province.

Leagues.

Y Aquache, govern’d by a Lieutenant, distant from Guiaquil7

Bava12

Pemocho has 6 Brass Guns of 16 Pound Ball, both govern’d —by the same Lieutenant.14

Puna,—By the same Lieutenant—9

Naranghal,14

Machala,14

Daule, a Lieutenant7

Point St. Hellena,—by the same Lieut.—30

Colonche,20

Chongong,7

Chandoe,10

Sheba,—by the same Lieut.—21

Babaoya,16

Chilintoam,14

Porto Vaco,—by the same Lieut.—34

Charapeto,36

Peco Assaa,25

Manta,40

Hepe Hapa,30

Porto Vaco was formerly the Metropolis of the Province, before the Government was removed to Guiaquil.

At Guiaquil.

In the Towns and the whole Province the Spaniards compute at least 10000 Inhabitants; but I believe there are many more. They are distinguish’d by themselves into 11 Classes or Sorts, which being particular, and worth remarking, I shall add a Description of them, for the Information of such as have not been in those Parts.

The first and chief is the original Spaniards, never yet mix’d with other People (at least as they pretend) and these are most respected.

2. The Mustees, begot by Spaniards on Indian Women.

3. Fino Mustees, their Children married again with the Spaniards.

4. Terceroons de Indies, their Children again mix’d with the Spaniards.

5. Quarteroons de Indies, their Posterity again mix’d with the Spaniards. These last are allowed to be Primitive Spaniards again.

6. Mullattoes, begot by a Spaniard, or any European, on a Negro Woman.

7. Quarteroon de Negroes, again mixt with the Spaniards, and esteem’d no better than Mullattoes.

8. Terceroon de Negroes, a third Mixture with the Spaniards, still call’d Mullattoes, because they will not allow ’em the Privilege or Title of Spaniard after once debas’d with the Negro Breed, tho’ some of ’em are as white as themselves; but they can’t get off the ugly Name of Mullatto, unless they hide their Descent, which is no hard Task, if they remove their Abode to another Place where they are not known, which is often practis’d and conniv’d at by the Fathers of the Church, to increase the Number of good Catholick Spaniards.

9. The 9th Sort is Indians, who are all of a dark Olive-tawny Colour; these (tho’ the true and antient Proprietors of the Country) are placed a Class below the worst of the Spanish Descendants, which are generally begot without Marriage on their Servants and Slaves.

10. Negroes.

11. All the Species and Breeds between the Negroes and Indians are call’d Sambos, tho’ by mixing their Breed as they do, they commonly differ little or nothing to the Eye from the Spanish mix’d Descendants.

These 11 are the common Sorts, tho’ some of ’em seem not very regularly distinguish’d: But they have rung Changes so often in those Peals of Generation, that there is no End of their Distinctions. The Spaniards are the fewest by far of all the Inhabitants; and were it not for those Mixtures, which the Fathers of the Church keep united, the Indians might again take possession of their Country, for the Spaniards would be too few to keep it, and much more uncapable of peopling it. Few of those Prisoners that fell into our hands were healthy and sound; near half of the Spaniards discover’d publickly to our Doctors their Malady, in order to get Physick from them against the French Disease, which is so common here, that they reckon it no Scandal to be deep in the Powdering Tub; and the Heat of the Country facilitating the Cure, they make very light of it. All the Spaniards I discours’d allow that this rich Country is not a tenth peopled, nor are half the Indians far within Land civilized, tho’ they affirm their King has in the West Indies more Subjects of several Colours, than in all Spain, or the rest of his Dominions in Europe (which may be true) and I believe they are such Subjects, as no Christian King can boast of; for the King of Spain is able to match the Skins of his Americans to any Colour, with more Variety and Exactness than a Draper can match his Cloth and Trimming.

The Account that the French Buccaneers, alias Pirates, gave of this Place, is so false, that there’s not the least Truth in it; so that by their Description it would not appear to be the same Place, had they not left infamous Marks of their being here: For when they took the Town of Guiaquil about 22 Years ago, they discover’d little or no Bravery in the Attack (tho’ they lost a great many Men) and committed a great deal of Brutishness and Murther after they had the Place in their Power, which was above a Month here and at Puna. The Seasons here are improperly call’d Winter and Summer; the Winter is reckon’d from the Beginning of December to the last of May, and all that Season is sultry hot, wet and unhealthy. From the latter End of May to December ’tis serene, dry and healthy, but not so violently hot as what they call Winter.

Their Cocoa is ripe, and mostly gather’d between June and August, and of the other Fruits natural to these Climates, some are ripe and others green all the Year. But I return to my Journal, and the Account of our Voyage to the Gallapagoes Islands.

From Guiaquil towards the Gallapagos.

May 11. A fresh Gale at S.S.W. We had upwards of 20 Men that fell ill within these 24 Hours, and our Consort near 50, of a malignant Fever, contracted as I suppose at Guiaquil, where I was informed, that about a Month or 5 Weeks before we took it, a contagious Disease which raged there swept off 10 or 12 Persons every Day for a considerable time; so that the Floors of all the Churches (which are their usual Burial Places) were fill’d so fast, that they were obliged to dig a large and deep Hole of about a Rod square, close by the great Church, where I kept Guard; and this Hole was almost fill’d with Corps half putrified. The Mortality was so very great, that many of the People had left the Town, and our lying so long in the Church surrounded with such unwholsom Scents, was enough to infect us too.

Capt. Courtney was taken ill, and Capt. Dover went on board the Dutchess to prescribe for him.

May 14. This Day we saw a great many Albacores in pursuit of Flying Fish, and a very large Albacore[131] leap’d into one of our Boats. We have now about 50 Men down, and the Dutchess upwards of 70; but I hope the Sea Air (which is very fresh) will make the Climate more healthy.

May 15. At 6 last Night Mr. Samuel Hopkins, Dr. Dover’s Kinsman and Assistant, died; he read Prayers once a Day ever since we pass’d the Equinox in the North Sea: He was a very good temper’d sober Man, and very well beloved by the whole Ship’s Company.

May 17. This Morning we saw the Land bearing S. S. W. about 10 Leagues distant. It seems a large Island, and high Land: We tack’d and stood E. by S. Wind at S. by E. to turn up to Windward for the Island. Our Men in both Ships continue very ill; we have near 60 sick, and the Dutchess upwards of 80. We had a good Observation, Lat. 00°. 37´´. S.

May 18. At 6 last Night the End of the Island bore S. by E. distant about 5 Leagues. Edward Downe died at 12 at Night. When Day broke we were within 4 Leagues of 2 large Islands almost joining together, having passed the other that we saw yesterday. We sent our Boat ashore to look for Water, and agreed with our Consort where to meet in case of Separation. They turn’d towards an Island we saw to Windward, and left us to try this Island for Water: All our Prizes were to stay near us under Sail by a remarkable Rock.

May 19. Yesterday in the Afternoon the Boat return’d with a melancholy Account, that no Water was to be found. The Prizes we expected would have lain to Windward for us by the Rock, about 2 Leagues off Shore; but Mr. Hatley in a Bark, and the Havre de Grace, turn’d to Windward after our Consort the Dutchess; so that only the Galleon and the Bark that Mr. Selkirk was in staid for us. We kept plying to Windward all Night with a Light out, which they follow’d. At 5 in the Morning we sent our Boat ashore again to make a further Search in this Island for Water. About 10 in the Morning James Daniel our Joiner died. We had a good Observation, Lat. 00° 32´´. S.

May 20. Yesterday in the Evening our Boat return’d, but found no Water, tho’ they went 3 or 4 Miles up into the Country: They tell me the Island is nothing but loose Rocks, like Cynders, very rotten and heavy, and the Earth so parch’d, that it will not bear a Man, but breaks into Holes under his Feet, which makes me suppose there has been a Vulcano here; tho’ there is much shrubby Wood, and some Greens on it, yet there’s not the least Sign of Water, nor is it possible, that any can be contain’d on such a Surface. At 12 last Night we lost sight of our Galleon; so that we have only one Bark with us now.

May 21. Yesterday in the Afternoon came down the Dutchess and the French Prize. The Dutchess’s Bark had caught several Turtle and Fish, and gave us a Part, which was very serviceable to the sick Men, our fresh Provisions that we got on the main Land being all spent. They were surpriz’d as much as we at the Galleon, and Hatley’s Bark being out of Sight, thinking before they had been with us. We kept Lights at our Top-mast’s Head, and fir’d Guns all Night, that they might either see or hear how to join us, but to no Purpose.

Capt. Courtney being not yet quite recover’d, I went on board the Dutchess, and agreed with him and his Officers, to stay here with the Havre de Grace and Bark, whilst I went in quest of the missing Prizes. At 6 in the Morning we parted, and stood on a Wind to the Eastward, judging they lost us that way. Here are very strange Currents amongst these Islands, and commonly run to the Leeward, except on the Full Moon I observed it ran very strong to Windward; I believe ’tis the same at Change.

May 22. Yesterday at 3 in the Afternoon we met with the Galleon under the East Island, but heard nothing of Mr. Halley’s Bark. At 9 last Night Jacob Scronder a Dutch-man, and very good Sailor, died. We kept on a Wind in the Morning to look under the Weather Island for Mr. Hatley, and fired a Gun for the Galleon to bear away for the Rendevouz Rock, which she did.

At the Gallapagos Islands.

May 23. Yesterday at 3 in the Afternoon we saw the Weather Island near enough, and no Sail about it. We bore away in sight of the Rock, and saw none but our Galleon; we were in another Fright what became of our Consort, and the 2 Prizes we left behind; but by 5 we saw ’em come from under the Shore to the Leeward of the Rock. We spoke with ’em in the Evening; we all bewail’d Mr. Hatley,[132] and were afraid he was lost: We fir’d Guns all Night, and kept Lights out, in hopes he might see or hear us, and resolved to leave these unfortunate Islands, after we had view’d two or three more to Leeward. We pity’d our 5 Men in the Bark that is missing, who if in being have a melancholy Life without Water, having no more but for 2 Days, when they parted from us. Some are afraid they run on Rocks, and were lost in the Night, others that the 2 Prisoners and 3 Negroes had murder’d ’em when asleep; but if otherwise, we had no Water, and our Men being still sick, we could stay little longer for them. Last Night died Law. Carney of a malignant Fever. There is hardly a Man in the Ship, who had been ashore at Guiaquil, but has felt something of this Distemper, whereas not one of those that were not there have been sick yet. Finding that Punch did preserve my own Health, I prescribed it freely among such of the Ships Company as were well, to preserve theirs. Our Surgeons make heavy Complaints for want of sufficient Medicines, with which till now I thought we abounded, having a regular Physician, an Apothecary, and Surgeons enough, with all sorts of Medicines on board. Our Owners believed so too, and did often at home set forth the uncommon Advantage we had in being so carefully provided for this tedious Voyage; but now we found it otherwise, and had not sufficient Medicines to administer for the Recovery of our sick Men, which so many being sick in both Ships, makes it a melancholy Time with us.

May 21. Yesterday at 5 in the Afternoon we ran to the Northward, and made another Island, which bore N. W. by W. distant 5 Leagues; and this Morning we sent our Boat ashore, to see for the lost Bark, Water, Fish or Turtle. This Day Tho. Hughes a very good Sailor died, as did Mr. George Underhill, a good Proficient in most parts of the Mathematicks and other Learning, tho’ not much above 21 Years old: He was of a very courteous Temper, and brave, was in the Fight where my Brother was kill’d, and served as Lieutenant in my Company at Guiaquil. About the same time another young Man, call’d John English, died aboard the Haver de Grace, and we have many still sick. If we had staid in the Harbour, we should in all probability have lost near half of our Men. We had a good Observation, Lat. 00°. 14´´. N.

May 25. Yesterday at 6 in the Evening our Boat return’d from the Island without finding any Water, or seeing the Bark. About 4 in the Morning we stood to another Island, that bore about N. E. distant 4 Leagues, and the Dutchess went to view another to the S. W. of it. Last Night Peter Marshal a good Sailor died. This Morning our Boat with Mr. Selkirk’s Bark went to another Island to view it. We had an Observation, Lat. 00°. 35´´. N.

May 26. Last Night our Boat and Bark return’d, having rounded the Island, found no Water, but Plenty of Turtle and Fish. This Morning we join’d the Dutchess, who had found no Water. About 12 a Clock we compar’d our Stocks of Water, found it absolutely necessary to make the best of our way to the Main for some, then to come off again; and so much the rather, because we expected that 2 French Ships, one of 60, and another of 40 Guns, with some Spanish Men of War, would suddenly be in quest of us.

May 27. At 6 last Night the Body of the Eastermost Island bore S. E. by S. distant 4 Leagues, from whence we took our Departure for the Main. Last Night died Paunceford Wall, a Land-man. A fresh Gale at S. E. with cloudy Weather.

From the Gallapagos Islands towards Peru.

May 30. Fair Weather with moderate Gales from the S. S. E. to the S. by E. We are forced to water the Bark and Galleon every Day with our Yall: ’Tis a very great Trouble to hoist our Boat out daily; now that our Men are so very weak. Senior Morell, and the other Prisoners, tell us, that it frequently proves Calm between these Islands and the Terra firma, at this time of the Year, which if it should now happen, but for a few Days, would very much incommode us for Want of Water. Had we supplied our selves well at Point Arena, we should, no doubt, have had time enough to find the Island S. Maria de l’Aquada, reported to be one of the Gallapagos, where there is Plenty of good Water, Timber, Land and Sea Turtle, and a safe Road for Ships. This was the Place we intended for, and would have been very suitable to our Purpose, which was to lie some Time concealed. It’s probable there is such an Island, because one Capt. Davis,[133] an Englishman, who was a buccaneering in these Seas, above 20 Years ago, lay some Months and recruited here to Content: He says, that it had Trees fit for Masts; but these sort of Men, and others I have convers’d with, or whose Books I have read, have given very blind or false Relations of their Navigation, and Actions in these Parts, for supposing the Places too remote to have their Stories disprov’d, they imposed on the Credulous, amongst whom I was one, till now I too plainly see, that we cannot find any of their Relations to be relied on: Therefore I shall say no more of these Islands, since by what I saw of ’em, they don’t at all answer the Description that those Men have given us.

Nothing more remarkable happen’d till the 6th of June, but that Thomas Morgan, a Welch Land-man, died the 31st of May; George Bishop, another Land-man, the 4th of June; and that we had Advice from some of our Men on board the Galeon, that the Prisoners and Blacks there had form’d a Plot to murder the English, and run away with the Ship in the Night. We examin’d the Spaniards who positively denied it; yet some of the Blacks own’d there had been such a Discourse betwixt some Negroes and Indians, but they did not believe they were in earnest: So we contented our selves to disperse those Prisoners into several Ships, as the best Way to break the Cabal.

June 6. Yesterday at 4 a Clock in the Afternoon we spied a Sail, and at the same time saw the Land, the Dutchess being a Mile a Head, gave chase first, we followed, and about 7 in the Evening the Dutchess took her; we immediately sent our Boat aboard, and took out some of the Prisoners. She was a Vessel of about 90 Tun, bound from Panama to Guiaquil, call’d the St. Thomas de Villa nova and St. Demas, Juan Navarro Navaret Commander. There were about 40 People aboard, including 11 Negro-Slaves, but little of European Goods, except some Iron and Cloth. Captain Courtney sent to tell me, the Prisoners he had knew nothing of our being in these Seas, and brought no News from Europe, but confirm’d the Story that they expected the Arrival of a Squadron from England, my Lord Peterborough, Admiral and General, by Sea and Land, which was dreaded every Day, and that they were inform’d he design’d to secure some Port in the North Sea, and send part of his Squadron to the South Sea. They had a Passenger of Note on board, call’d Don Juan Cardoso, he was going to be Governour of Baldivia, and said he had been taken not long before in the North Sea, by Jamaica Cruisers. We bore away by Agreement for the Island Gorgona. This Morning we saw Gallo, near the Shore, a small Island, and the Main to the North of it, which by the Shore is low Land. Our late Prize ran aboard the Havre de Grace, and lost her Main Top-mast, but did little Damage to the other Ship. The Dutchess took the Prize into a Tow. We had a good Observation. Lat. 2°. 00´´. N.

June 7. Yesterday at 2 in the Afternoon we made the Island of Gorgona; about 4 the Body bore E. N. E. 5 Leagues.

June 8. Yesterday at 4 in the Afternoon we got to an Anchor, about a good Cable’s Length from the Shore in 30 Fathom Water, on the East side of the Island; the Southermost point of it in sight bore S. E. about 3 Miles, and the Rocks off the North Point bore N. half W. a Mile and a half.

June 8. At 8 this Morning we spied a Sail to the Southward of the Island, between it and the Main; our Pinnace being a-shore for Water, the Dutchess’s Boat went first after her, ours followed on the other side of the Island, that if the Prize bore away, she might meet her on the West Side. In the mean time I took in Water from the Island.

In Gorgona Road.

June 9. Yesterday in the Afternoon our Boats return’d and brought the Prize with them, being a small Bark of about 35 Tuns, call’d the Golden Sun; she belong’d to a Creek within this Island, on the Main, and was bound for Guiaquil, Andros Enriques Master, with 10 Spaniards and Indians, and some Negroes; no Cargo but a very little Gold Dust, and a large Gold Chain, together about 500 l. value, which were secur’d aboard the Dutchess. The Prize design’d to purchase Salt and Brandy with ’em. The Prisoners said they had no Notice of us, so that News does not spread in this Country so fast as we believ’d, especially this Way; the Land being, as I am informed, full of Woods and Rivers, and bad for Travellers or Posts. About 6 in the Evening there was a Consultation on board the Dutchess, with some of my Officers, Capt. Dover and others; being discompos’d I was not with them, but resolved to act in consortship, according to their Agreement. After they had examin’d the Prisoners, they resolved to go to Malaga, an Island which had a Rode, where we design’d to leave our Ships, and with our Boats row up the River, for the rich Gold Mines of Barbacore, call’d also by the Spaniards, the Mines of St. Juan, from a Village about two Tides up the River of that Name; there we design’d to surprize Canoes, as fitter than our Boats to go against the Stream; for this Time of the Year being subject to great Rains, which makes a strong Fresh down the River, our Pilot, an old Spaniard, did not propose to get up to the Mines in less than 12 Days. I had often before suspected his Knowledge, but according to their Resolutions on board the Dutchess we came to sail about 12 a Clock at Night, and steer’d N. E. for the Place. In the Morning I discours’d Captain Morrel, as I had done several Times before, and all the rest of the Prisoners, who agreed that this Island, call’d Malaga, was an unfrequented Place, and not fit for Ships, that ever they heard of. I had also 2 Prisoners aboard, that were taken in the last Prize, who had been at the said Island very lately; I examin’d ’em separately, and they agreed, that a Ship could not be safe there, and the Place being so narrow, ’twas impossible to get in, but with the Tide, which ran very strong; that the Entrance was full of Shoals, and had not Water enough, but at Spring Tides, for our Ships to get out or in; besides that if a Ship gets loose (as we must moar Head and Stern) she would turn all adrift, and very much endanger the whole; they added that the River was so narrow before we could get to the Mines, that the Indians and Spaniards might fell Trees a cross, and cut off our Retreat, there being thick Woods on the Banks of the River, from whence the Indians would gall us with their poison’d Arrows; for those about the Mines were in Amity with the Spaniards, and a bold and a very numerous People. Upon this Information I was surpriz’d that the Council had not inform’d themselves better before they resolved on going to this Place, and immediately sent Mr. White our Linguist with the two Prisoners, on board the Dutchess, to undeceive Capt. Courtney and his Officers, and to desire his Company with some of the rest without Loss of Time, that we might agree how to act for our Safety and Interest, and not to proceed farther on this hazardous Enterprize.

June 10. Yesterday Afternoon Capt. Courtney and Capt. Cook came aboard us. We immediately agreed to return to Gorgona, to refit our Prizes, and that there we would come to a final Resolution. We saw the Island at 6 in the Evening, bearing S. W. Distance about 8 Leagues. In the Night, we had much Rain with Lightning and Squalls of Wind, by which the Havre de Grace lost her main Top-mast. This Morning died Jonathan Smyth, a Smith by Trade, and Armourer’s Mate of our Ship. I went on board the Havre de Grace and Dutchess, and lent them what was necessary for their Assistance. Our Men being very much fatigued, many of them sick, and several of our Good Sailors dead, we are so weak, that should we meet an Enemy in this Condition, we could make but a mean Defence. Every thing looks dull and discouraging, but it’s in vain to look back or repine in these Parts.

June 11. We had good Soundings, but came no nearer the Shore than 36 Fathom Water, it being uncertain Soundings, and dangerous for Ships to venture within that Depth here.

June 12. Had rainy Weather, with little or no Wind. At 8 this Morning saw the Island of Gorgona; bore S. half W. distant about 9 Leagues. We impatiently long to be there again, at an Anchor, being in an ordinary Condition to keep the Sea, tho’ when there, we are open to all Advantages against us, if the Enemy is out after us, which we expect, and that this is a Place they will search, but having no other Place so convenient, we must run the Risque of it.

June 13. About 4 in the Morning we came to an Anchor again at Gorgona, in 40 Fathom Water, and most of both Ships Officers having some Thoughts of Careening[134] here. We held the following Committee:

GORGONA: 13 June, 1709. At a Committee held on Board the Duke.

WE have agreed on Mr. Lancelot Appleby to succeed Mr. Samuel Hopkins, and Mr. Robert Knowlesman to succeed Mr. John Rogers, who being deceased, these we approve as the fittest Men to be Members of a Committee in their Places; and having at the same time consider’d the Necessity of cleaning our Ships, we do desire Capt. Courtney to use all manner of Dispatch to get ready for a Careen, and that the Men and Officers assist him as much as possible, and then he to assist the Duke, as soon as his Ship is compleated, and off the Careen, because one Ship

At Gorgona.

ought to be in a Readiness to protect the other, whilst on a Careen, in case we be attack’d by the Enemy.

Tho. Dover, Pres. Wm. Stratton,

Woodes Rogers,Cha. Pope,

Step. Courtney,Tho. Glendall,

Wm. Dampier,John Connely,

Edw. Cooke,John Bridge.

Rob. Frye,

While we were together, we agreed to fit out the Havre de Grace with twenty Guns, and put Men out of each Ship aboard her, under Captain Cook’s Command, resolving to carry her home with us, and to make a third Ship to cruise in our Company, whilst in these Seas.

June 14. I proposed before, we should careen at Port a Penees, because it was an unfrequented Place, and good Harbour, where we might lie sometime undiscover’d, and from thence go to the Bay of Panama, when ready; but considering our present Condition, every body seem’d most inclinable to stay here, which I the more readily agreed to, because it was pleasing to the rest, and that, if any Casualty happen’d, I might not be reflected on, if I had over-perswaded them to go elsewhere. We began, according to agreement, to careen the Dutchess first, and I to lye on the Guard the mean while, in case of being attack’d, which we had reason to fear, having been so long from Guiaquil. The Dutchess began to make ready for a Careen. Captain Courtney and I went a fishing together, and had pretty good Luck, Fish being plenty here.

June 15. We had indifferent fair Weather, but very sultry. We put all our sick Men, with our Consort’s on board the Galeon, being about 70 in Number, besides sick Officers, whom we put on board the Havre de Grace.

June 16. We built a Tent a-shore for the Armourer and Cooper; set several Men to cutting of Wood, and clearing a Place for the sick Mens Tents.

Nothing remarkable pass’d from the 16th, but that we had frequent Thunder, Lightning and Rain, which retarded our Careening the Dutchess, till the 21st that we finish’d her, and began upon our Ship: We were forc’d to carry most of our Stores ashore, for want of Barks, which are full of the Dutchess’s Provisions and Materials. We seldom miss catching good Fish daily, and keep a Boat and Men imploy’d for that purpose, there being very little Refreshment in the Island. We spent till the 25th in careening; the Sea swelling into the Road hinder’d us heaving our Keel wholly out; however we clean’d within less than 2 Streaks of the Keel; and being upright again,

June 28. We got our Provisions aboard, and mounted all our Guns; so that in 14 Days we had calk’d our Ships all round, careen’d, rigg’d and stow’d them again, both fit for the Sea; which was great Dispatch, considering what we had to do was in an open Place, with few Carpenters, and void of the usual Conveniencies for careening. The Spaniards our Prisoners being very dilatory Sailors, were amazed at our Expedition, and told us, they usually take 6 Weeks or 2 Months to careen one of the King’s Ships at Lima, where they are well provided with all Necessaries, and account it good Dispatch.

June 29. Yesterday in the Afternoon we built a Tent ashore for the Sick, who are now much better than when we came to the Island, neither the Weather nor the Air here being half so bad as the Spaniards represented, which made us think ’twould be worse than we found it. This Morning we got the sick Men into their Tents, and put the Doctors ashore with them: We unloaded the Havre de Grace, and chose a Place very easy to lay her ashore, to clean her Bottom. A clear Sand about a Mile and half from the Place where we rode, near the South End of the Island.

June 30. I went to her this Morning, and left Capts. Courtney and Cooke, with the Carpenters, &c. to grave her Bottom, whilst I took the most experienced Prisoners, and walked through the Island (which is every where full of Wood) to look out Masts for her. The Spaniards knew best what Wood was most fit for this Purpose here. We found one Tree proper to be a Fore-mast, having before that cut down a great Tree big enough, but a wrong sort of Wood. All the Timber here is too heavy, but we must use it, her old Masts and Yards being unserviceable, her Sails rotten, and very little of her Cordage fit to be us’d; so that it’s near equal to rigging out a-new. She is a very sharp Ship, but lies easy on soft red Sand, which is dry at little more than half Tide. The Worms had not much damag’d her Bottom, but her Rudder and Cut-water[135] were eaten to pieces. It flows 15 Foot at Spring Tides.

July 1. We have Men imploy’d in our Tents ashore, to prepare the Rigging as fast as possible; a Rope-maker at work to make twice-laid Cordage, and a Smith, Block-maker

CAPTAIN WOODES ROGERS, WITH HIS SON AND DAUGHTER, 1729 From the engraving by W. Skelton, after the painting by Hogarth.

At Gorgona in Peru.

and Sail-maker at the same time; so that we want no Tradesmen to fit her out. Necessity makes us of all Trades on this occasion.

The Natives of Old Spain are accounted but ordinary Mariners, but here they are much worse; all the Prizes we took being rather cobled than fitted out for the Sea: So that had they such Weather as we often meet with in the European Seas in Winter, they could scarce ever reach a Port again, as they are fitted, but they sail here hundreds of Leagues. The French us’d her as a Victualling Ship, and sold her at Lima, as they have done several others, for 4 times the Money they cost in Europe. ’Tis certainly a good Method they took at first trading hither, to bring a Victualling Ship with no other Goods but Provisions and Stores along with ’em. Generally one of these small Ships comes out with two Traders, and since in six, nine, or 12 Months time, which they stay in these Seas, they expend their Provisions, and lessen their Men by Mortality or Desertion, they sell their Victualling Ship, and being recruited with Men and Provisions out of her, they return well victualled and mann’d to France. But now they put into Chili, where they sell the remaining Part of their Cargo, and salt up a new Stock of Provisions for their homeward bound Passage, so that they need bring no more Victuallers.

July 2. We had Showers of Rain, with Thunder and Lightning last Night, and few Nights are without Rain, but ’tis pretty dry in the day-time. This day I got a fine Tree for the Main-mast; the Island is so cover’d with Trees, that we are forced to clear a Place for a Yard to work in. The Wood that we us’d for Masts and Yards is 3 sorts, but the best is Maria Wood, of the Colour and Grain of our English Oak, all of the Cedar Kind, good Timber, but very heavy. There are several other sorts fit for Masts, but Care must be taken not to use any that is short-grain’d, or soft and white when green.

July 3. The Prize Flower we took in Bags being much damag’d by the Rats, I order’d the Coopers to put it up in 36 Casks: The little English Bread we have left is eaten as hollow as a Honeycomb, and so full of Worms, that it’s hardly fit for Use. Last Night we met aboard our Ship to consult of the quickest Method for Dispatch, and the Officers agreed each to take his Share of looking after the Ships, and forwarding the several Workmen: So that most of our little Commonwealth being ashore very busy, ’twas a Diversion for me to oversee the several Companies at work in our Yard, from Break of Day till Night, which otherwise in this hot Country would have been very burthensome to me.

We were imploy’d till the 9th in refitting the Havre de Grace, and when finish’d call’d her the Marquis. We saluted each of the other Ships with 3 Huzzas from on board her, distributed Liquor among the Company, drank her Majesty’s and our Owners Healths, and to our own good Success. The Ship look’d well, so that we all rejoic’d in our new Consort to cruize with us. The next thing we did was to clear Mr. Selkirk’s Bark to carry our Prisoners to the Main, who being 72 in Number, were very chargeable to maintain; but we could not discharge them sooner, lest they should have allarm’d the Country, and inform’d the French and Spanish Men of War where to find us. But being now almost ready to depart, we call’d a Committee, and came to the following Resolutions.

At a Committee held on board the Duke, riding at Anchor in the Road of Gorgona, July 9, 1709.

WE think it convenient to turn all our Prisoners ashore, in a Bark already provided for that purpose, and at the same time to Plunder the Settlements on the Main opposite to this Island, and do desire Capt. Thomas Dover, Mr. Robert Fry, and Mr. William Stratton to command the Bark and 45 Men on the same Expedition, and to make what Dispatch they can, and return hither with such Refreshments, &c. as they can get for our sick Men.

Tho. Dover, Pres. William Stratton,

Woodes Rogers,Cha. Pope,

Stephen Courtney,John Connely,

William Dampier,John Ballett,

Edw. Cooke,John Bridge,

Robert Frye,Lan. Appleby.

After this we gave them the following Instructions.

Capt. Tho. Dover,

Mr. Robert Frye,

Mr. W. Stratton,Gorgona, 9 July, 1709.

Gentlemen,

At Gorgona.

WE having agreed with you in a Committee, That you take a Bark under your Care, and transport our Prisoners to the Main, and having order’d about 45 Men under your Command to proceed with you, and attempt the Plundering where you judge convenient: We only recommend the utmost Dispatch, and that you keep in mind, we hope to be ready in 8 Days, and shall earnestly expect you as much as possible within that Time. Other things relating to this you’ll know better how to act than we can here direct.

Should a powerful Enemy attempt us in your Absence, we’ll be certain to leave a Glass Bottle buried at the Root of the Tree whence the Fore-mast was cut, to acquaint you, then Quibo is the Place we will wait for you at, if we are well, and you must leave a Glass Bottle at this Place in case we return hither again: But this we don’t expect, if once chas’d away.

Woodes Rogers,Tho. Glendall,

Stephen Courtney, John Connely,

William Dampier,Geo. Milbourne,

Edward Cooke,John Bridge,

William Bath,John Ballett,

Cha. Pope,

July 10. Early this Morning we put our 72 Prisoners aboard the Bark. We had several times discours’d our Prisoners, the two Morells, and Don Antonio about ransoming the Goods, and were in hopes of selling them to advantage, but deferr’d coming to Particulars, till now that we plainly saw, unless they could have the Cargoes under a quarter Value, they would not deal with us. I propos’d going to Panama, and to lie 6 Days as near it as they pleas’d, till they brought the Money we should agree for at a moderate Rate; provided they left a Hostage aboard us, whom on failure we would carry to England. To this they would have agreed, provided we would take 60000 Pieces of Eight for all the Prize Goods. Then I propos’d their ransoming the Galleon, and putting good part of the Goods aboard her, provided one of them three and another they could procure would be Hostages for the Sum. They answer’d, That neither of them would go Hostage to England for the World. Then I propos’d delivering the Galleon and Cargo to them here, provided 2 of them would be Ransomers to pay us the Money at any other Place but Panama or Lima, in Six Days, if they would give us 120000 Pieces of Eight, being the lowest Price we could take for all the Prizes and Goods, Negroes, &c. They told us that Trade with Strangers, especially the English and Dutch, was so strictly prohibited in those Seas, that they must give more than the prime Cost of the Goods in Bribes, to get a License to deal with us: So that they could not assure us of Payment, unless we sold the Goods very cheap; therefore not finding it worth our Time, and knowing the Danger we must run in treating with them, we desisted, and order’d them all ashore, still hoping that this would necessitate the Morells and Navarre to get Money for us, and prevent our burning the Ships, and what we can’t carry away. Every one now wish’d we had kept some others of the topping Prisoners, to have try’d whether they had a better Foundation and Method to trade; the Goods being of little value to us here, and we must fill our Ships so full, that we fear ’twill spoil our sailing.

July 11. Yesterday our Bark and 2 Pinnaces sail’d with our chief Prisoners. Don Antonio, the Fleming, Sen. Navarre, and the Morells, who did not expect to part with us so suddenly, but by continuing with us, and knowing we could not carry away all the Prizes and Goods, they hop’d we should of course have freely given them what we could not keep. We apprehended that was the principal Reason of their not closing with our Terms, which were advantageous to them. Besides, should we have been attack’d, they believ’d we must then put them in possession of their Ships, which were of no use for fighting. But to obviate all their Hopes of benefiting themselves at this easy Rate, without our participating of their Money, the Magnet that drew us hither, I made them sensible at parting, that as we had treated them courteously like generous Enemies, we would sell them good Bargains for whatever Money they could bring us in 10 Days time, but that we would burn what we did not so dispose of or carry away. They beg’d we would delay burning the Ships, and promis’d to raise what Money they could, and return within the time to satisfy us.

One of the chief Prisoners we now parted with was Don Juan Cardoso, design’d Governor of Baldivia, a brisk Man of about 35 Years of Age; he had serv’d as a Collonel in Spain, had the Misfortune to be taken in the North Seas by an English Privateer near Portobello, and carried to Jamaica, from whence he was sent back to Portobello: He complain’d heavily of the Usage he met with from the Jamaica Privateer; but we parted very good Friends, and he returned us his hearty Thanks, and a Stone Ring for a Present to one of the Dutchess’s Lieutenants that had lent him his Cabbin while he was sick on board.

In Gorgona Road.

We allow’d Liberty of Conscience on board our floating Commonwealth to our Prisoners, for there being a Priest in each Ship, they had the Great Cabbin for their Mass, whilst we us’d the Church of England Service over them on the Quarter-deck, so that the Papists here were the Low Churchmen.

July 13. This Morning our Vessels return’d from landing our Prisoners, and brought off 7 small Black Cattle, about 12 Hogs, 6 Goats, some Limes and Plaintains, which were very welcome to us; they met with little else of Value in the Village they were at, and the others being far up the River, they did not think it worth while to visit them. The Country where they landed was so poor, that our Men gave the Prisoners and Negroes, some Bays, Nails, &c. to purchase themselves Subsistance. The Inhabitants ashore had notice of our taking Guiaquil, and were jealous of our being at this Island, because they heard our Guns, when we fired in order to scale them after careening. This Place bears S.E. about 7 Leagues from the Body of Gorgona, is low Land and full of Mangrove Trees; but within the Country the Land is very high. The River is hard to be found without a Pilot, and has Shole Water for above 2 Leagues from Shore, There are some poor Gold Mines near it, but the Inhabitants agree that those of Barbacore are very rich, tho’ difficult to be attempted, as we were informed before.

July 16. Yesterday about Noon came aboard one Michael Kendall, a free Negro of Jamaica, who had been sold a Slave to the Village we plunder’d; but not being there when our People were ashore, he follow’d them privately in a small Canoe; and the Account he gave of himself was, that when the last War was declared at Jamaica, he embark’d under the Command of one Capt. Edward Roberts, who was join’d in Commission from the Governour of Jamaica with Capts. Rash, Golding and Pilkington; they had 106 Men, and design’d to attempt the Mines of Jaco at the Bottom of the Gulph of Darien: There were more Commanders and Men came out with them, but did not join in this Design. They had been about 5 Months out, when they got near the Mines undiscover’d; they sail’d 15 Days up the River in Canoes, and travel’d 10 Days by Land afterwards. By this time the Spaniards and Indians being alarm’d, laid Ambushes in the Woods, and shot many of them. The Enemy having assembled at least 500 Men, and the English being diminish’d to about 60, including the Wounded; the Spaniards sent them a Flag of Truce, and offer’d them their Lives after a small Skirmish, wherein the English lost 4, and the Enemy about 12 Men. The English being in want of Provisions, quite tir’d out, and not knowing their Way back, agreed to deliver their Arms, on condition to be us’d as Prisoners of War. Having thus yielded, the Spaniards and Indians carried them in Canoes 3 Days up the River, that leads to the same Mines they design’d to attempt, treated them very well, and gave them the same Food that they eat themselves; but the 4th Day, when they came to a Town beyond the Mines, and thought all Danger had been past, an Order came from the chief Spanish Officer to cut them all off, which the Indians and Spanish Troops did, as those poor disarm’d Wretches sat at Victuals; so that in this barbarous manner they were all massacred in a few Minutes, except a Scots, a French, and an English Boy, with 12 free Negroes, which at the Intercession of a Priest they kept for Slaves. This Man being one of ’em, happen’d to be sold, first to the Mines, where he says he clear’d at least 3 Pieces of Eight a day for his Master, and from thence he was sold to this Place. By this we may see what a mighty Advantage the Spaniards make of their Slaves to imploy at these Mines, which are accounted the richest in New Spain. The rest of the free Negroes being farther up the Country, could have no Opportunity to escape. This is enough to shew what merciless and cowardly Enemies we have to deal with in these Parts of the World. I have heard of many such Cruelties in the Spanish Parts of America, to the eternal Scandal of those who encourage or connive at them.

July 17. About 10 this Morning, the two Morells, Mr. Navarre, and his Son in law, our old Prisoners came in a large Canoe, with some Money to ransom what they could of us: We told them of the Barbarity of their Countrymen, and of the different Treatment they met with from us; and that we had reason to apprehend, that if we became Prisoners here, that few of us would ever return to our native Country.

In Gorgona Road.

July 18. A Negro belonging to the Dutchess was bit by a small brown speckl’d Snake, and died within 12 Hours, notwithstanding the Doctor us’d his utmost Endeavours to save him. There’s abundance of Snakes on this Island, and the Spaniards say some are as thick as the Middle of a Man’s Thigh. I saw one as big as my Leg, and above 3 Yards long; their Bite proves generally mortal. Yesterday in the Afternoon we had a Consultation, and agreed that the small Bark we took belonging to the Main right against this Island, should be given the Lieutenant’s Brother that we plunder’d, and who came over with our Bark; for being a Man in some Authority ashore, we hope this Favour will have some Influence on ’em to trade with us whilst we are here. This Morning Mr. Morell and Navarre went a second time in our Bark for Money. One of the same sort of Snakes that kill’d the Negro was found on our Forecastle this Morning, and kill’d by our Men; we suppose it came aboard on the Cable, they being often seen in the Water.

July 19. We continued discharging the Galleon, and lading the Marquiss, and put a Part aboard of us and the Dutchess. We found in the Marquiss near 500 Bales of Pope’s Bulls, 16 Reams in a Bale. This took up abundance of Room in the Ship; we throw’d most of them overboard to make room for better Goods, except what we used to burn the Pitch of our Ships Bottoms when we careen’d ’em. These Bulls are imposed upon the People, and sold here by the Clergy from 3 Ryals to 50 Pieces of Eight a-piece, according to the Ability of the Purchaser. Once in two Years they are rated, and all the People obliged to buy them against Lent; they cannot be read, the Print looking worse than any of our old Ballads, yet the Vulgar are made believe it’s a mortal Sin to eat Flesh in Lent, without being licensed by one of these Bulls, the Negro Slaves not being exempted. This is one of the greatest Branches of Income the King of Spain has in this Country, being a free Gift from the Pope to him, as the Spaniards and Natives told us. We should have made something of them, if we had taken the Bishop before mentioned; but now they are of no use to us.

July 20. At Noon Navarre return’d with a little more Money, some Limes, Fowls, &c. He told us he had left Mr. Morell to get more, and that he would be soon with us.

July 21. We sent aboard the Marquiss 2 of our Main Deck Guns, and the Dutchess did the like, which with 4 we took at Guiaquil, and 12 taken in the same Ship, make 20 good ones. The Carriages are all new, or very much repair’d, and as good and strong as if mounted in England. Another Canoe came with Limes, Guavas, and other Fruit, and brought a little Money to trade with us. The Main here is a poor Country, and I believe we might have pick’d up a good Quantity of Money any where else on this Coast, notwithstanding their severe Orders against trading with us.

July 22. Two of our Negroes, and three of the Dutchess’s ran into the Woods to hide themselves, and go to the Spaniards after we are gone: We caught one of ’em to day, and punish’d him severely.

July 23. At 6 last Night our Stream Cable broke, and we lost our Anchor: The Ground here is a black Mud, which in all hot Countries rots Cables in a very little time. We have often Thunder, Rain and Lightning all the Night, tho’ clear dry Days. This is accounted by the Spaniards the worst part of all the Coast for wet dirty Weather. We have had enough of it, but God be thank’d are now pretty well, there not being above 30 Persons in all our Ships unhealthy.

July 24. We caught our Negroes that ran away, and one of the Dutchess’s, Hunger having brought ’em out of the Woods.

July 25. I put 35 Men aboard the Marquiss, and Capt. Courtney 26, so that her Complement will be 61 White Men, and 20 Negroes. Captain Edward Cooke Commander, and our Second Lieutenant, Mr. Charles Pope, his Second. We design to agree, that the Captain with his Officers and Men shall have equal Wages with others in the like Posts, to encourage them.

July 26. Last Night the Marquiss sprung a Leak, and made 8 Inches Water in an Hour; but the Carpenters stopt it. A Canoe came from the Main, and bought some Negroes of us.

July 27. At 8 this Morning, the Canoe return’d, with Mr. John Morell, who desir’d he might go ashore to his Brother, and forward his getting of more Money to deal with us for Goods, since he saw that we were resolved to leave nothing of Value behind us.

In Gorgona Road.

July 28. Yesterday Afternoon, Mr. John Morell return’d, having met his Brother coming with what Money he could get; he told us the Country being alarm’d, he had much ado to get Leave to come to us; that the Governour of Barbacore was at the Water-side, with above 200 Men commanded by himself, to prevent our Landing, or that any thing should be brought to us; and that all the Shore was lined with Men for that End. We have took out of the Galleon 320 Bails of Linnen, Woolen, a little Silks, and most Sorts of Goods, usually in Bails, besides Boxes of Knives, Scizzars, Hatchets, &c. The Dutchess and Marquiss have also taken what they can; so that all our 3 Ships are full. We found aboard the Galeon a great Quantity of Bones in small Boxes, ticketed with the Names of Romish Saints, some of which had been dead 7 or 800 Years; with an infinite Number of Brass Medals, Crosses, Beads, and Crucifixes, religious Toys in Wax, Images of Saints made of all sorts of Wood, Stone, and other Materials, I believe in all near 30 Tun, with 150 Boxes of Books in Spanish, Latin, &c. which would take up much more Stowage than 50 Tuns of other Goods: All this came from Italy, and most from Rome, design’d for the Jesuits of Peru; but being of small Value to us, we contented our selves to take only a Sample of most Sorts to shew our Friends in England, and left the rest. A large wooden Effigies of the Virgin Mary being either dropt or thrown over board, from the Galeon, and drove ashoar near the North Point of the Island, the Indians that came in the Canoes with Senior Morell, &c. from the main Land, being then a Fishing, took up the Image, and brought her in the Canoe to the Shoar just over against our Ship, where we gave our Prisoners Liberty to walk that Day: As soon as they saw her, they cross’d and bless’d themselves, and fancied that this must be the Virgin Mary come by Water from Lima or Panama, to relieve them in their Necessity: They then set it up on the Shoar, and wip’d it dry with Cotton; and when they came aboard, told us, that tho’ they had wip’d her again and again, she continued to sweat very much; and all but those employ’d in wiping her, stood around devoutly amaz’d, praying and telling over their Beads: They also shew’d the Cotton to our Linguist and the Ransomers, wet by the excessive Sweat of the holy Virgin, as they fondly seem’d to believe, and kept it as a choice Relick. The Morells perceiving me laugh at the Story, they told me a much stranger, in order to convince me, viz. That a few Years ago, at a Procession in the Cathedral Church of Lima, which was at that time very richly furnished, and worth some Millions of Pieces of 8 in Gold, Silver and Jewels; the Image of the Virgin was more richly adorn’d with Pearls, Diamonds and Gold, than the rest; and those Ornaments being left in the Church, according to Custom, till the Night after Procession, without any Guard, because the People concluded that none durst be so sacrilegiously impious as to rob the Church; an unfortunate Thief, resolving at once to enrich himself, got into the Church at Midnight, and made up to the Image; but whilst he was going to take off a rich String of Pearls from the Virgin’s Wrists, she caught him fast by the Arm, and held him, till being found in that Posture he was apprehended and executed. This Story was confirm’d as an unquestionable Truth by all the other Prisoners, who assured us, That all the Fathers of the Church at Lima confidently affirm the same, as well as a considerable Number of Lay-Brethren, who (they say) were Eye-Witnesses of it; so that it passes amongst them as currant, as an Article of their Faith: By this we may see how the Belief of those false Miracles, by the Cunning of the Romish Clergy in these Parts, obtains Credit among those Men who are not so easily imposed on in their worldly Affairs. Thus I am apt to believe those Gentlemen invented the Story of the sweating Miracle, out of Zeal to their Church, and thinking thereby to deter us from carrying away any more of the Relicks out of Senior Morell’s Galeon. Before this, when I heard such Stories, I took ’em to have been invented meerly to ridicule the Romanists, but when I heard such silly Stories related by 8 grave Men, of a handsome Appearance and good Reputation amongst the Spaniards, I was convinc’d of the Ignorance and Credulity of the Papists.

July 29. Having for a long time been importun’d by the Companys of each Ship, to divide what we was forc’d to agree to as Plunder, we resolved on a Committee to be called to morrow to settle that Affair, which we did in the following Manner.

At a Committee on board the Duke, the 29th Day of July, 1709. It’s agreed, that the following Articles shall regulate Plunder, and be in part a Satisfaction allow’d by the Committee of the Duke and Dutchess, for past Services, more than each Man’s Agreement with the Owners.

Impr.

GOLD Rings found in any Place, except in a Gold-smith’s Shop, is Plunder. All Arms, Sea Books and Instruments, all Cloathing and Moveables, usally worn about Prisoners, except Women’s Ear-rings, unwrought Gold or Silver, loose Diamonds, Pearls or Money; all Plate in use aboard Ships, but not on Shoar, (unless about the Persons of Prisoners) is Plunder.

In Gorgona Road.

All manner of Clothes ready made, found on the upper Deck, and betwixt Decks, belonging to the Ships Company and Passengers, is Plunder also, except what is above limited, and is in whole Bundles and Pieces, and not open’d in this Country, that appears not for the Persons use that owns the Chest, but design’d purposely for Merchandize, which only shall not be plunder. And for Encouragement, we shall allow to James Stratton 40 Rupees to buy him Liquor in India, in Part of Amends for his smart Money. To William Davis and Yerrick Derrickson 20 Rupees each, as smart Money, over and above their Shares. We also give the Boats Crews over and above their Shares, that were engag’d with the Marquis, when taken, four Bails of Goods, to be sold when and where they think convenient; which Bail, shall be 1 of Serges, 1 of Linnen, and 2 of Bays; and this over and above their respective Shares. Also a good Suit of Clothes to be made for each Man that went up the River above Guiaquil, the last time in the Dutchess’s Pinnace.

In witness whereof, We have hereunto set our Hands the Day and Year above-mentioned.

Tho. Dover, Pres. John Connely,

Woodes Rogers,William Bath,

Stephen Courtney,Tho. Glendal,

William Dampier,Geo. Melbourne,

Edw. Cooke,John Bridge,

Rob. Frye,John Ballett,

William Stretton,Lan. Appleby.

The Cause why we delay’d adjusting what should be Plunder so long, was the unreasonable Expectations of some among us: This made us wait till now we had a proper Opportunity, and could better insist on our Owner’s Interest: Besides, we were not willing that any Difference should arise about this knotty Affair, when the Prisoners were on board, nor till we had finish’d the Rigging of our Ships, lest it should have put a full Stop to our Business, or at least have hinder’d our Proceeding chearfully.

July 30. We over hall’d our Plunder-Chests, and what was judged to be Plunder, (by Men appointed with the Owners Agents) was carried aboard the Galeon, which was kept clear between Decks, in order to divide it. Mr. Frye and Mr. Pope were to be Appraisers for the Duke, and Mr. Stratton and Mr. Connely for the Dutchess, so I hope to get over a troublesome Job peaceably.

July 31. Mr. Navarr’s Bark grew leaky, and Benjamin Parsons, one of our Midshipmen, that had charge of her, ran her a-shore without Orders, at high Water, thinking to have stop’d her Leak at low Water, and got her off the next Tide; but contrary to his Expectation, the Vessel strain’d and sunk; so that we had much ado to get out what we had a-board her Time enough; and were forced to leave in her 10 Bails of damag’d Bays, and a great deal of Iron Work, which we gave Senior Navarr, in part of Payment for what we have received of him from the Settlement on the Main.

August 1. The Officers we appointed to praise the Plunder met on board the Galeon, and valued the Cloathing, in order to divide it amongst the Officers and Men of each Ship, according to their respective Shares.

August 2. We continued appraising the Plunder, and found it a very troublesome Task.

August 3. Capt. Cooke told me they had discover’d another Leak, and was troubled at so many Leaks in a Harbour; so that I began to dread that all our Labour and Time was lost on the Marquiss, but hop’d for the best.

August 4. Yesterday in the Afternoon they made an End of appraising the Clothes at a very low rate, amounting to upwards of 400l. and the Silver-handled Swords, Buckles, Snuff-Boxes, Buttons, and Silver Plate in use aboard every Prize we took, and allow’d to be Plunder at 4s. 6d. per Piece of 8, amounted to 743l. 15s. besides 3 ℔ 12℥ of Gold, which was in Rings, Gold, Snuff-boxes, Ear-rings, and Gold Chains, taken about Prisoners. This I believe to be an exact Account.

In Gorgona Road.

This Morning we had like to have a Mutiny amongst our Men: The Steward told me, that several of them had last Night made a private Agreement, and that he heard some Ring-leaders by way of Encouragement, boast to the rest, that 60 Men had already signed the Paper. Not knowing what this Combination meant, or how far it was design’d, I sent for the chief Officers into the Cabin, where we arm’d our selves, secured two of the chief of those mutinous Fellows, and presently seized two others. The Fellow that wrote the Paper we put in Irons; by this time all Hands were upon Deck, and we had got their Agreement from those who were in the Cabin, the Purport of which was to oblige themselves, not to take their Plunder, nor to move from thence till they had Justice done them, as they term’d it. There being so many concern’d in this Design, Captains Dover and Fry desired I would discharge those in Confinement upon their asking Pardon, and faithfully promising never to be guilty of the like, or any other Combination again. The Reason we shewed ’em this Favour was, that there were too many guilty to punish them at once: And not knowing what was design’d a-board the Dutchess and Marquiss, we were of Opinion they had concerted to break the Ice first a-board the Duke, and the rest to stand by them. Upon this I us’d what Arguments I could offer, shew’d them the Danger and Folly of Combinations, and exhorted them to believe they would have Justice in England, should any thing seem uneasy to them now, or in the whole Course of the Voyage; adding that we had done all that we could for their good, and would continue our Endeavours, not doubting their good Intentions, provided they were not mis-led. With these and other healing Arguments, all appear’d easy and quiet, and every Man seem’d willing to stand to what had been done, provided the Gentlemen that were Officers, and not Sailors, amongst us, had not such large Shares, which they alledg’d was unreasonable, and that they could not possibly in a Privateer deserve what they were allow’d in proportion to the rest of the Ships Company: This we did in part yield to, in order to appease those Malecontents, by making some Abatements on Mr. White’s, Mr. Bath’s, and Mr. Vanbrugh’s Shares; so that we hoped this difficult Work would, with less Danger than we dreaded, be brought to a good Conclusion: For Disputes about Plunder is the common Occasion of Privateers Quarrelling amongst themselves, and ruining their Voyages. Sailors usually exceed all Measures when left to themselves, and account it a Privilege in Privateers to do themselves Justice on these Occasions, tho’ in every thing else I must own, they have been more obedient than any Ship’s Crews engag’d in the like Undertaking that ever I heard of. Yet we have not wanted sufficient Tryal of our Patience and Industry in other things; so that if any Sea-Officer thinks himself endowed with these two Virtues, let him command in a Privateer, and discharge his Office well in a distant Voyage, and I’ll engage he shall not want Opportunities to improve, if not to exhaust all his Stock. Had Capt. Courtney and I kept what is always allow’d to be Plunder in Privateers, and not voluntarily given our Parts amongst the Men, but for a greater and more generous Design in view, (viz. The Good of the Voyage) our Parts of the Plunder would have been above 10 times so much as now it is, because very little valuable Plunder was taken out of any Place but the Great Cabbins; and all this in every Prize is of right due to the Commander that takes it; but if we had acted thus, we foresaw the fatal Consequences that we must have suffer’d by it, for the Officers and Crews would plunder unaccountably, as is too often practis’d in Privateers to keep their Men together, tho’ but meanly to their Duty; so that we (to preserve a good Discipline) gave an eminent Example to them, of preferring the common Interest before our own, to our particular Loss.

We have had lately almost a general Misunderstanding amongst our Chief Officers, and some great Abuses which I suppose sprung at first from several unhappy Differences arising at and before our Attempt on Guiaquil. This made me so particularly relate all that pass’d material in that Attempt, so that I doubt not any ones contradicting this Journal to my Disadvantage; yet in Differences of this kind amongst the Sailors we all join, and I hope agree: Tho’ I long for a Reconciliation and good Harmony amongst Us, which is so essential to the Welfare of the Voyage; but not being willing to make the Reader a Party-taker, or trouble his Patience to read over unreasonable Feuds, I have left ’em as much as possible out of my Journal.

Capt. Morell, that went for the Main to get Victuals, return’d. The Negro we caught first and punished, we kept in Irons, but this Night miss’d him. We suppose he got his Irons off, and swam ashore.

We had the following Committees, confirmed the Officers of the Marquiss, agreed to sell the Bark and her Cargo, got off all our Wood and Water, and made Preparation for Sailing. We design to leave the Launch we built at Lobos with Sen. Morells and Navarre, being of no farther use to us, tho’ hitherto she had done us very good Service. Here follows what we agreed on in Council.

At a Committee held on board the Dutchess, riding at Gorgona, August 6. 1709.

WE whose Names are hereunto subscribed, appointed as a Committee on board the Ships Duke and Dutchess, do hereby impower and order Capt. Cooke to command the Marquiss, Mr. Charles Pope Lieutenant, Mr. Robert Knowlman Master, Mr. William Page Chief Master, Joseph Parker Second Mate, Mr. John Ballet Doctor, Benjamin Long Boatswain, George Knight Gunner, Edward Gormand Carpenter, and other Officers as the Captain shall direct aboard the Marquiss: Each of the above Officers, or the others, on their good Behaviour, to have such Wages as those in the same Offices on board the Duke and Dutchess, and to cruise on this Coast in our Company, or where else Capt. Cooke shall think convenient, in his Return to Bristol, should he be unfortunately separated from us. Witness our Hands.

Tho. Dover, Pres. Tho. Glendall,

Woodes Rogers,John Connely,

Stephen Courtney,William Bath,

William Dampier,Geo. Milbourne,

Robert Frye,John Bridge,

William Stratton,Lan. Appleby.

In Gorgona Road.

Memorandum,

WE have now done careening, fixing, and loading our Ships, with the Marquiss, and taken all manner of Goods out of our Prizes, as much as our Ships can carry, having received a valuable Consideration of Mr. Morell and Navarre, the Masters of our 2 Prizes, we are all of opinion we had best leave them in possession of their Ships, and what Negroes we can’t carry hence; our present Circumstances and the Condition of the Prizes not allowing us to remove them from this Place, could we make ever so great advantage of ’em elsewhere. So judge it our present Interest to ply to Windward, to try for other Purchases and Sale of the Goods, and if possible to take or buy Provisions. We all agree to land one of the Guiaquil Hostages at Manta, in order to procure Money to pay for the Ransom of the Town, and a Bark we have sold the same Man, laden with Prize Goods, Witness our Hands this 6th of August, 1709.

Tho. Dover, Pres. William Stratton,

Woodes Rogers,Tho. Glendall,

Stephen Courtney,John Connely,

William Dampier,William Bath,

Edw. Cooke,John Ballett,

Robert Frye,Lan. Appleby.

Cha. Pope,

I drew up the following Agreement, to which we Officers swore on the Holy Evangelists, because I thought it the most proper Method to prevent the Confusions which were like to happen among us, because of the Jealousies that were entertain’d of one another, and came to such a height, that I fear’d a Separation.

WE having made a solemn Agreement, do this Instant sign voluntarily, and give each other our Oaths on the Holy Bible; and as we hope for Forgiveness of Sins, and Salvation by the alone Merits and Intercession of our Blessed Lord Jesus Christ, to keep severely and strictly this serious concerted Memorandum. First we agree to keep company, and assist each other on all Occasions, and with all Necessaries, as far as our Abilities reach, and our common Safety requires. Secondly, that in case we engage at any time with the Enemy, we design it in Consortship, and that each Commander and Second in each Ship, hereto subscribed, shall on all Occasions, without the least Reserve, and to the utmost of his Power, be forward and ready to assist, rescue or defend each other, with the utmost Dispatch, Bravery and Conduct, even to the apparent Hazard of his Ship and all that is dear to him: Well knowing all of us, that on whatever Occasion should either of our Ships be deserted by the other two, and taken or lost in these barbarous and remote Parts, it’s very improbable ever the Men will get home, and the Survivors would be in as bad, if not in a worse Condition than the Dead.

On these and the like Considerations we do hereby solemnly agree never to desert each other in time of Need, if possibly we can avoid it, and to be to the utmost of our Power and Knowledge alike brave in attacking or defending our selves against the Enemy to the last Extremity.

But if we are so unfortunate to see one Ship inevitably perish, then the two remaining (after they have us’d their utmost Endeavours for the distress’d Ship, and find all past Recovery) may then agree on the best Methods for their own Security. The like for one Ship if two are lost, but for no other Reason to desert this firm and solemn Agreement of Consortship; and to shew that none of us is so unbecoming a Man as to shrink back, or slight this agreement in time of Action, we agree it shall not be alter’d without the Consent of all us three Commanders, and the major part of the Officers hereto subscrib’d, and to a Duplicate in each Ship of the same Date in Gorgona, the sixth Day of August, 1709.

Tho. Dover, Pres. William Stretton,

Woodes Rogers,Charles Pope,

Stephen Courtney,John Connely,

Edward Cooke,Tho. Glendale.

Rob. Fry,

From Gorgona towards Manta, in Peru.

Another Paper was also drawn up for every Man to swear what Clothes, Goods, &c. he had received of the Agents, and to restore whatever he had taken without the Agents Knowledge, in order to a just distribution of the Plunder, and every one was to oblige himself in a Penalty of 20s. for every Shilling Value that should be found about him conceal’d, besides the former Penalty agreed on of losing his Share of any Prize or Purchase for concealing above the Value of half a Piece of Eight; and for the Incouragement of Discoveries the Informer was to have half the Penalty, and the Protection of the Commanders. This Paper was objected against by several of the Officers, who insisted, that there ought to be a greater Latitude allowed them to advantage themselves, since they had ventured their Lives hither on so difficult an Undertaking, which made us defer the signing it till a better Opportunity; for unless such Agreements as these had been constantly promoted, as occasion required, the Temptation of Interest wou’d have made us fall into irrecoverable Confusions abroad, which generally end in a Separation, or worse.

Aug. 7. We gave Sen. Morell and Navarre their Ships, and all the Goods we could not carry away, for what Money our Agents receiv’d of ’em, tho’ they expected to have had ’em at an easier Rate. We came to sail this Morning; the dividing the Plunder has took up more Time than we were willing to spare; but ’twas absolutely necessary to do it. We took Sen. Navarre with us before we came to sail: I went ashore, and shew’d Sen. Morell how we left things between his Ship and the other Prize. Mr. Navarre left his Son-in-law in charge of this Vessel and Goods, then came with me on board our Ships, expecting to have the Bark betwixt him and our Ransomers, if they paid us at Guiaquil. Wind veerable in the South West Quarter, a Lee Current.

August 8. Yesterday at 6 in the Evening the Island of Gorgona bore S. by E. distant 6 Leagues. Just before Night we took our Men out of the Bark, and left her in possession of an old Indian Pilot, and some Negroes and Indian Prisoners, putting our ordinary Ransomer aboard to go in her, as we agreed on before we came out. I and Capt. Dover sign’d a Paper to protect them from being seiz’d by the Spaniards, if they should lose Company with us; but order’d them not to stir from us. I also desir’d the Spaniards aboard the Duke, who had agreed for her, strictly to charge the Crew in the Bark not to leave us willingly, which they did, because our Agreement was not in Writing, but only Verbal, promising us 15000 Pieces of Eight for the Bark and her Cargo, including the Remainder of the Towns Ransom, we designing to have it under their hand in Spanish and English to morrow, before we would wholly let go the Bark: But this Morning, to our surprize, the Bark was out of sight. The Marquiss is very crank, and sails heavy on a Wind. We held the following Committee to endeavour to help the Marquiss’s sailing.

At a Committee held on board the Dutchess at Sea, off the Island Gorgona, August 8th, 1709.

Memorandum,

THE Marquiss not answering our Expectations, but proving crank and sailing heavy: We now advise Capt. Cooke to heave the Dutchess’s two heavy Guns overboard, and 20 Boxes of Snuff, with two spare Top-masts, and bring his Ship more by the Stern, stowing every thing as low as possible in the Ship, to endeavour to make her stiffer, and if he finds any thing more necessary for the Benefit of the Ship, we desire him to do it. Witness our Hands.

Signed by the Majority of our Council.

Amongst our Prisoners taken on board Sen. Navarre’s Ship from Panama, there was a Gentlewoman and her Family, her eldest Daughter a pretty young Woman of about 18, was newly married, and had her Husband with her. We assign’d them the Great Cabin aboard the Galleon, and none were suffer’d to intrude amongst them, or to separate their Company; yet the Husband (I was told) shew’d evident Marks of Jealousy, the Spaniards Epidemick Disease; but I hope he had not the least Reason for it amongst us, my third Lieutenant Glendall alone having charge of the Galleon and Prisoners: For being above 50 Years of Age, he appear’d to be the most secure Guardian to Females that had the least Charm, tho’ all our young Men have hitherto appear’d modest beyond Example among Privateers; yet we thought it improper to expose them to Temptations. At this time Lieut. Connely, who behav’d himself so modestly to the Ladies of Guiaquil, was some days in possession of Navarre’s Ship before we stopt here, to remove these Prisoners aboard the Galleon, where he gain’d their Thanks and publick Acknowledgments for his Civilities to these Ladies, and even the Husband extols him. We had notice these Ladies had some conceal’d Treasure about them, and order’d a Female Negro that we took, and who spoke English, to search them narrowly, and found some Gold Chains and other things cunningly hid under their Clothes. They had before deliver’d to Capt. Courtney Plate and other things of good Value. We gave them most of their wearing Apparel and Necessaries, with 3 Female Mullatto Slaves, and parted very friendly. They confess’d to our People, who put them ashore, that we had been much civiller than they did expect, or believe their own Countrymen would have been in the like case, and sent back the Husband with Gold to purchase some Goods and two Slaves of us. I come next to the Description of Gorgona.

From Gorgona towards Manta, in Peru.

Gorgona is 3 Leagues in Length, N. E. and S. W. but narrow. It’s about 6 Leagues from the Main, full of Wood and tall Trees, one of ’em call’d Palma Maria, of which the Spaniards make Masts, and use a Balsam that flows from it for several Diseases. The Island appears at a distance indifferent high, and in 3 Hummocks. There is Riding for Ships all over against the North East Side; but in some places foul Ground, and shoal’d near the Shore, particularly on the South East Side, and near the South West End, where there’s a small Island almost joining, with Shoal Ground, and Breakers near a Mile to the Eastward from that End. Capt. Dampier has been here several times, but never rode where we did, which is the best and only good Road in the Island. The Spaniards told us of strange Storms and heavy Turnadoes of Wind about this Island; but we found it otherwise, and had only frequent Showers and Thunder: But in the time of Breezes, which the Spaniards call our Winter Months, and in Spring, till the Beginning of May, here are now and then Northerly strong Breezes of Wind, and then I believe the Road must be shifted to the other Side of the Island, which may be at that time the best Riding; but this we had no Time to try, neither do I think it half so bad as these puny Mariners tell us. About this Island are several remarkable Rocks, at the South West End there’s one looks like a Sail half a Mile off shore; at the North East End there are several high ones, round and steep, near a Cable’s Length off Shore, where the Sea-Fowls breed. The Beasts and Insects, we saw in this Island are Monkeys, Guinea Pigs, Hares, Lizards, Lion Lizards, which change their Colours, and are fine Creatures to look at, several Species of great and small Snakes, and so numerous, that ’tis dangerous for a Man to walk the Island, for fear of treading on them. There’s great Variety of Plants and Trees peculiar to these hot Climates, and little or nothing resembling what we have in Great Britain; but it being out of my Road to describe such things, I refer ’em to such whose Talents lie that way. Here are also several sorts of Fish unknown in our Seas, besides Mullets in great Plenty, but hard to be caught with Hook and Line, which I suppose is occasion’d by the Clearness of the Water, so that they easily see the Hook and avoid it. Here’s also some white Coral, and abundance of Oysters, and as I am told by the Prisoners, good Pearls in them. We caught an ugly Creature here, which I suppose may be of the Monkey Kind, because it look’d like one of the middling sort, but with this difference; his Hair was thicker and longer, his Face, Eyes and Nose less, and more wrinkled and deformed; his Head of the same Shape, but his Ears not so large; his Teeth longer and sharper, his hinder Parts more clumsey, and his Body thicker in proportion, with a very short Tail, and instead of 5 Claws like Fingers as a Monkey has, he had only 3 on each Paw, with the Claws longer and sharper. We let one of ’em go at the lower part of the Mizon Shrowds, and it was about 2 Hours getting to the Mast Head, which a Monkey would have performed in less than half a Minute; he mov’d as if he had walk’d by Art, keeping an equal and slow Pace, as if all his Movements had been directed by Clock-work, within him. The Spaniards call it a Sloth, and not improperly; they say it feeds on the Leaves of a certain lofty Tree, and when it has clear’d one, before it can get down and walk a little Way to find and climb another, would grow lean and be almost starved.

I saw no Land Birds here; because I suppose the Monkeys destroy their Nests and Eggs: We shot many of them, and made Fricassees and Broth for our sick Men; none of our Officers would touch them, Provisions being not yet so scarce; but Capt. Dampier, who had been accustomed to such Food, says he never eat any thing in London that seemed more delicious to him than a Monkey or Baboon in these Parts.

August 9. I propos’d sending the Marquiss to India, and thence to Brazil; and then we could add to our own Stock of Bread and salt Provisions, and if she got well to Brazil, would vend her Goods at an extraordinary Rate, to the Advantage of the Voyage, and we two should be strong enough to wait for the Manila Ship, but Capts. Dover and Courtney did not think it reasonable.

August 10. We got to wind-ward very slowly, here being a constant Current, which runs down to Leward into the Bay of Panama.

From Gorgona towards Manta, in Peru.

August 11. Yesterday Afternoon I went aboard the Dutchess, and carried with me Doctor Dover; we discoursed about parting with Capt. Cooke, and giving him only a Sailing Crew to go for Brazil, and sell his Cargo; but finding the Majority against my Proposition, I dropt it, tho’ I fear we shall repent it, were there no other Reasons but to save Provisions. Capt. Cooke came to us a-board the Dutchess, to put in Execution the Order of the 8th instant, where we agreed as before to throw 2 of the heaviest Guns over-board he had out of the Dutchess, being less valuable than the Goods between Decks, and what Lumber they had besides, which he did, and we perceive his Ship much stiffer, and sails better; our Consort, Capt. Courtney and his Officers, with some of mine, are uneasie at parting with the Bark, so that if we come up with her, we must take to her again for Peace sake.

August 12. Yesterday Evening, the Island of Gorgona was in sight, and bore E. half S. about 13 Leagues. At 6 this Morning, we met with the Bark, and put Mr. Selkirk aboard her, with his Crew. At 9 this Morning, we sent our Boat for Capt. Courtney and Capt. Cooke, when we had a second Consultation, which again concluded with keeping the Marquiss and Bark: Tho’ I was of Opinion, they’d be rather a Detriment than Furtherance to us in any thing, so long as the Marquiss sails so heavily, besides the Benefit of more Provisions that would have been left for us that must stay behind.

August 13. In the Evening last Night, we saw the Island of Gallo, bearing S. by E. distant 6 Leagues. We have a strong Current runs to Leward, so that we lost Ground, and at 8 this Morning was again in sight of Gorgona, bearing N. E. by E. distant about 12 Leagues; had rainy Weather all Night, with Thunder and Lightning, but indifferent fair in the Morning. Wind veerable in the S. W. Quarter. This Coast is more subject to hot Weather than any other Part of Peru.

August 15. We sounded several Times in the Night, and had Ground in about 50 Fathom Water, not above two Leagues off Shore.

August 16. This Day I muster’d our Negroes aboard the Duke, being about 35 lusty Fellows; I told them, That if we met the Spaniards or French, and they would fight, those that behav’d themselves well should be free Men; 32 of ’em immediately promis’d to stand to it, as long as the best Englishman, and desired they might be improv’d in the Use of Arms, which some of them already understood; and that if I would allow ’em Arms and Powder, these would teach the rest. Upon this, I made Michael Kendall, the Jamaica free Negro, who deserted from the Spaniards to us at Gorgona, their Leader, and charged him to be continually exercising them, because I did not know how soon we might meet an Enemy: I took down the Names of those that had any, and such as wanted I bestow’d Names on them, and to confirm our Contract made them drink a Dram all round to our good Success; at the same time I gave ’em Bays for Clothes, and told them they must now look upon themselves as Englishmen, and no more as Negro Slaves to the Spaniards, at which they express’d themselves highly pleas’d: I promise my self good Assistance from them, if need be, having this Proverb on their Side, that Those who know nothing of Danger fear none; and for our own Parts, we must not submit to be Prisoners, tho’ forced to engage at the greatest Disadvantage, but every one resolve to stand to the last, for if taken we shall be worse than Slaves.

August 18. At 6 this Morning we saw a Sail, which bore W. N. W. of us; we and the Dutchess gave Chace, and took her in about an Hour. The Dutchess had kept her Company ever since 12 at Night, and thought her to be our Bark. She was a Vessel of about 70 Tun, bound from Panama to Lima, but was to stop at Guiaquil. They had very little aboard besides Passengers, for they knew of our being in these Seas: The best of her Cargo was about 24 Negroes, Men and Women. I sent our Agent aboard, to examine the Prize.

August 19. After Dinner aboard the Dutchess, we examin’d the Prisoners; they could tell us little News from Europe, but said there came Advices by a Packet to Portobell from Spain, and by a French Ship from France, not long before they came out of Panama; that all was kept private, only they heard in Panama, that his Royal Highness Prince George of Denmark was dead,[136] which we were not willing to believe, but drank his Health at Night, which can do him no Hurt if he is dead. We read several Letters from Panama, by which we understood, that when they heard of our taking Guiaquil, they kept their Gates shut Day and Night for above a Week, and that the Inhabitants kept Guard on their Walls, being afraid we should attack them next, and by what I can guess, we might have taken that Town as well as Guiaquil, had we but double our Number of Men. They had various Conjectures about us when at Panama, and were continually allarm’d, not knowing where to expect us.

August 20. At 10 in the Morning we bore down to the Dutchess, who had Spanish Colours flying, to make a sham Fight to exercise our Men and the Negroes in the Use of our great Guns and small Arms. Here I must not forget a Welchman that came to me, and told me, He took the Ship we were going to engage for the Dutchess, till he saw the Spanish Colours, and that being over-joyed with the Hopes of a good Prize, he had loaded his Musket with Shot, and design’d to fire amongst the thickest of ’em, which he would certainly have done, had he not been forbid. By this it appears, that blundering Fools may have Courage. During this sham