Book 4 — APPENDICES
Reading edition
A THE TRIBUNUS VOLUPTATUM
[The tribunus voluptatum was a municipal officer of the later Empire charged with the superintendence of the spectacula. He seems to have been appointed for life by the Emperor, and to have taken over functions formerly discharged by the praetors and quaestors. Mommsen, Ostgothische Studien (Neues Archiv, xiv. 495), says that he first appears in the fifth century. Possibly, therefore, Suetonius, Tiberius, 42, ‘novum denique officium instituit a voluptatibus, praeposito equite R. T. Caesonio Prisco’ refers to some other post. A titulus, ‘de officio tribuni voluptatū qd a temelicis et scenariis,’ which should be C. Th. i. 19, is missing from the text. C. Th. xv. 7, 13 (413), is addressed to the tribunus voluptatum of Carthage. The office was maintained in Italy under Theodoric (493-526). The formula of appointment here given is preserved by Cassiodorus, Variae, vii. 10; cf. Var. vi. 19 ‘cum lascivae voluptates recipiant tribunum.’ The Senate is informed by Var. i. 43 (†509) of the promotion of Artemidorus, who had held the office, to be praefectus urbanus. The tribunus voluptatum of Rome is referred to in two inscriptions of 522 and 526 (Rossi, Inscr. Christ. i. Nos. 989, 1005). One Bacauda is appointed tribunus voluptatum in Milan by Var. v. 25 (523-6). Constantine Porphyrogenitus de Caer. i. 83 mentions an ἄρχων τῆς θυμέλης in the tenth-century court of Byzantium, who may be the same officer.]
Formula Tribuni Voluptatum.
Quamvis artes lubricae honestis moribus sint remotae et histrionum vita vaga videatur efferri posse licentia, tamen moderatrix providit antiquitas, ut in totum non effluerent, cum et ipsae iudicem sustinerent. amministranda est enim sub quadam disciplina exhibitio voluptatum. teneat scaenicos si non verus, vel umbratilis ordo iudicii. temperentur et haec legum qualitate negotia, quasi honestas imperet inhonestis, et quibusdam regulis vivant, qui viam rectae conversationis ignorant. student enim illi non tantum iucunditati suae, quantum alienae laetitiae et condicione perversa cum dominatum suis corporibus tradunt, servire potius animos compulerunt. Dignum fuit ergo moderatorem suscipere, qui se nesciunt iuridica conversatione tractare. locus quippe tuus his gregibus hominum veluti quidam tutor est positus. nam sicut illi aetates teneras adhibita cautela custodiunt, sic a te voluptates fervidae impensa maturitate frenandae sunt. age bonis institutis quod nimia prudentia constat invenisse maiores. leve desiderium etsi verecundia non cohibet, districtio praenuntiata modificat. agantur spectacula suis consuetudinibus ordinata, quia nec illi possunt invenire gratiam, nisi imitati fuerint aliquam disciplinam. Quapropter tribunum te voluptatum per illam indictionem nostra fecit electio, ut omnia sic agas, quemadmodum tibi vota civitatis adiungas, ne quod ad laetitiam constat inventum, tuis temporibus ad culpas videatur fuisse transmissum. cum fama diminutis salva tua opinione versare. castitatem dilige, cui subiacent prostitutae: ut magna laude dicatur: ‘virtutibus studuit, qui voluptatibus miscebatur.’ optamus enim ut per ludicram amministrationem ad seriam pervenias dignitatem.
B TOTA IOCULATORUM SCENA
John of Salisbury, Polycraticus i. 8 (†1159, P. L. cxcix, 406), says, Satius enim fuerat otiari quam turpiter occupari. Hinc mimi, salii vel saliares, balatrones, aemiliani, gladiatores, palaestritae, gignadii, praestigiatores, malefici quoque multi, et tota ioculatorum scena procedit.’ The specific terms belong to John of Salisbury’s classical learning rather than to contemporary use; but his generic ioculator is the normal mediaeval Latin term for the minstrel in the widest sense. Classically the word, like its synonym iocularis, is an adjective, ‘given to ioca,’ ‘merry.’ Thus Cicero, ad Att. iv. 16. 3 ‘huic ioculatorem senem illum interesse sane nolui.’ Similarly Firmicus Maternus (fourth century), Mathesis, viii. 22 ‘histriones faciat, pantomimos, ac scaenicos ioculatores,’ and 4 Conc. Carthag. (398), c. 60 (C. I. C. Decr. Gratiani, i. 46. 6) ‘clericum scurrilem et verbis turpibus ioculatorem ab officio retrahendum censemus.’ Here the technical meaning is approached, which Gautier, ii. 12, declares to be complete in Salvian (fifth century), de gubernatione Dei. I cannot, however, find the word in Salvian, though I do find iugulator, ‘cut-throat.’ I have not come across ioculator as a noun before the eighth century (vol. i. p. 37), but thenceforward it is widely used for minstrels of both the scôp and the mimus type. A rarer form is iocista. Ioculator gives rise to the equally wide French term jouglere, jougleur, which seems to merge with the doublet jogeler, jougler, from iocularis. Similarly ioca becomes jeu, the equivalent of the classical and mediaeval Latin ludus, also in the widest sense. In Provençal ioculator becomes joglar, in English jugelour, jugelere, jogeler, &c. Thus S. Eng. Leg. i. 271 (†1290) ‘Is iugelour a day bifore him pleide faste And nemde in his ryme and in is song þene deuel atþe laste’; King Horn (ed. Ritson), 1494 (†1300) ‘Men seide hit were harperis, Jogelers, ant fythelers.’ The incorrect modern French form jongleur seems due to a confusion between jougleur and jangleur, ‘babbler,’ and the English jangler has a similar use; cf. Piers the Plowman, B. Text, passus x. 31 (ed. Skeat, i. 286) ‘Iaperes and Iogeloures, and Iangelers of gestes.’ Here both words appear side by side. The English jogelour sometimes has the full sense of the French jougleur, as in the instances just given, but as a term for minstrels of the higher or scôp type it has to compete, firstly, with the native gleeman, from O. E. gleoman, gligman, and secondly, with minstrel; and as a matter of fact its commoner use is for the lower type of minstrel or buffoon, and in particular, in the exact sense of the modern juggler, for a conjuror, tregetour or prestigiator. The latter is the usual meaning of jogelour, with the cognate jogelrye, in Chaucer; for the former, cf. Adam Davie (†1312) ‘the minstrels sing, the jogelours carpe.’ In English documents the Latin ioculator itself to some extent follows suit; the ioculator regis of late fifteenth or early sixteenth-century accounts is not a minstrel or musician, but the royal juggler (cf. vol. i. p. 68). On the other hand the Provençal joglar is differentiated in the opposite sense, to denote a grade of minstrelsy raised above the mere bufos (vol. i. p. 63).
A street in Paris known at the end of the thirteenth century as the ‘rue aus Jugléeurs,’ came later to be known as the rue des Ménétriers (Bernhard, iii. 378). This is significant of a new tendency in nomenclature which appears with the growth during the fourteenth century of the household entertainers at the expense of their unattached brethren of the road. Minister is classical Latin for ‘inferior’ and so ‘personal attendant.’ The ministeriales of the later Empire are officers personally appointed by the Emperor. Towards the end of the thirteenth century minister, with its diminutives ministellus and ministrallus (French menestrel), can be seen passing from the general sense of ‘household attendant’ to the special sense of ‘household ioculator.’ A harper was one of the ministri of Prince Edward in 1270 (vol. i. p. 49). Gautier, ii. 13, 51, quotes li famles (famuli) as a synonym for such ioculatores, and such doublets as ‘menestrel et serviteur,’ ‘menestrel et varlet de chambre.’ The ministeralli of Philip IV in 1288 include, with the musicians, the rex heraudum and the rex ribaldorum. From the beginning of the fourteenth century, however, ministrallus, with French menestrel, menestrier, and English menestrel, mynstral, is firmly established in the special sense. The antithesis between the ministrallus and the unattached ioculator appears in the terminology of the 1321 statutes of the Paris guild, ‘menestreus et menestrelles, jougleurs et jougleresses’; but even this disappears, and the new group of terms becomes equivalent to the ioculator group in its widest sense. So too, ministralcia, menestrardie, minstralcie, although chiefly used, as by Chaucer, for music, are not confined to that; e.g. Derby Accounts, 109, ‘cuidam tumblere facienti ministralciam suam.’ The word is here approaching very near its kinsman métier (vol. ii. p. 105). Wright-Wülcker, 596, 693, quotes from the fifteenth-century glossaries, ‘simphonia, mynstrylsy,’ and ‘mimilogium, mynstrisye.’
Ioculator and ministrallus are in their technical sense post-classical. But it is to be noted that the classical histrio and mimus, widened in connotation to an exact equivalent with these, remain in full use throughout the Middle Ages. They are indeed the more literary and learned words, as may be seen from the fact that they did not give rise to Romance or English forms; but they are not differentiated as to meaning. In particular, I do not find that mimus is used, as I have occasionally for convenience used it, to denote the lower minstrel of classical origin, as against the higher minstrel or scôp. Here are a few of many passages which go to establish this complete fourfold equivalence of ioculator, ministrallus, mimus and histrio; Gloss. in B.N. MS. 4883ᵃ, f. 67ᵇ (Du Méril, Or. Lat. 23) ‘istriones sunt ioculatores’; Constit. regis Minorcae (1337, Mabillon, Acta SS. Bened. Ian. iii. 27) ‘In domibus principum, ut tradit antiquitas, mimi seu ioculatores licite possunt esse’; Conc. Lateran. (1215), c. 16 ‘mimis, ioculatoribus et histrionibus non intendant.’ This triple formula, often repeated by ecclesiastics, is of course conjunctive, like ‘rogues and vagabonds.’ Guy of Amiens (†1068) calls Taillefer both histrio and mimus (vol. i. p. 43). At the beginning of the sixteenth century the royal minstrels are histriones in the accounts of Shrewsbury, ministralli in those of Winchester College (App. E. (iv)), mimi in those of Beverley (Leach, Beverley MSS. 171). The ioculator regis, as already said, is by this time distinct. The Scottish royal minstrels appear in the Exchequer Rolls for 1433-50 as mimi, histriones, ioculatores (L. H. T. Accounts, i, cxcix). The town musicians of Beverley, besides their specific names of waits and spiculatores, have indifferently those of histriones, ministralli, mimi (Leach, Beverley MSS. passim). It is largely a matter of the personal taste of the scribe. Thus the Shrewsbury accounts have both histriones and menstralles in 1401, histriones in 1442, ministralli regularly from 1457 to 1479, and histriones regularly from 1483 onwards.
Many other names for minstrels, besides these dominant four, have been collected by scholars (Gautier, ii. 10; Julleville, Les Com. 17; Gröber, ii. 489; Bédier, 366). From the compliments exchanged in the fabliau of Des Deux Bordeors Ribaux (Montaiglon-Raynaud, i. 1) one may extract the equivalence of menestrel, trouvère, ribaud, bordeor, jougleur, chanteur, lecheor, pantonnier. Of such subordinate names many are specific, and have been dealt with in their turn in chh. iii, iv. Others, again, are abusive, and found chiefly in the mouths of ecclesiastics, or as distinctive of the lower orders of minstrels. There are garcio, nebulo, delusor, saccularius, bufo, ribaud, harlot. There are bourdyour, japer, gabber, jangler (vol. i. p. 84). There is scurra, an early and favourite term of this class; cf. Ælfric’s gloss (Ducange, s.v. Iocista), ‘Mimus, iocista, scurra, gligmon’; Wright-Wülcker, 693 (fifteenth-century gloss), ‘scurra, harlot’; and vol. i. p. 32. There is leccator, leccour (cf. above and App. F. s.v. Chester). And finally, there are a few terms of general, but not very common, application. Scenici and thymelici come from the early Christian prohibitions (vol. i. pp. 12, 17, 24). More important are a group derived from ludus, which like jeu has itself the widest possible sense, covering every possible kind of amusement. The Sarum Statutes of 1319, in a titulus dealing with histriones, speak of those ‘qui “menestralli” et quandoque “ludorum homines” vulgari eloquio nuncupantur’ (vol. i. p. 40). In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries appear such terms as lusor, lusiator, ludens, interlusor, interludens. The two latter of these are always specific, meaning ‘actor’; the three former are usually so, although they may occasionally have the more general sense, and this is probably also true of the English player. This question is more fully discussed in vol. i. pp. 84, 393, and vol. ii. p. 185.
C COURT MINSTRELSY IN 1306
[From Manners and Household Expenses of England in the Thirteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, 141 (Roxburghe Club, 1841), from Exchequer Roll (King’s Remembrancer’s Dept.) in Rolls Office. The Pentecost feast of 1306 was that at which Prince Edward, who became in the next year Edward II, was knighted. It is described in the Annales Londonienses (Chronicles of Edward I and Edward II, R. S. i. 146).]
Solutio facta diversis Menestrallis die Pentecostes anno xxxiiiiᵗᵒ.
[A. D. 1306.]
Le Roy de Champaigne } cuilibet v.marc.; summa, xvj.li. i.marc.
Le Roy Capenny }
Le Roy Baisescue }
Le Roy Marchis }
Le Roy Robert }
Phelippe de Caumbereye lx.s.; summa, lx.s.
Robert le Boistous } cuilibet iiij.marc.; summa, c. vj.s. viij.d.
Gerard de Boloigne }
Bruant } cuilibet xl.s.; summa, iiij.li.
Northfolke }
Carltone } cuilibet xx.s.; summa, lx.s.
Maistre Adam le Boscu }
Devenays }
Artisien } cuilibet xxx.s.; summa, iiij.li. [x.s.]
Lucat }
Henuer }
Le menestral Mons. de Montmaranci } cuilibet xl.s.; summa, xxvj.li.
Le Roy Druet }
Janin le Lutour }
Gillotin le Sautreour }
Gillet de Roos }
Ricard de Haleford }
Le Petit Gauteron }
Baudec le Tabourer }
Ernolet }
Mahu qui est ove la dammoisele de Baar }
Janin de Brebant }
Martinet qui est ove le Conte de Warwike }
Gauteron le Grant }
Le Harpour Levesque de Duresme x.s.
Guillaume le Harpour qui est ove le Patriarke } cuilibet ij.marc.; summa, xxj.li. di.marc.
Robert de Clou }
Maistre Adam de Reve }
Henri le Gigour }
Corraud son compaignon }
Le tierz Gigour }
Gillot le Harpour }
Johan de Newentone }
Hugethun le Harpour lour compaignon }
Adekin son compaignon }
Adam de Werintone }
Adam de Grimmeshawe }
Hamond Lestivour }
Mahuet qui est ove Mons. de Tounny }
Johan de Mochelneye }
Janin Lorganistre }
Simond le Messager }
Les ij. Trumpours Mons. Thomas de Brothertone } cuilibet j.marc.; summa, xl.marc.
Martinet le Taborour }
Richard Rounlo }
Richard Hendelek }
Janin de La Tour son compaignon }
Johan le Waffrer le Roy }
Pilk }
Januche } Trumpours Mons. le Prince }
Gillot } }
Le Nakarier }
Le Gitarer }
Merlin }
Tomasin, Vilour Mons. Le Prince }
Raulin qui est ove le Conte Mareschal }
Esvillie qui est ove Mons. Pierres de Maule }
Grendone }
Le Taborer La Dame de Audham }
Gaunsaillie }
Guillaume sanz maniere }
Lambyn Clay }
Jaques Le Mascun }
Son compaignon }
Mahu du North }
Le menestral ove les cloches }
Les iij. menestraus Mons. de Hastinges }
Thomelin de Thounleie }
Les ij. Trompours le Comte de Hereforde }
Perle in the eghe }
Son compaignon }
Janyn le Sautreour qui est ove Mons. de Percy }
Les ij. Trumpours le Comte de Lancastre }
Mellet }
Henri de Nushom }
Janyn le Citoler }
Gilliame } cuilibet xx.s.; summa, iiij.li.
Fairfax }
Monet }
Hanecocke de Blithe }
Summa totalis,—cxiiij.li. x.s.—Et issi demoerent des cc.marc., pur partir entre les autres menestraus de la commune,—xviij.li. xvj.s. viij.d.—Et a ceste partie faire sunt assigne Le Roy Baisescu, Le Roy Marchis, Le Roy Robert, et Le Roy Druet, Gauteron le Graunt, Gauteron le Petit, Martinet le Vilour qui est ove le Conte de Warewike, et del hostiel Mons. le Prince, ij. serjantz darmes ... clerke.
[Five lines of which only a few words are legible.]
Richard le Harpour qui est ove le Conte de Gloucestre.
Wauter Bracon Trounpour
Wauter le Trounpour
Johan le Croudere
Tegwaret Croudere
Geffrai le Estiveur
Guillot le Taborer
Guillot le Vileur
Robert le Vilour
Jake de Vescy
Richard Whetacre
A ceux xj., por toute la commune, xvii.li. iiii.s. viii.d.
Denarii dati Menestrallis.
Vidulatori Dominae de Wak’ v.s.
Laurentio Citharistae di.marc.
Johanni du Chat, cum Domino J. de Bur’ di.marc.
Mellers v.s.
Parvo Willielmo, Organistae Comtissae Herefordiae v.s.
Ricardo de Quitacre, Citharistae di.marc.
Ricardo de Leylonde, Citharistae di.marc.
Carleton Haralde v.s.
Gilloto Vidulatori Comitis Arundelliae di.marc.
Amakyn Citharistae Principis v.s.
Bolthede v.s.
Nagary le Crouder Principis v.s.
Matheu le Harpour v.s.
Johanni le Barber v.s.
ij. Trumpatoribus J. de Segrave di.marc.
Ricardo Vidulatori Comitis Lancastriae v.s.
Johanni Waffrarario Comitis Lancastriae xl.d.
Sagard Crouther xl.d.
William de Grymesar’, Harpour xl.d.
Citharistae Comitissae Lancastriae xl.d.
ij. Menestrallis J. de Ber[wyke] xl.d.
Henrico de Blida xl.d.
Ricardo Citharistae xl.d.
William de Duffelde xl.d.
v. Trumpatoribus Principis, pueris, cuilibet ij.s. x.s. in toto.
iiijᵒʳ. Vigil’ Regis, cuilibet di.marc. xx.s.
Adinet le Harpour
Perote le Taborer
Adae de Swylingtone Citharistae ij.s.
David le Crouther xij.d.
Lion de Normanville ij.s.
Gerardo xij.d.
Ricardo Citharistae ij.s.
Roberto de Colecestria iij.s.
Jhanni le Crouther de Salopia xij.d.
Johanni le Vilour domini J. Renaude xij.d.
Johanni de Trenham, Citharistae ij.s.
Willielmo Woderove, Trumpatori ij.s.
Johanni Citharistae J. de Clyntone ij.s.
Waltero de Brayles xij.d.
Roberto Citharistae Abbatis de Abbyndone xij.d.
Galfredo Trumpatori domini R. de Monte Alto
Richero socio suo ij.s.
Thomae le Croudere ij.s.
Rogero de Corleye, Trumpatori ij.s.
Audoeno le Crouther xij.d.
Hugoni Daa Citharistae ij.s.
Andreae Vidulatori de Hor’ ij.s.
Roberto de Scardeburghe xij.d.
Guilloto le Taborer Comitis Warrewici iij.s.
Paul’ Menestrallo Comitis Marescalli iij.s.
Matheo Waffraris domini R. de Monte Alto ij.s.
iij. diversis menestrallis, cuilibet iij.s. ix.s.
Galfrido Citharistae Comitis Warrenniae ij.s.
Matill’ Makejoye xij.d.
Johanni Trumpatori domini R. de Filii Pagani xij.d.
Adae Citharistae domini J. Lestraunge xij.d.
Reginaldo le Menteur, Menestrallo domini J. de Buteturt xij.d.
Perle in the Eghe xij.d.
Gilloto Citharistae Domini P. de Malo Lacu x.s.
Roberto Gaunsillie xl.d. Item. xl.d.
Jacke de Vescy di.marc.
Magistro Waltero Leskirmissour et fratri suo, cuilibet iij.s. vj.s.
D THE MINSTREL HIERARCHY
The term rex is not seldom applied as a distinction amongst minstrels. At the wedding of Joan of England in 1290 were present King Grey of England and King Caupenny of Scotland, together with Poveret, minstrel of the Marshal of Champagne (Chappell, i. 15). Poveret is perhaps the ‘roy de Champaigne’ of the 1306 list, which also includes the ‘roys’ Capenny, Baisescue, Marchis, Robert, and Druet (Appendix C). A ‘rex Robertus,’ together with ‘rex Pagius de Hollandia,’ reappears in accounts of the reign of Edward II (1307-27), while one of the minstrels of the king was William de Morlee, ‘roy de North’ (Percy, 416-8; cf. vol. i. p. 49). In France a list of the ‘ministeralli’ of Philip IV in 1288 includes the ‘rex Flaiolatus,’ ‘rex Heraudum,’ and ‘rex Ribaldorum.’ A certain Pariset, who was minstrel to the Comte de Poitiers in 1314, signs the statutes of the Paris guild in 1321 as ‘Pariset, menestrel le roy,’ and the various ‘roys des menestreuls du royaume de France’ who appear in and after 1338 may have been heads at once of the king’s household minstrels and of the guild (Appendix F; cf. Bernhard, iii. 380). Further, the title is claimed by the authors of various pieces of minstrel literature. ‘Adenet le roi’ is the author of Cleomadès (Paris, 84; Percy, 416-8), and ‘Huon le roi,’ perhaps identical with ‘Huon de Cambrai’ and ‘Huon Paucele,’ of the fabliau of Du Vair Palefroi (Bédier, 438; Montaiglon-Raynaud, i. 3). The term rex is of course common enough in connexion with temporary or permanent associations of all sorts, and is probably of folk origin (vol. i. chaps. iv, viii). It is possible that some of these ‘rois’ may have been crowned by ‘puis’ (Lavoix, ii. 377), but it is more probable that they had some official pre-eminence amongst their fellows, and perhaps some jurisdiction, territorial or otherwise. Clearly this was the case with the ‘roy des ministralx’ at Tutbury. The appearance of the ‘rex Flaiolatus’ with the ‘rex Heraudum’ and the ‘rex Ribaldorum’ in the French list of 1288 is thus significant, for the latter had just such a jurisdiction over the riff-raff of the court (Ducange, s.v.), and I conceive the relation of the minstrel ‘roys’ to their fellows to have been much that of the ‘Kings at arms’ to the ordinary heralds. It seems that minstrels and heralds belonged to the same class of ministri. The order of the Emperor Henry II (vol. i. p. 52) couples ‘ioculatores et armaturi’ and ‘Carleton Haralde’ is actually rewarded in the 1306 list (App. C, p. 237). If one may quote a Celtic parallel, the Arwyddfardd or heralds formed a regular division (†1100) of Welsh minstrelsy (E. David, La Poésie et la Musique dans la Cambrie, 72-91). Under Richard II the head of the English royal minstrels was a rex, but from 1464 onwards the term used is marescallus (Rymer, xi. 512), and this again may be paralleled from the supreme position of the Earl Marshal in heraldry. At the head of the Earl of Lancaster’s minstrels in 1308 was an armiger. I only find this term again in the burlesque account of the ‘auncient minstrell’ shown before Elizabeth at Kenilworth (Appendix H). He was ‘a squier minstrel of Middilsex’ and, as he bore the arms of Islington, presumably a ‘wait.’
E EXTRACTS FROM ACCOUNT BOOKS
I. Durham Priory.
[The entries, unless otherwise specified, are amongst the extracts (generally of Dona Prioris) from the Bursars’ Rolls between 1278 and 1371, printed by Canon Fowler in vols. ii, iii of the Durham Account Rolls (Surtees Soc.). D. H. B. = Durham Household Book (Surtees Soc.), F. P. = Inventories and Account Rolls of Finchale Priory (Surtees Soc.). This was a cell of Durham Priory. The minstrelsy often took place at the ludi Domini Prioris, either in his camera (D. A. ii. 424) or at Beaurepaire, Witton, or other maneria of the Priory. There seem to have been in most years four ludi ordinarii (D. A. ii. 296), though occasionally only two or three are mentioned. These were at the feasts of Candlemas, Easter, St. John Baptist, and All Saints (D. A. i. 242, iii. 932). But the Prior, Sub-Prior, and brethren seem often to have been ludentes, spatiantes, or in recreacione (D. A. i. 118, 235), without much regard to fixed dates. In 1438-9 they were ludentes for as much as eleven weeks and four days at Beaurepaire (D. A. i. 71). See also D. A. i. 16, 116, 120, 129, 137, 138, 142, 166, 207, 263; ii. 287, 419, 456, 515; iii. 810, s.vv. Ludi, &c.; D. H. B. 9, 13, 54, 141, 240, 339; F. P. 30, ccxcv, ccccxxxvi.]
1278. Menestrallo Regis Scociae.
Menestrallo de Novo Castro.
1299. Roberto le Taburer.
1300-1. Cuidam hystrioni Regis.
1302-3. Histrionibus domini Regis.
1310-11. Hugoni de Helmeslaye stulto domini Regis.
Cuidam Iugulatori d’ni Regis.
Cuidam Cytharistae.
†1310. Histrionibus d’ni H. de Bello Monte.
In scissura tunicae stulti.
†1315. Histrionibus ad Natale.
1330-1. In uno garniamento pro Thoma fatuo empto.
Histrionibus ad Natale.
” in fest. S. Cuthberti in Marcio.
” ad fest. S. Cuthberti in Sept.
” d’ni Henrici de Beaumond.
Citharistae (in another roll ‘citharatori’) d’ni Roberti de Horneclyff ex precepto Prioris.
1333-4. Duobus histrionibus in die Veneris proximo post octavam beati Martini.
Histrionibus d’ni Regis quando d’nus noster Rex rediit de Novo Castro.
Stulto d’ni Episcopi.
Histrionibus comitis Warenne.
Histrionibus Regis Scociae.
1334-5. Histrionibus ad Natale.
1335-6. Histrionibus d’ni Regis Scociae.
Duobus histrionibus die Sci. Cuthberti.
Duobus histrionibus ex precepto Prioris.
Histrionibus Novi Castri ad fest. S. Cuthberti.
Histrionibus d’ni R. de Nevill, per Priorem.
In 1 Cythara empta pro Thom. Harpour. 3ˢ.
Cuidam histrioni apud Beaurepaire per R. de Cotam ex dono Prioris.
Thomae fatuo ex precepto eiusdem.
†1335. Istrionibus d’ni Regis.
Istrionibus Reginae apud Pytingdon.
Istrionibus [die Dominica proxima post festum Epiphaniae, quo die d’nus Episcopus epulabatur cum Priore].
Will’o de Sutton, Citharaedo d’ni Galfridi Lescrop eodem die.
Istrionibus die Natalis Domini.
†1336. Duobus istrionibus d’ni Regis.
Edmundo de Kendall, Cytharaeto, de dono Prioris ad Pascha.
Menestrallis de dono [quando Episcopus epulabatur cum Priore].
†1337. In 1 pari sotularium pro Thoma fatuo.
1338-9. Several payments to ‘istriones’ and ‘menestralli.’
In 4 ulnis burelli scacciati emptis pro garniamento Thomae Fole per preceptum Prioris.
1339-40. In panno empto in foro Dunelm. pro uno garniamento pro Thoma fatuo.
Willelmo Piper istrioni d’ni Radulphi de Nevill die Circumcisionis.
1341. Pelidod et duobus sociis suis histrionibus d’ni Regis post Natale Domini.
1341-42. In garniamentis emptis pro ... Thoma fatuo (and similar entries, or for ‘Russet,’ ‘pannus,’ ‘Candelwykstret’ in other years).
†1343. Various payments to ‘Istriones.’
1347-8. ‘Istrionibus,’ &c.
1350-51. Istrionibus ad Natale.
” ad S. Cuthbertum in Sept.
1355-6. Will’o Pyper et aliis istrionibus ad Natale.
Item duobus istrionibus d’ni Episcopi et duobus istrionibus Comitis de Norhamton in festo Sci. Cuthberti in Marcio.
Item istrionibus d’ni Episcopi ad festum Paschae.
Item istrionibus in festo Sci. Cuthberti in Sept.
1356-7. In sepultura Thomae fatui et necessariis expensis circa corpus eius, per manus d’ni Prioris (similar entry in miscellaneous roll, ‘Thomae Fole,’ D. A. iii. 719).
Diversis ministrallis (D. A. iii. 718).
†1357. Et Will’o Blyndharpour ad Natale.
Et Ioh’i Harpour d’ni Ioh’is de Streuelyn et Will’o Blyndharpour de Novo Castro.
Et duobus Trompours Comitis de Norhamton apud Wyuestow.
Et cuidam Harpour vocato Rygeway.
Istrionibus d’ni Episcopi (and Harpers, &c.).
†1360. Petro Crouder apud Pityngton, per Capellanum.
Item eidem Petro pro uno quarterio ordii sibi dato per Priorem.
Duobus Istrionibus Episcopi in festo Assensionis Domini.
Et cuidam Istrioni Maioris villae Novi Castri per Capellanum.
1360-61. Will’o Pyper et aliis istrionibus ad Natale per manus Ioh’is del Sayles.
Cuidam Welsharpour d’ni Will’i de Dalton.
Item histrionibus aliorum dominorum.
1361-2. In uno viro ludenti in uno loyt et uxori eius cantanti apud Bewrpayr (D. A. i. 127, Hostiller’s Accounts).
1362. Item cuidam histrioni harper episcopi Norwychiae in festo Transl. Sᶜⁱ. Cuthberti.
Cuidam Istrioni Jestour Jawdewyne in festo Natalis Domini.
Will’o yᵉ kakeharpour ad idem festum.
Et Barry similem sibi ad id. festum.
Et cuidam ystrioni caeco franco cum uno puero fratre suo.
Barry harper ex precepto Prioris in una tunica empta.
1363-4. Item cantoribus in Adventu Domini cum histrionibus ibidem ex dono Prioris.
Item cuidam histrioni die Dominica Quasimodo geniti.
1364-5. To two players of the Lord Duke at the said feast (of St. Cuthbert) (Raine, St. Cuthbert, 109, Surtees Soc.).
1365-6. Barry Harpour, ystrionibus, &c.
1366-8. Ministrallis, Istrionibus.
1368-9. Rob’o Trompour et Will’o Fergos ministrallo in die Sci. Cuthberti.
1373-4. Duobus Ministrallis cum uno Weyng.
1374. 12 ministrallis in festo Sᶜⁱ. Cuthb.
1375-6. Ministrall. in die S. Cuthb. in Mar.
Cuidam ministrallo ludenti coram domino Priori in camera sua.
Tribus ministrallis Comitis del Marchie ludentibus coram domino Priore.
Cuidam ministrallo domini Regis veniente cum domino de Neuill.
12 ministrallis in festo Sci. Cuthb. in Sept.
4 ministrallis domini Principis in festo exaltacionis Sᶜᵉ. Crucis.
Cuidam ministrallo in festo Sᶜⁱ. Mathaei.
Ministrallis in festo Sᶜⁱ. Cuthb. in Marcio anno Domini, &c. lxxvᵗᵒ.
Duobus ministrallis in die Pasche.
1376-7. Willielmo Fergos et Rogero Harpour caeco ad Natale Domini.
Aliis ministrallis domini de Percy in eadem fest.
1377-8. Haraldis, histrionibus et nunciis, ut patet per cedulam.
1378-9. Histrionibus ... dominorum Regis, Ducis, et aliorum dominorum.
1380-1. Iohanni Momford ministrallo domini Regis.
1381-2. Ministrallis domini de Neuill apud Beaurepaire cum domina de Lomly.
Ministrallo domini Ducis cum uno saltante in camera domini Prioris.
(and others.)
1384-5. Ministrallis domini Regis.
1394-5. Ministrallis in festo S. Cuthb., Henrici Percy, domini Ducis Lancastr., domini de Neuill, Ducis Eborac., de Scocia, comitis Canciae, ad Nat. Domini, de Hilton, Ric. Brome ministrallo, in fest. S. Cuthb. in Marc.
Uni Trompet domini Regis.
Uni Rotour de Scocia.
1395. Item, in vino, speciebus, in donis datis Confratribus, ministrallis et aliis diversis, ex curialitate (F. P. cxv).
1399-1400. Ministrallis.
1401-2. Ministrallis.
1416-7. Ministrallis.
Diversis pueris ludentibus coram eodem priore in festo Sᶜⁱ. Stephani hoc anno.
1441-2. Per ... capellanum [et] ... per bursarium ministrallis domini Regis et aliorum dominorum supervenientibus.
1446-7. Ministrallis.
1449-50. Ministrallis.
1464-5. Et solvit Iohanni Andrewson et sociis suis operantibus pro nova tectura unius camerae vocatae le Playerchambre (F. P. ccxcv).
1465. Item j por de ferro in camera Prioris, j in le plaer cha ... (F. P. ccxcviii).
1496. Paid to Robert Walssch for two days playing John Gibson of Elvet ‘herper’ (D. H. B. 340).
1532-3. ... bus lusoribus ... Regis, in regardis, in auro, 15ˢ.
Et custodi ursorum et cimearum dominae Principis.
Et capellano, per bursarium, pro 4 lusoribus domini Comitis de Darby, in auro, 7ˢ. 6ᵈ. (D. H. B. 143, the last two items crossed out).
1536-7. In diversis donis datis ministrallis diversorum dominorum.
1538. Paid to the ministrels (ministrallis) at ‘le musters’ upon ‘le Gelymore.’
1539-40. Paid to the players (lusoribus) of Auklande at Christmas before Master Hyndley, as a present (D. H. B. 340).
1554-5. [Cathedral Account.] Paid for two mynstralles.
II. Maxstoke Priory.
[Printed by Hazlitt-Warton, ii. 97, ‘ex orig. penes me.’]
‘In the Prior’s accounts of the Augustine canons of Maxstoke in Warwickshire, of various years in the reign of Henry VI (1422-61), one of the styles or regular heads is De Ioculatoribus et Mimis....
Ioculatori in septimana S. Michaelis, ivᵈ.
Citharistae tempore natalis domini et aliis iocatoribus, ivᵈ.
Mimis de Solihull, viᵈ.
Mimis de Coventry, xxᵈ.
Mimo domini Ferrers, viᵈ.
Lusoribus de Eton, viiiᵈ.
Lusoribus de Coventry, viiiᵈ.
Lusoribus de Daventry, xiiᵈ.
Mimis de Coventry, xiiᵈ.
Mimis domini de Asteley, xiiᵈ.
Item iiij mimis domini de Warewyck, xᵈ.
Mimo caeco, iiᵈ.
Sex mimis domini de Clynton.
Duobus mimis de Rugeby, xᵈ.
Cuidam citharistae, viᵈ.
Mimis domini de Asteley, xxᵈ.
Cuidam citharistae, viᵈ.
Citharistae de Coventry, viᵈ.
Duobus citharistis de Coventry, viiiᵈ.
Mimis de Rugeby, viiiᵈ.
Mimis domini de Buckeridge, xxᵈ.
Mimis domini de Stafford, iiˢ.
Lusoribus de Coleshille, viijᵈ....
[1432] Dat. duobus mimis de Coventry in die consecrationis Prioris, xiiᵈ.’
III. Thetford Priory.
[From Collier, i. 55, 84, on the authority of a ‘MS. of the expenses of the Priory of Thetford, from 1461 to 1540, lately in the collection of Mr. Craven Orde, and now of the Duke of Newcastle.’]
‘The mention of “plays” and “players” does not begin until the 13ᵗʰ of Henry VII; but “Minstrels” and “Waytes” are often spoken of there as receiving rewards from the convent. The following entries, regarding “plays” and “players,” occur between the 13ᵗʰ and 23ʳᵈ of Henry VII:—
13 Henry VII [1497-8]. Itᵐ. sol. in regard 12 capital plays, 4ˢ.
Itᵐ. sol. to menstrell and players in festo Epiphaniae, 2ˢ.
19 Henry VII [1503-4]. Itᵐ. sol. to the play of Mydenale, 12ᵈ.
21 Henry VII [1505-6]. Itᵐ. sol. in regard lusoribus et menstrall, 17ᵈ.
23 Henry VII [1507-8]. Itᵐ. sol. in regard lusoribus div. vices, 3ˢ 4ᵈ.
Itᵐ. sol. in regard to Ixworth play, 16ᵈ.
Itᵐ. sol. in regard to Schelfanger play, 4ᵈ.
... From the 1ˢᵗ to the 31ˢᵗ Henry VIII, the King’s players, the King’s jugglers, the King’s minstrels, and the King’s bearwards were visitors of Thetford, and were paid various sums, from 4ᵈ to 6ˢ 8ᵈ, by the Prior of the convent there, as appears by the entries in the account-book during that period. On one occasion, 16 Henry VIII, Cornyshe, “the master of the King’s chapel,” was paid 3ˢ 4ᵈ by the prior; but he was then, probably, attendant upon the King, who is not unfrequently spoken of as having arrived, and being lodged at the Priory. Mr. Brandon and Mr. Smith are more than once rewarded as “Jugglers of the King.” The Queen’s players, the Prince’s players, and the players of the Queen of France, also experienced the liberality of the Prior, as well as those of the Duke of Norfolk, the Duke of Suffolk, the Earl and Countess of Derby, Lord and Lady Fitzwater, the Lord Privy Seal, the Lord Chancellor, Sir Thomas Challoner and two gentlemen who are called Marks and Barney.’
IV. Winchester College.
[Extracts from computi partly by Hazlitt-Warton, ii. 98, and partly by M. E. C. Walcott, William of Wykeham and his Colleges, 206. The satrapae of 1466 and 1479 are said by Mr. Walcott to have been local notables, but a collation to them would not cost so little or be grouped with rewards to minstrels in the computus. Ducange says that the word is used ‘pro quodam ministro vel satellite.’ The Magdalen accounts use it for the ‘serjeants’ of the mayor of Oxford (Macray, Register, i. 15).]
1400. In dono lusoribus civitatis Wynton venient. ad collegium cum suo tripudio ex curialitate, xijᵈ.
1412. In dat. Ricᵒ. Kent bochier tempore regno suo vocat. Somerkyng, xijᵈ.
1415. In dat. diversis hominibus de Ropley venientibus ad coll. die Sanct. Innoc. et tripudiantibus et cantantibus in aula coram Epō. scholarium, xxᵈ.
1422. Dat. histrioni dⁿⁱ epi Wynton et ioculatori ejusdem 5ᵗⁱ die Ianuarii, cuilibet, xxᵈ.
1425. Dat. Gloucester ioculatori ludenti coram custode et sociis penultimo die Iulii, ob reverentiam ducis Exon. xijᵈ.
1426. Dat. ministrellis d. epi Wynton tempore Nat. Dni. ex curialitate et honestate, ijˢ viiiᵈ.
Dat. ij ministrallis comitissae de Westmorland vęnient’ ad coll. xxᵈ.
1433. In dat. mimis dⁿⁱ cardinalis venient’ ad collegium erga festum natale Dⁿⁱ iiijˢ.
1462. Dat’ Epo Nicholatensi visitanti Dominum custodem in hospitio suo de nocte Sᵗⁱ. Nicholai, iiijᵈ.
1464. Et in dat. ministrallis comitis Kanciae venient. ad coll. in mense Iulii, iiijˢ iiijᵈ.
1466. Et in dat. satrapis Wynton venientibus ad coll. festo Epiphaniae, cum ijˢ dat. iiij. interludentibus et J. Meke citharistae eodem festo, iiijˢ.
1467. Et in datis iiijᵒʳ mimis dom. de Arundell venient. ad coll. xiij. die Febr. ex curialitate dom. custodis, ijˢ.
In dat. Ioh. Pontisbery et socio ludentibus in aula in die circumcisionis, ijˢ.
1471. In dat. uni famulo dⁿⁱ regis Angliae venienti ad collegium cum Leone mense Ianuarii, xxᵈ.
1472. Et in dat. ministrallis dom. Regis cum viijᵈ. dat. duobus Berewardis ducis Clarentiae, xxᵈ.
Et in dat. Iohanni Stulto quondam dom. de Warewyco, cum iiijᵈ dat. Thomae Nevyle taborario.
Et in datis duobus ministrallis ducis Glocestriae, cum iiijᵈ. dat. uni ministrallo ducis de Northumberland, viijᵈ.
Et in datis duobus citharatoribus ad vices venient. ad collegium viijᵈ.
1477. Et in dat. ministrallis dom. Principis venient. ad coll. festo Ascensionis Domini, cum xxᵈ. dat. ministrallis dom. Regis, vˢ.
1479. Et in datis satrapis Wynton venientibus ad coll. festo Epiphaniae, cum xijᵈ dat. ministrallis dom. episcopi venient. ad coll. infra octavas epiphaniae, iiiˢ.
Dat. lusoribus de civitate Winton. venientibus ad collegium in apparatu suo mens. Iulii, vˢ vijᵈ.
1481. Et in sol. ministrallis dom. regis venientibus ad collegium xv die Aprilis cum xijᵈ solut. ministrallis dom. episcopi Wynton venientibus ad collegium iᵒ die Iunii, iiijˢ iiijᵈ.
Et in dat. ministrallis dom. Arundell ven. ad coll. cum viijᵈ dat. ministrallis dom. de la Warr, ijˢ iijᵈ.
1483. Sol. ministrallis dom. regis, ven. ad coll. iijˢ iiijᵈ.
1484. Et in dat. uni ministrallo dom. principis et in aliis ministrallis ducis Glocestriae v die Iulii, xxᵈ.
1536. In dat. ministrallis dⁿⁱ regis venientibus ad coll. xiij die April pro regardo, ijˢ.
1573. In regardis dat’ tibicinis dominae reginae cum vino, vijˢ iiijᵈ.
In regardis dat. lusoribus dominae reginae, vjˢ viijᵈ.
V. Magdalen College, Oxford.
[Extracts from account books made by J. R. Bloxam and W. D. Macray, A Register of the Members of St. Mary Magdalen College, Oxford, First Series, ii. 235; New Series, i. 3; ii. 3. The dates given below are for the year in which the account begins.]
1481. pro cerothecis pro chorustis, iiijᵈ.
1482. vᵒ die Decembris pro cerothecis episcopi in festo S. Nicholai iiijᵈ.
1483. pro cerothecis datis ad honorem Sancti Nicolai duobus choristis, viijᵈ.
1484. pro cerothecis Episcopi in festo Sancti Nicholai et eius crucem ferentis, viijᵈ.
1485. ‘Ursarii’ of Lord Stanley dined with the Fellows.
1486. pro factura sepulturae erga pascham, xijᵈ.
‘Sex vagatores’ dined with the servants.
Solut. viᵒ die Ian. citharistis et mimis tempore ludi in aula in regardo, in tempore Nativitatis Domini, viijᵈ.
Solut. pro quodam ornamento lusorum vocato ly Cape mayntenawnce, ixᵈ.
1487. pro vestimentis lusorum tempore Nativ. Domini, consilio unius decani, iiˢ ijᵈ.
pro clavis ad pannos in ornatum aulae pendendos, jᵈ.
1488. Sol. Iohanni Wynman pro scriptura unius libri de servicio episcopi pro die Innocencium, vᵈ.
1490. Singers from Abingdon, London and Hereford entertained.
1494. Sol. Pescode servanti quandam bestiam vocatam ly merumsytt ex consilio seniorum, quia Rex erat apud Woodstocke, xijᵈ.
1495. Sol. Henrico Mertyn pro lino, alyn, et aliis emptis pro ludo in die Paschae, xvijᵈ ob.
Sol. Pescod ducenti duo animalia nuncupata mermosettes.
1502. Sol. in expensis factis tempore Nativitatis Domini, in biberiis post interludia et alia, xiijˢ iiijᵈ.
1506. To John Burgess, B.A., ... xᵈ were paid for writing out a miracle-play (‘scriptura lusi’) of Sᵗ. Mary Magd., and vˢ. for some music; and viijᵈ to a man who brought some songs from Edward Martyn, M.A. For his diligence with regard to the above miracle-play, Kendall, a clerk, was rewarded with iˢ.
pro expensis mimi, iiijˢ, at Christmas.
1507. in quatuor refectionibus citharistae, at Epiphany.
1508. Sol. famulo Regis ducenti ursam ad collegium, ex mandato Vice-presidentis, xijᵈ.
1509. Sol. pane, cibo et aliis datis pueris ludentibus in die Paschae, mandato Vicepr. xvijᵈ ob.
1510. Sol. pro expensis factis in aula tempore Nativitatis Domini, xiijˢ iiijᵈ.
Sol. cuidam mimo tempore Nativitatis Domini in regardo, viijᵈ.
1512. Sol. Petro Pyper pro pypyng in interludio nocte Sancti Iohannis, vjᵈ.
Sol. Iohanni Tabourner pro lusione in interludio Octavis Epiphaniae, vjᵈ.
Sol. Roberto Johnson pro una tunica pro interludiis, iiijˢ.
1514. pro carnibus [? carbonibus] consumptis in capella tribus noctibus ante Pascha et in tempore Nativitatis, ijˢ.
1518. To Perrot, the Master of the choristers, ‘pro tinctura et factura tunicae eius qui ageret partem Christi et pro crinibus mulieribus, ijˢ vjᵈ.’
1520. pro pane ... datis clericis in vigiliis Sᵗⁱ. Nicolai.
pro cerothecis puerorum in festo Sancti Nicolai.
1526. pro merendis datis episcopo capellanis clericis et aliis in vigilia Sᵗ. Nicolai.
1529. pro ... episcopo Nicholai.
1530. pro pueris in festo Sancti Nicholai.
1531. Solut. mimis dominae principisshae, xxᵈ.
Pro biberio dato sociis et scolaribus post interludia in tempore Natalis Domini, vjˢ viijᵈ.
1532. To the Queen’s players, by the President’s order, xiiᵈ.
pro biberio dato sociis post ludum baccalaureorum in magna aula, vjˢ viijᵈ.
1535. pro merenda facta in vigilia Sancti Nicolai.
Actors at Christmas, iiiiˢ iiijᵈ.
pro merenda facta post comediam actam, ixˢ iijᵈ.
‘ioculatoribus Regis,’ by the President’s order, xxᵈ.
1536. pro biberio in nocte Sancti Nicholai.
Sol. mimo pro solatiis factis sociis et scholasticis tempore Nativitatis Domini, viijˢ.
1537. pro carbonibus consumptis in sacrario, per custodes sepulchri, et per pueros in festis hiemalibus, ijˢ [and in other years].
1539. pro bellariis datis sociis cum ageretur comedia, viijˢ.
1540. pro epulis datis sociis eo tempore quo agebatur tragedia, viijˢ iiijᵈ.
pro bellariis datis sociis et clericis vigilia divi Nicolai, iiijˢ viijᵈ.
pro pane et potu datis semicommunariis dum curabant publicam exhibere comediam, xxᵈ.
1541. A ‘tympanista’ was hired at Christmas and comedies acted.
1554. 30 Ian. in adventu [dom. Matravers] ad tragedias per duas noctes, xlijˢ viijᵈ ob.
Pro epulis datis sociis post exactas tragedias, xˢ ixᵈ.
The only Elizabethan entry I need note is:—
1561. Sol. Joyner, pictori, depingenti portenta religiosorum in spectaculo Baulino, iijˢ iiijᵈ ... depingenti nomina haeresium in spectaculo (in aula) quod choristarum moderator [Richard Baull] ordinavit.
VI. Shrewsbury Corporation.
[Extracts from the Bailiffs’ accounts by Owen and Blakeway, Hist. of Shrewsbury (1825), i. 262, 267, 275, 284, 290, 292, 325 sqq.; and by W. D. Macray in Hist. MSS. xv. 10. 25. It is not always clear to which calendar year an entry belongs. The accounts run from Michaelmas to Michaelmas, but Owen and Blakeway generally quote entries under one calendar year and sometimes under one regnal year.]
1401. ‘Histriones’ of the Prince and the Earl of Stafford.
‘Menstralles’ of the Earls of Worcester and Stafford.
1409. Players [i.e. in these early accounts, ‘histriones,’ not ‘lusores’] of the countess and earl of Arundel, of Lord Powis, Lord Talbot, and Lord Furnivall.
Players ‘in honorem villae’ at the marriage of a cousin of David Holbache.
1437. Minstrels of earl of Stafford.
1438. Livery to two town minstrels, ‘voc. waytes.’
1442. Some town minstrels called ‘histriones.’ In same year, ‘histrionibus regis,’ and in subsequent years ‘histrionibus’ of earl of Shrewsbury and others, including one ‘voc. Trumpet.’
1450. Players and minstrels at coming of duke of York from Ireland.
1457. Denaria soluta uni ministrallo domini principis [Edward] pro honestate villae.
Quatuor ministrallis domini ducis de Bukyngham.
Duobus ministrallis d’ni de Powys.
1 lagenae vini de Ruyn dictis ministrallis.
Denaria data uni ministrallo d’ni principis et suo puero.
iiij. ministrallis d’ni ducis de Eboraco.
iv. ministrellis d’ni ducis de Excestro.
1474. Regardo ministrallis d’ni ducis de Clarence.
1478. Waltero Harper ministrallo d’ni principis.
Regardo dato uni ministrallo ducis Gloucestris vocato le Taborer.
Regardo sex ministrallis d’ni Regis.
1479. Soluta pro liberata ministrallorum vocatorum Wayts, quilibet eorum.
Soluta pro conductu unius ministralli vocati Wayt a villa de Norhampton usque Salop.
Soluta pro quodam regardo dato uni ministrallo d’ni Regis via elemosinaria causa eius paupertatis et aetatis.
[From this point histriones replaces ministralli in the accounts.]
1483. Soluta pro quodam regardo dato sex histrionibus domini Regis pro honestate villae.
Pro vino dato dictis histrionibus in praesencia ballivorum et aliorum proborum hominum pro honestate villae.
Pro liberatura communium histrionum vocatorum le Wayts villae.
Soluta ursenario domini Regis pro honestate villae.
1495. Pro vino dato domino Principi [Arthur] ad ludum in quarell.
1496. Wine given to the minstrels of our Lord the King.
To the King’s minstrels.
To the Queen’s minstrels.
To the Prince’s players.
To the Earl of Derby’s players.
To the Earl of Shrewsbury’s players.
1503. In regardo dato ij Walicis histrionibus domini Regis.
1510. ‘Lusoribus’ in feast of Pentecost.
‘Histrionibus’ of Earl of Shrewsbury and King.
1516. In vino, pomis, waffers, et aliis novellis datis et expenditis super abbatem Salop et famulos suos ad ludum et demonstrationem martiriorum Felicianae et Sabinae in quarera post muros.
In regardo dato lusoris eiusdem martirii tunc temporis hoc anno.
1517. Regardo ursinario comitis Oxoniae.
In regardo dato ursinario domini Regis pro agitacione bestiarum suarum ultra denarios tunc ibidem collectos.
1518. In vino expendito super tres reges Coloniae equitantibus in interludio pro solacio villae Salop in festo Pentecost.
1520. Ralph Hubard, minstrel of Lord de ‘Mountegyle.’
In regardo dato iiijᵒʳ interlusoribus comitis Arundele ostendentibus ballivis et comparibus suis diversa interludia.
Et in vino dato eis et aliis extraneis personis intuentibus interludia, ultra denarios collectos.
In regardo dato histrionibus Iohannis Talbot militis pro melodia eorum facta in presencia ballivorum.
In regardo dato iij histrionibus comitis Arundelle pro honestate villae Salop.
In regardo dato Benet & Welles histrionibus comitis Salop.
In regardo ij histrionibus comitissae de Derby pro honestate villae Salop.
Et in vino expendito per ballivos et compares suos audientes melodiam eorum.
Histrionibus domini Regis ex consuetudine.
In regardo dato et vino expendito super Willelmum More histrionem domini Regis eo quod est caecus et principalis citherator Angliae.
1521. Regardo dato M. Brandon ioculatori domini Regis pro honestate villae
Et in vino expendito par ballivos & compares suos videntes lusum et ioculationem dicti ioculatoris ultra ij denarios collectos de qualibet persona villae extraneis exceptis.
Soluta pro una roba nova depicta, sotularibus & aliis necessariis regardis & expensis factis super Ricardum Glasyer, abbatem de Marham, pro honestate & iocunditate villae.
In regardo dato portitori communis campanae circa villam pro proclamacione facta pro attendencia facienda super abbatem de Marham tempore Maii hoc anno.
In regardo dato iiijᵒʳ histrionibus domini Regis de consuetudine.
Histrionibus comitis Derby.
Regardo dato ursinario ducis Suffolke ultra 2ˢ. 3ᵈ. de pecuniis collectis de circumstantibus ad agitacionem ursarum suarum.
Pro ursinario domini marchionis Dorsett.
1522. ‘Ursenarius’ of duke of Suffolk.
In regardo dato ioculatori domini Regis.
1524. ‘Histrio’ of Henry Knight.
‘Histriones’ of Earl of Derby.
‘Histriones’ of Lord Mount Egle.
1525. In regardo dato iiij histrionibus comitis Arundell.
Et in vino expendito super ballivos & compares suos audientes melodiam et ludentes inspicientes.
In regardo dato iiijᵒʳ interlusoribus ducis Suffolk.
Interludes of the Lady Princess, and wine spent at hearing their interludes.
1526. In regardo dato custodi cameli domini Regis ostendenti ballivis et comparibus suis ioca illius cameli.
Interlusoribus dominae principissae.
Ralph Hubard, minstrel of Lord de ‘Mountegyle,’ with one Lokkett.
1527. In regardo dato lusoribus villae tempore veris et mensis Maii pro iocunditate villae.
Interlusoribus dominae principissae.
Interluders of our Lord the King.
‘Histriones,’ of Sir John Talbot, Arthur Neuton and Sir John Lyngen.
1528. ‘Ursenarius’ of marquis of Exeter.
1530. ‘Histrio’ of baron of Burford.
1531. Data interlusoribus dominae principissae.
1533. Soluta Thomae Eton pro factura unius mansionis de duobus stagiis pro domino presidenti [Bishop of Exeter] et ballivis tempore ludi septimana Pentecostes.
Et in regardo dato lusoribus ad dictum lusum et pro reparacione ornamentorum suorum.
In vino dato domino presidenti & ballivis in mansione sua tempore lusi in Quarrera pone muros.
In regardo dato lusoribus & interlusoribus domini Regis ostendentibus & offerentibus ioca sua.
Et in vino expendito super eos et comitivam ballivorum & comparium suorum audientium & supervidentium lusum & melodiam eorum.
In expensis factis in garniamentis, liberatis et histrion[ibus] pro domino abbate de Marham tempore mensis Maii pro honestate villae hoc anno.
1535. In regardo m[agistro] Brandon, ioculatori domini Regis.
In regardo dato histrionibus extraneis melodiam et cantilenas eorum coram ballivis et comparibus pronunciantibus.
1538. Data in regardo lusoribus domini privati sigilli.
Data in regarda lusoribus domini principis [Edward].
Expendita super lusores domini principis, domini privati sigilli, domini visitatoris ... pro honestate villae.
‘Histriones’ of Sir Thomas Cornewall and of Thomas Newport.
Rogero Philipps, goldsmyth, pro argento et emendacione colarium histrionum villae.
‘Ursenarius’ of marquis of Exeter.
1540. Data in regardo quibusdam interlusoribus de Wrexam ludentibus coram ballivis et comparibus suis in vino tunc expendito.
‘Item, Mr. Bayleffes left on pᵈ more the same day at aftʳ the play.
‘Item, the vj men spend appon the kyng’s pleyers in wyne.
‘Item, there was left on pᵈ by Mr. Bayleffs wᵗ my Lorde Prinssys plears on Sonday after Seint Bartlaumew day.
‘Item, there was sent them the nyght to supper a poˡ of red and a poˡ of claret.
‘Item, Mr. Bayleffs left on pᵈ on Sonday after owre Lade day wyth my Lord Prinsys plears.’
Cuidam iugulatori ludenti coram ballivis.
1541. ‘Ursenario ducis Norfoxiae.’
1542. In vino dato interlusoribus post interlusum in cimitirio sancti Cedde coram commissariis domini Regis ballivis et aliis.
Cuidem ursuario de la Northewiche.
Ursiatori praepotentis viri comitis Derby ad ij tempora.
Pro reparacione et pictura ornamentorum abbatis de Mayvole.
Et soluta pro una toga de nova facta dicto abbati de Mayvole.
Soluta Ricardo Glasier pro labore suo in ludendo abbatem de Mardall.
1548. Interlusoribus ludentibus cum domino abbate de Marall.
Soluta Iohanni Mason, peynter, pro pictura togae pro dicto domino de Marrall.
In regardo istrionibus ludentibus ante viros armatos.
Cuidam istrioni ludenti ante viros equiles equitantes ad Scociam.
1549. James Lockwood ‘servienti et gestatori domini Regis.’
Interluders of Sir John Bridges and of Sir Edward Braye.
William Taylor, and others, interluders of the town of Salop, playing there in the month of May.
‘Histriones’ of William Sheldon and of Lord Ferrers [last use of term histrio].
1552. Interluders of Lord Russell.
Soluta domino de abbott Marram et pro apparatu eorum videlicet pro calciamentis tunicis et aliis vestibus.
1553. Expendita per ballivos et associatos suos die lunae in le Whitson wuck post visum lusum.
Pro tunicis et aliis vestimentis ac pistura eorundem pro Robyn Hood.
In vino dato eisdem interlusoribus.
In regardo le tomlers.
1554. In regardo Thomae Staney le jugler.
Wyett le gester.
1559. Regardo lusiatoribus domini Stafford.
1561. Item, gyvyn unto my lord Wyllybe’s playarys in reward.
Item, spent at the gullet on the saem playarys.
1565. To Master Baly Pursell with the Quenes players.
1566. Yeven Mr. Justes Throgmerton’s mynstrell.
1574. Paid and geven to my L. Sandwayes man, the berwart.
The players of noblemen and others and ber-wards of noblemen and mynstrells of noblemen, this yere, viiiˡⁱ xˢ viijᵈ.
1576. Leid out to my lord of Derby and my lord Staffart’s musicions.
1582. Bestowed on her Majesty’s players this yere.
1591. To my lord of Derby’s musysyons, and to the erle of Woster’s players ... to my L. Beachem men, beinge players.
[From Books of Council Orders in Hist. MSS. xv. 13, 16, 18.]
1556. 16 May. The bailiffs to set forward the stage play this next Whitsontide for the worship of the town and not to disburse above £5 about the furniture of the play.
1570. 8 July. Lease of pasture ‘behind the walles, exceptinge the Quarrell where the plases have bine accustomyd to be usyd.’
1575. 17 July. Five marks to be given to Mr. Churchyard for his pains taken in setting forth the show against the Queen’s coming, being sent hither by the Lord President.
VII. The Howards of Stoke-by-Nayland, Essex.
[From accounts of Sir John Howard, in Manners and Household Expenses (Roxburghe Club, 1841), 325, 511.]
2 May, 1465. Item that he [my master] delyverd the pleyers at Moleyns [a servant of Sir John’s] weddynge, ijˢ.
12 Jan. 1466. And the sonday nexte after the xij day, I ȝafe to the pleyeres of Stoke, ijˢ.
[From accounts of John, Lord Howard, afterwards Duke of Norfolk, in Household Books of John, Duke of Norfolk, and Thomas, Earl of Surrey (ed. Collier, Roxburghe Club, 1844), 104, 145, 146, 148, 149, 202, 336, 339.]
29 Aug. 1481. I paid to the pleirs of Turton [Thorington] Strete, xxᵈ.
26 Dec. 1481. Item, the xxvj day of December, my Lord toke the Plaiers of Kokesale [Coggeshall], iijˢ iiijᵈ.
27 Dec. 1481. Item, to the Plaiers of Hadley [Hadleigh], and the olde man and ij. children, vjˢ viijᵈ.
7 Jan. 1482. Item, to the Plaiers of Esterforde, iijˢ iiijᵈ.
9 Jan. 1482. Item, to Senclowe, that he paid to my Lord of Essex [Henry Bourchier] men, plaiers, xxᵈ.
Thei are of Canans.
22 May, 1482. Item, that my Lord yaffe to the cherche on Whitson Monday at the pley, xˢ.
25 Dec. 1482. Item, on Crystemas day, my Lord gaff to iiij pleyers of my lord of Gloucestres, iijˢ iiijᵈ.
Item, the same day, my Lord gaff to iiij pleyers of Coksale, iijˢ iiijᵈ.
9 Jan. 1483. Item, the same day, my Lord paid to Garard, of Sudbury, for all suche stoffe as folewyth, that he bought for the Dysgysing [a schedule of paper, gunpowder, ‘arsowde,’ pack-thread, &c., follows]. Summe totall, xxjˢ ob.
[From accounts of Thomas, Earl of Surrey, in Household Books (ut supra), 515, 517, 519.]
20 Dec. 1490. Payd for xviij yardes of lynen cloth, that M. Leynthorpe had for dysgysyng, at iiijᵈ the yard, ... vjˢ iiijᵈ.
[Other expenses for the disguising follow.]
27 Dec. 1490. Item, payd to the playars of Chemsford, vjˢ. viijᵈ.
2 Jan. 1491. Item, the said day, in reward to the panget [pageant (?)], iijˢ iiijᵈ.
Item, payd to ——, when he went to Bury to fach stuff for dygysers on Saynt Stevens day, xvjᵈ.
8 Jan. 1492. Item, in reward to the players of Lanam [Lavenham], xlˢ.
[The Howard accounts also include many payments for minstrelsy, &c. The Duke of Norfolk kept singers, a harper, children of the chapel, and two fools, ‘Tom Fool’ and Richard, ‘the fool of the kitchen.’]
VIII. The English Court.
[From Rymer, Foedera, x. 387. A memorandum de strenis, liberatis et expensis, at Christmas, 1427.]
A Jakke Travail et ses compaignons feisans diverses jeuues et entreludes dedeins le feste de Noell devant notre dit sire le roi, 4 lib.
Et as autres jeweis de Abyndon feisantz autres entreludes dedeins le dit feste de Noel, 20 sol.
[Extracted by Collier, i. 50, from the Household Book of Henry VII, 1491-1505, and the Book of King’s Payments, 1506-9. I cannot identify the former; the latter appears to be vol. 214 of the Miscellanea of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer (Scargill-Bird, Guide to the Public Records, 228). I omit, here and below, entries referring to minstrelsy, disguisings, and plays by the King’s players and the Chapel. Probably some of the performances were given at London; others before the King on progress. I have corrected some of Collier’s dates from the similar entries in Bentley, Excerpta Historica, 85, taken from a transcript in B. M. Add. MS. 7099.]
1 Jan. 1492. To my Lorde of Oxon pleyers, in rewarde, £1.
7 Jan. 1493. To my Lorde of Northumberlande Pleyers, in rewarde, £1.
1 Jan. 1494. To four Pleyers of Essex in rewarde, £1.
To the Pleyers of Wymborne Minster, £1.
6 Jan. 1494. To the Frenche Pleyers for a rewarde, £1.
31 Dec. 1494. To 3 Pleyers of Wycombe in rewarde, 13ˢ 4ᵈ.
4 Jan. 1495. To the Frenshe Pleyers in rewarde, £2.
20 July, 1498. To the pleyers of London in rewarde, 10ˢ.
14 June, 1499. To the pleyers with Marvells, £4.
6 Aug. 1501. To the Pleyers at Myles End, 3ˢ 4ᵈ.
2 Jan. 1503. To the Pleyers of Essex in rewarde, £1.
20 May, 1505. To the Players of Kingeston toward the bilding of the churche steple, in almasse, 3ˢ 4ᵈ.
1 Jan. 1506. To the players that played afore the Lord Stewarde in the Hall opon Sonday nyght, 6ˢ 8ᵈ.
To my lorde Princes players that played in hall on new-yeres even, 10ˢ.
25 Dec. 1506. To the Players that played affore the Lord Stewarde in the Hall opon Tewesday nyght, 10ˢ.
2 Jan. 1509. To my lord of Buckingham’s pleyers that playd in the Hall at Grenewich, 6ˢ 8ᵈ.
[Extracted by Collier, i. 76, from the Book of King’s Payments for 1509-17, now vol. 215 of the Miscellanea of the Treasury of the Receipt of the Exchequer. The document is more fully analysed in Brewer, ii. 1441. It is an account of the Treasurer of the Chamber.]
6 Jan. 1512. To the Players that cam out of Suffolke, that playd affore the Lorde Stewarde in the Kings Hall opon Monday nyght, 13ˢ 4ᵈ.
1 Jan. 1515. To the Erle of Wiltyshires playres, that shulde have played in the Kings Hall oppon Thursday at nyght, in rewarde, 13ˢ 4ᵈ.
1 Jan. 1516. To the Erle of Wilshire’s players, 13ˢ 4ᵈ.
[From Accounts of Treasurer of Chamber in Trevelyan Papers (C.S.), i. 146, 161, 174.]
1 Jan. 1530. To the Prince’s plaiers.
1 Jan. 1531. To the Princes pleyers.
Item, paid to certain Players of Coventrye, as in wey of the Kinges rewarde, for playnge in the Corte this last Cristmas.
1 Jan. 1532. To the Princesse plaiers.
F MINSTREL GUILDS
A. France.
1. Arras, †1105.
The famous Pui d’Arras (vols. i. p. 376, ii. p. 88) was in a sense a minstrel guild. According to tradition a plague was stayed by a simultaneous apparition of the Virgin in a dream to two minstrels, which led to the acquisition of ‘le joyel d’Arras,’ the miraculous ‘cierge de notre Dame.’ This was about 1105, and the result was the foundation of the Confrérie or Carité de N. D. des Ardents, which afterwards developed into the pui. This was not confined to minstrels, but they were predominant. The Statutes say, ‘Ceste carité est estorée des jogleors, et les jogleors en sont signors[680].’ The objects of the pui, however, were religious, social, and literary. It was not a craft guild, such as grew up two centuries later.
2. Paris, 1321.
Ordinances were made in 1321 ‘à l’acort du commun des menestreus et menestrelles, jougleurs et jougleresses’ of Paris for the reformation of their ‘mestier,’ and registered with the provost of Paris in 1341. They chiefly regulate the employment of minstrels within the city. The ‘mestres du dit mestier’ are to be ‘ii ou iii preudes hommes’ appointed by the provost on behalf of the King. A number of ‘guètes’ and other minstrels sign, beginning with ‘Pariset, menestrel le roy,’ and ending with ‘Jaque le Jougleur.’ As a possible head of the ‘mestier’ is named ‘li prevost de Saint-Julian.’ This seems to contemplate the foundation of the hospice et confrérie under the patronage of SS. Julian and Genesius, and in close connexion with the ‘mestier,’ which actually took place 1328-35. But in the later Statutes of 1407 the head of the guild is called the ‘roy des ménestriers,’ and as by this time the guild seems to claim some authority over the whole of France, it is probable that this ‘roy’ was identical with the ‘roy des menestreuls du royaume de France,’ a title which occurs in various documents from 1338 onwards. He may also have been identical with the ‘roy’ of the King’s household minstrels (cf. p. 239). The Paris guild lasted until the suppression of all such privileged bodies in 1776[681].
3. Chauny.
The corporation of ‘les Trompettes jougleurs’ of Chauny was founded during the fifteenth century. This town claimed to provide bateleurs for all the north of France[682].
B. England.
There are two early jurisdictions over minstrelsy, which are not strictly of the nature of guilds.
1. Chester.
Tradition has it that †1210 Randal Blundeville, Earl of Chester, besieged by the Welsh in Rhuddlan Castle, was relieved by Roger Lacy, constable of Cheshire, with a mob of riff-raff from Chester Midsummer fair. Randal gave to Lacy, and Lacy’s son John gave to his steward Hugh de Dutton and his heirs the ‘magistratum omnium leccatorum et meretricum totius Cestriae.’ The fact of the jurisdiction is undoubted. It was reserved by the charter to the London guild in 1469, claimed by Laurence de Dutton in 1499, admitted upon an action of quo warranto as a right ‘from time immemorial,’ further reserved in the first Vagrant Act (1572) which specifically included minstrels, and in the successive Acts of 1597, 1603, 1628, 1641, 1713, 1740, 1744. It lapsed when this last Act was repealed in 1822. Up to 1756 the heir of Dutton regularly held his curia Minstralciae at Chester Midsummer fair, and issued licences to fiddlers in the city and county for a fee of 4½d., afterwards raised to 2s. 6d. Thomas Dutton (1569-1614), under puritan influences, inserted a proviso against piping and dancing on Sundays[683].
2. Tutbury.
Letters patent of John of Gaunt dated 1380 and confirmed by an ‘inspeximus’ of Henry VI in 1443 assigned ‘le roy des ministralx’ in the honour of Tutbury to arrest all minstrels within the honour not doing service on the feast of the Assumption. It was a custom that the prior of Tutbury should provide a bull for a bull-running by the assembled minstrels on this feast. The court was still held by an annual ‘king of the fiddlers,’ with the steward and bailiff of the honour (including Staffs., Derby, Notts., Leicester, and Warwick), at the end of the seventeenth century, and the minstrels claimed to be exempt, like those of Chester, from vagrancy legislation. But their rights were not reserved, either by the Charter of 1469 or the Vagrant Acts[684].
The first English craft guild of minstrels is later by a century and a half than that of Paris.
3. London.
A charter of Edward IV (1469), ‘ex querelosa insinuatione dilectorum nobis Walteri Haliday, marescalli [and seven others] ministrallorum nostrorum,’ declares that ‘nonnulli rudes Agricolae et Artifices diversarum Misterarum Regni nostri Angliae finxerunt se fore Ministrallos. Quorum aliqui Liberatam nostram, eis minime datam, portarunt, seipsos etiam fingentes esse Ministrallos nostros proprios. Cuius quidem Liberatae ac dictae Artis sive Occupationis Ministrallorum colore in diversis Partibus Regni nostri praedicti grandes Pecuniarum Exactiones de Ligeis nostris deceptive colligunt et recipiunt.’ Hence illegitimate competition with the real minstrels, decay of the art, and neglect of agriculture. The charter then does two things. It makes the royal minstrels a corporation with a marshall elected by themselves, and it puts them at the head of a ‘Fraternitatem sive Gildam’ of minstrels already existing in the chapel of the Virgin in St. Paul’s, and in the royal free chapel of St. Anthony. All minstrels in the country are to join this guild or be suppressed. It is to have two custodes and to make statutes and ordinances. The jurisdiction of Dutton over Chester minstrels is, as already stated, reserved[685]. A ‘serviens’ or ‘serjeant’ seems to have been an officer of the guild[686]. With this exception nothing more is heard of it until 1594, when a dispute as to the office of the Master of the Musicians’ Company called for the intervention of the Lord Keeper[687].’ In 1604 the Company received a new charter, which gave it jurisdiction within the city and a radius of three miles from its boundaries. It was further restricted to the city itself under Charles I. It still exists as the Corporation of the Master, Wardens, and Commonalty of the Art or Science of the Musicians of London[688].
The London guild would appear, from its peculiar relation to the royal household minstrels, and its claim to jurisdiction throughout the country, to have been modelled upon that of Paris. This claim was evidently not maintained, and in fact at least three other local guilds can be shown to have existed in the sixteenth century. A search, which I have not undertaken, would probably readily discover more.
4. Canterbury.
Ordinances, dated 1526, of the ‘felowshyp of the craft and mystery of mynstrells’ give the prerogative right to perform in the city to the members of this body, saving the privileges of the city waits, and ‘the King’s mynstrells, the Queane’s, my Lord Prince’s, or any honorable or wurshipfull mann’s mynstrells of thys realme[689].’
5. Beverley.
An order of the Governors of the city (1555) recites an old custom ‘since Athelstan’ of the choice by minstrels between Trent and Tweed of aldermen of their fraternities during Rogation days, and renews orders for the ‘fraternity of our Lady of the read arke in Beverley.’ The statutes deal with the employment of minstrels in Beverley, and with their ‘castells’ at the Rogation-day procession. A new member must be ‘mynstrell to some man of honour or worship or waite of some towne corporate or other ancient town or else of such honestye and conyng as shalbe thought laudable and pleasant to the hearers.’ It is claimed that such are excluded from the ‘Kyng’s acts where they speake of vacabonds and valiant beggers.’ Quite in the spirit of the London charter of 1469 it is ordered that ‘no myler shepherd or of other occupation or husbandman or husbandman servant’ shall assume the functions of a minstrel outside his own parish[690]. The earliest notice of this guild in the Beverley archives seems to be in 1557[691], but the terms of the order and the existence of pillars put up by the minstrels in fifteenth-century churches in Beverley[692] point to some informal earlier association.
6. York.
A craft of Mynstrells certainly existed by 1561, in which year they undertook the pageant of Herod at the Corpus Christi plays[693].
G THOMAS DE CABHAM
[The following extract from a Penitential formerly ascribed to John of Salisbury, but now to Thomas de Cabham, Bishop of Salisbury (†1313), is printed by B. Hauréau, Notices et Extraits de Manuscrits, xxiv. 2, 284, from B. N. MSS. Lat. 3218 and 3529ᵃ, and by F. Guessard and C. Grandmaison, Huon de Bordeaux, vi., from B. N. Sorbonne MS. 1552, f. 71. The two texts differ in several points. According to Gautier, ii. 22, there are several similar thirteenth-century Penitentials, and it is difficult to say which was the original. The doctrine laid down about minstrels is often repeated in later treatises. See e.g. a passage from the fifteenth-century Le Jardin des Nobles in P. Paris, Manuscrits français, ii. 144.]
Tria sunt histrionum genera. Quidam transformant et transfigurant corpora sua per turpes saltus et per turpes gestus, vel denudando se turpiter, vel induendo horribiles larvas, et omnes tales damnabiles sunt, nisi reliquerint officia sua. Sunt etiam alii qui nihil operantur, sed criminose agunt, non habentes certum domicilium, sed sequuntur curias magnatum et dicunt opprobria et ignominias de absentibus ut placeant aliis. Tales etiam damnabiles sunt, quia prohibet Apostolus cum talibus cibum sumere, et dicuntur tales scurrae vagi, quia ad nihil utiles sunt, nisi ad devorandum et maledicendum. Est etiam tertium genus histrionum qui habent instrumenta musica ad delectandum homines, et talium sunt duo genera. Quidam enim frequentant publicas potationes et lascivas congregationes, et cantant ibi diversas cantilenas ut moveant homines ad lasciviam, et tales sunt damnabiles sicut alii. Sunt autem alii, qui dicuntur ioculatores, qui cantant gesta principum et vitam sanctorum, et faciunt solatia hominibus vel in aegritudinibus suis vel in angustiis, et non faciunt innumeras turpitudines sicut faciunt saltatores et saltatrices et alii qui ludunt in imaginibus inhonestis et faciunt videri quasi quaedam fantasmata per incantationes vel alio modo. Si autem non faciunt talia, sed cantant in instrumentis suis gesta principum et alia talia utilia ut faciant solatia hominibus, sicut supradictum est, bene possunt sustineri tales, sicut ait Alexander papa. Cum quidam ioculator quaereret ab eo utrum posset salvare animam suam in officio suo, quaesivit Papa ab eo utrum sciret aliquod aliud opus unde vivere posset: respondit ioculator quod non. Permisit igitur Papa quod ipse viveret de officio suo, dummodo abstineret a praedictis lasciviis et turpitudinibus. Notandum est quod omnes peccant mortaliter qui dant scurris vel leccatoribus vel praedictis histrionibus aliquid de suo. Histrionibus dare nichil aliud est quam perdere.
H PRINCELY PLEASURES AT KENILWORTH
[From Robert Laneham’s Letter (ed. F. J. Furnivall for New Shakspere Society (1890); and in Nichols, Progresses of Elizabeth, i. 420) describing the entertainment of Elizabeth by the Earl of Leicester at Kenilworth, in July, 1575. G. Gascoigne, The Princelye Pleasures at the Courte at Kenelworth (1576, in Nichols, i. 502), leaves undescribed what he calls the ‘Coventrie’ (ed. 2, ‘Countrie’) shows.]
I. A Squire Minstrel.
Mary, syr, I must tell yoo: Az all endeuoour waz too mooue mirth & pastime (az I tolld ye): éeuen so a ridiculoous deuise of an auncient minstrell & hiz song waz prepared to haue been profferd, if méet time & place had béen foound for it. Ons in a woorshipfull company, whear, full appointed, he recoounted his matter in sort az it should haue been vttred, I chaunsed too be: what I noted, heer thus I tel yoo: A parson very méet séemed he for the purpoze, of a xlv. yéers olld, apparelled partly as he woold himself. Hiz cap of: his hed séemly roounded tonster wyze: fayr kemb, that with a spoonge deintly dipt in a littl capons greaz was finely smoothed too make it shine like a Mallard’s wing. Hiz beard smugly shauen: and yet hiz shyrt after the nu trink, with ruffs fayr starched, sléeked, and glistening like a payr of nu shooz: marshalld in good order: wyth a stetting stick, and stoout, that euery ruff stood vp like a wafer: a side gooun of kendall green, after the freshnes of the yéer noow, gathered at the neck with a narro gorget, fastened afore with a white clasp and a keepar close vp to the chin: but easily for heat too vndoo when he list: Séemly begyrt in a red caddiz gyrdl: from that a payr of capped Sheffield kniuez hanging a to side: Out of hiz bozome drawne forth a lappet of his napkin, edged with a blu lace, & marked with a trulooue, a hart, and A. D. for Damian: for he was but a bachelar yet.
Hiz gooun had syde sleeuez dooun to midlegge, slit from the shooulder too the hand, & lined with white cotten. Hiz doobled sleeuez of blak woorsted, vpon them a payr of poynets of towny Chamblet laced a long the wreast wyth blu threeden points, a wealt toward the hand of fustian anapes: a payr of red neatherstocks: a pair of pumps on hiz féet, with a cross cut at the toze for cornz: not nu indéede, yet cleanly blakt with soot, & shining az a shoing horn.
Aboout hiz nek a red rebond sutable too hiz girdl: hiz harp in good grace dependaunt before him: hiz wreast tyed to a gréen lace, and hanging by: vnder the gorget of hiz gooun a fair flagon cheyn, (pewter, for) siluer, as a squier minstrel of Middilsex, that trauaild the cuntrée this soommer seazon vnto fairz & worshipfull mens hoousez: from hiz chein hoong a Schoochion, with mettall & cooller resplendant vpon hiz breast, of the auncient armez of Islington:
[Apparently the minstrel was got ready; but not shown. He was to have recited an Arthurian romance in verse.]
II. The Coventry Hock-Tuesday Show.
And héertoo folloed az good a sport (me thooght) prezented in an historicall ku, by certain good harted men of Couentrée, my Lordes neighboors thear: who, vnderstanding amoong them the thing that coold not bee hidden from ony, hoow carefull and studious hiz honor waz, that by all pleazaunt recreasions her highnes might best fynd her self wellcom, & bee made gladsum and mery, (the ground-worke indeede, and foundacion, of hiz Lordship’s myrth and gladnesse of vs all), made petition that they moought renu noow their olld storiall sheaw: Of argument, how the Danez whylom héere in a troubloous seazon wear for quietnesse born withall, & suffeard in peas, that anon, by outrage & importabl insolency, abuzing both Ethelred, the king then, and all estates euerie whear beside: at the greuoous complaint & coounsell of Huna, the king’s chieftain in warz, on Saint Brices night, Ann. Dom. 1012 (Az the book sayz) that falleth yéerely on the thirtéenth of Nouember, wear all dispatcht, and the Ream rid. And for becauz the matter mencioneth how valiantly our English women for looue of their cuntrée behaued themseluez: expressed in actionz & rymez after their maner, they thought it moought mooue sum myrth to her Maiestie the rather.
The thing, said they, iz grounded on story, and for pastime woont too bee plaid in oour Citee yéerely: without ill exampl of mannerz, papistry, or ony superstition: and elz did so occupy the heads of a number, that likely inoough woold haue had woorz meditationz: had an auncient beginning, and a long continuauns: tyll noow of late laid dooun, they knu no cauz why, onless it wear by the zeal of certain theyr Preacherz: men very commendabl for their behauiour and learning, & swéet in their sermons, but sumwhat too sour in preaching awey theyr pastime: wisht therefore, that az they shoold continu their good doctrine in pulpet, so, for matters of pollicy & gouernauns of the Citie, they woold permit them to the Mair and Magistratez: and seyed, by my feyth, Master Martyn, they woold make theyr humbl peticion vntoo her highnes, that they might haue theyr playz vp agayn.
But aware, kéep bak, make room noow, heer they cum! And fyrst, ... Captain Cox cam marching on valiantly before, cléen trust, & gartered aboue the knée, all fresh in a veluet cap (master Goldingham lent it him) floorishing with hiz tonswoord, and another fensmaster with him: thus in the foreward making room for the rest. After them proudly prickt on formost, the Danish launsknights on horsbak, and then the English: each with their allder poll marcially in their hand. Eeuen at the first entrée the méeting waxt sumwhat warm: that by and by kindled with corage a both sidez, gru from a hot skirmish vnto a blazing battail: first by speare and shield, outragious in their racez az ramz at their rut, with furious encoounterz, that togyther they tumbl too the dust, sumtime hors and man: and after fall too it with sworde & target, good bangz a both sidez: the fight so ceassing; but the battail not so ended: folloed the footmen, both the hostez, ton after toother: first marching in ranks: then warlik turning, then from ranks into squadrons, then in too trianglz; from that intoo rings, & so winding oout again: A valiant captain of great prowez, az fiers az a fox assauting a gooz, waz so hardy to giue the first stroke: then get they grisly togyther: that great waz the actiuitée that day too be séen thear a both sidez: ton very eager for purchaz of pray, toother vtterly stoout for redemption of libertie: thus, quarrell enflamed fury a both sidez. Twise the Danes had the better; but at the last conflict, beaten doun, ouercom, and many led captiue for triumph by our English wéemen.
This waz the effect of this sheaw, that, az it waz handled, made mooch matter of good pastime: brought all indéed intoo the great court, een vnder her highnes windo too haue been séen: but (az vnhappy it waz for the bride) that cam thither too soon, (and yet waz it a four a clok). For her highnes beholding in the chamber delectabl dauncing indéed: and héerwith the great throng and vnrulines of the people, waz cauz that this solemnitee of Brideale & dauncing, had not the full muster waz hoped for: and but a littl of the Couentrée plea her highnes also saw: commaunded thearfore on the Tuisday folloing to haue it ful oout: az accordingly it waz prezented, whearat her Maiestie laught well: they wear the iocunder, and so mooch the more becauz her highnes had giuen them too buckes, and fiue marke in mony, to make mery togyther: they prayed for her Maiesty, long, happily to reign, & oft to cum thither, that oft they moought sée héer: & what, reioycing vpon their ampl reward, and what, triumphing vpon the good acceptauns, they vaunted their play waz neuer so dignified, nor euer any players afore so beatified....
Tuisday, according to commandement, cam oour Couentrée men: what their matter waz, of her highnes myrth and good acceptauns, and rewarde vntoo them, and of their reioysing thearat, I sheawd you afore, and so say the less noow.
I THE INDIAN VILLAGE FEAST
[From Sir Walter Elliot, On the Characteristics of the Population of Central India, in Journal of the Ethnological Society of London, N. S. i. 94 (1869).]
In the north-east corner of the central mountainous region represented on the map, between the Mahanadi and Godavery rivers, is found a tribe which has preserved its normal character remarkably free from change and from external influence. The Konds, or, as they call themselves, the Kuingas, although only discovered within the last thirty-five years, are better known than most of the other barbarous tribes from the fact that for ages they have been in the habit of sacrificing human victims in great numbers to secure the favour of the deities presiding over their dwellings, fields, hills, &c., but especially of the earth-goddess.
The successful efforts employed to abolish this barbarous rite have made the subject familiar to all, and it is remarkable that such knowledge should have failed to attract attention to a practice precisely similar in its objects and in its details, which is observed in every village of Southern India, with this single difference, that a buffalo is substituted for a human victim. My attention was early drawn to this practice, which is called the festival of the village goddess (Devi, or Grama Devati), the descriptions of which led me to believe it might throw light on the early condition of the servile classes, and resolving to witness its celebrations, I repaired to the village of Serúr, in the Southern Mahratta country, in March, 1829. It would occupy too much time to describe the ceremony in full, which is the less necessary as the details vary in different places; but the general features are always the same.
The temple of the goddess is a mean structure outside the village. The officiating priests are the Parias, who, on this occasion, and on it alone, are exempt from the degrading condition which excludes them from the village, and from contact with the inhabitants. With them are included the Mangs or workers in leather, the Asádis or Dásaris, paria dancing-girls devoted to the service of the temple, the musician in attendance on them called Rániga, who acts also as a sort of jester or buffoon, and a functionary called Pót-raj, who officiates as pujári to a rural god named also Pót-raj, to whom a small altar is erected behind the temple of the village goddess. He is armed with a long whip, which he cracks with great dexterity, and to which also at various parts of the ceremony divine honours are paid.
All the members of the village community take part in the festival with the hereditary district officers, many of them Brahmans. The shepherds or Dhangars of the neighbouring villages are also invited, and they attend with their priests called Virgars or Irgars, accompanied by the dhol or big drum peculiar to their caste. But the whole is under the guidance and management of the Parias.
The festival commences always on a Tuesday, the day of rest among the agricultural classes, both for man and beast. The most important and essential ceremonies take place on the second and fifth days. On the former, the sacred buffalo, which had been purchased by the Parias, an animal without a blemish, is thrown down before the goddess, its head struck off by a single blow and placed in front of the shrine with one fore-leg thrust into its mouth. Around are placed vessels containing the different cereals, and hard by a heap of mixed grains, with a drill plough in the centre. The carcase is then cut up into small pieces, and each cultivator receives a portion to bury in his field. The blood and offal are collected into a large basket, over which some pots of the cooked food which had been presented as a meat offering (naivedya) had previously been broken, and Pót-raj taking a live kid called the hari-mariah, hews it in pieces over the whole. The mess (cheraga) is then mixed together, and the basket being placed on the head of a naked Mang, he runs off with it, flinging the contents into the air, and scattering them right and left, as an offering (bhut-bali) to the evil spirits, and followed by the other Parias, and the village Paiks, with drawn swords. Sometimes the demons arrest the progress of the party, when more of the mess is thrown about, and fowls and sheep are sacrificed, till the spirits are appeased.
During the whole time of the sacrifice the armed paiks keep vigilant guard, lest any intruder should secrete a morsel of flesh or a drop of blood, which, if carried off successfully, after declaring the purpose, would transfer the merit of the offering to the strangers’ village.
On the return of the party from making the circuit of the village another buffalo, seized by force wherever it can be found (zulmi-khulga) is sacrificed by decapitating it in the same manner as the former; but no particular importance is attached to it, and the flesh is distributed to be eaten.
The third and fourth days are devoted to private offerings. On the former all the inhabitants of caste, who had vowed animals to the goddess during the preceding three years for the welfare of their families, or the fertility of their fields, brought the buffaloes or sheep to the paria pujári, who struck off their heads. The fourth day was appropriated exclusively to the offerings of the Parias. In this way, some fifty or sixty buffaloes and several hundred sheep were slain, and the heads piled up in two great heaps. Many women on these days walked naked to the temple in fulfilment of vows, but they were covered with leaves and boughs of trees and surrounded by their female relations and friends.
On the fifth and last day (Saturday) the whole community marched in procession, with music, to the temple, and offered a concluding sacrifice at the Pót-raj altar. A lamb was concealed close by. The Pót-raj having found it after a pretended search, struck it simply with his whip, which he then placed upon it, and, making several passes with his hands, rendered it insensible; in fact, mesmerised it. When it became rigid and stiff he lifted it up and carried it about on the palm of his hand, to the amazement of the spectators, and then laid it down on the ground. His hands were then tied behind his back by the pujári, and the whole party began to dance round him with noisy shouts, the music and the shepherd’s drum making a deafening noise. Pót-raj joined in the excitement, his eyes began to roll, his long hair fell loose over his shoulders, and he soon came fully under the influence of the numen. He was now led up, still bound, to the place where the lamb lay motionless. He rushed at it, seized it with his teeth, tore through the skin, and ate into its throat. When it was quite dead, he was lifted up, a dishful of the meat offering was presented to him; he thrust his bloody face into it, and it was then, with the remains of the lamb, buried beside the altar. Meantime his hands were untied, and he fled the place, and did not appear for three days. The rest of the party now adjourned to the front of the temple, where the heap of grain deposited the first day was divided among the cultivators, to be buried by each one in his field with the bit of flesh. After this a distribution of the piled-up heads was made by the hand of the Rániga. About forty sheep’s heads were given to certain privileged persons, among which two were allotted to the Sircar! For the rest a general scramble took place, paiks, shepherds, Parias, and many boys and men of good caste, were soon rolling in the mass of putrid gore. The heads were flung about in all directions, without regard to rank or caste, the Brahmans coming in for an ample share of the filth. The scramble for the buffalo heads was confined to the Parias. Whoever was fortunate enough to secure one of either kind carried it off and buried it in his field. The proceedings terminated by a procession round the boundaries of the village lands, preceded by the goddess, and the head of the sacred buffalo carried on the head of one of the Mangs. All order and propriety now ceased. Rániga began to abuse the goddess in the foulest terms; he then turned his fury against the government, the head man of the village, and every one who fell in his way. The Parias and Asádis attacked the most respectable and gravest citizens, and laid hold of the Brahmans, Lingayats, and Zamindars without scruple. The dancing-women jumped on their shoulders, the shepherds beat the big drum, with deafening clangor, and universal license reigned.
On reaching a little temple, sacred to the goddess of boundaries (polimera-amma), they halted to make some offerings, and bury the sacred head. As soon as it was covered, the uproar began again. Rániga became more foul-mouthed than ever. In vain the head-men, the government officers, and others tried to pacify him by giving him small copper coins. He only broke out with worse imprecations and grosser abuse, till the circuit being completed, all dispersed; the Parias retired to their hamlet outside the town, resuming their humble, servile character, and the village reverted to its wonted peaceful appearance.
Next day (Sunday) the whole population turned out to a great hunting-party.
I found this remarkable institution existing in every part of India where I have been, and I have descriptions of it corresponding in all essential points, from the Dekhan, the Nizam’s country, Mysore, the Carnatic, and the Northern Circars. The details vary in different places, but the main features agree in all, and correspond remarkably with the Mariah sacrifice of the Konds, which also varies considerably on minor points in different places.
J SWORD-DANCES
I. Sweden (Sixteenth Century).
[From Olaus Magnus, Historia de gentibus septentrionalibus (1555), Bk. xv. chh. 23, 24.]
Ch. 23, de chorea gladiatoria vel armifera saltatione.
Habent septentrionales Gothi et Sueci pro exercenda iuventute alium ludum, quod inter nudos enses et infestos gladios seu frameas sese exerceant saltu, idque quodam gymnastico ritu et disciplina, aetate successiva, a peritis et praesultare sub cantu addiscunt: et ostendunt hunc ludum praecipue tempore carnisprivii, maschararum Italico verbo dicto. Ante etenim tempus eiusdem carnisprivii octo diebus continua saltatione sese adolescentes numerose exercent, elevatis scilicet gladiis sed vagina reclusis, ad triplicem gyrum. Deinde evaginatis itidemque elevatis ensibus, postmodo manuatim extensis, modestius gyrando alterutrius cuspidem capulumque receptantes, sese mutato ordine in modum figurae hexagoni fingendi subiiciunt, quam rosam dicunt: et illico eam gladios retrahendo elevandoque resolvunt ut super uniuscuiusque caput quadrata rosa resultet: et tandem vehementissima gladiorum laterali collisione, celerrime retrograda saltatione determinant ludum, quem tibiis vel cantilenis, aut utrisque simul, primum per graviorem, demum vehementiorem saltum et ultimo impetuosissimum moderantur. Sed haec speculatio sine oculari inspectione vix apprehenditur quam pulchra honestaque sit, dum unius parcissimo praecepto etiam armata multitudo quadam alacritate dirigitur ad certamen: eoque ludo clericis sese exercere et immiscere licet, quia totus deducitur honestissima ratione.
Ch. 24. Alia etiam iuvenum exercitatio est, ut certa lege arcualem choream ducant et reducant, aliis quidam instrumentis, sed eadem ut gladiatorum saltantium disciplina reducta. Arcubus enim seu circulis inclusis [inclusi?], primum modesto cantu heroum gesta referente vel tibiis aut tympanis excitati, gyrando incedunt seque dirigentis, qui rex dicitur, sola voce reducunt, tandem solutis arcubus aliquantulum celerius properantes mutua inclinatione conficiunt, veluti alias per gladios, rosam, ut formam sexangularem efficere videantur. Utque id festivius sonoriusque fiat, tintinnabula seu aereas campanulas genu tenus ligant.
II. Shetland (Eighteenth Century).
[From Sir Walter Scott’s Diary for August 7, 1814, printed in Lockhart, Life of Scott (1837), iii. 162; (1878) i. 265.]
At Scalloway my curiosity was gratified by an account of the sword-dance, now almost lost, but still practised in the Island of Papa, belonging to Mr. Scott. There are eight performers, seven of whom represent the Seven Champions of Christendom, who enter one by one with their swords drawn, and are presented to the eighth personage, who is not named. Some rude couplets are spoken (in English, not Norse), containing a sort of panegyric upon each champion as he is presented. They then dance a sort of cotillion, as the ladies described it, going through a number of evolutions with their swords. One of my three Mʳˢ. Scotts readily promised to procure me the lines, the rhymes, and the form of the dance.... A few years since a party of Papa-men came to dance the sword-dance at Lerwick as a public exhibition with great applause.... In a stall pamphlet, called the history of Buckshaven [Fifeshire], it is said those fishers sprung from Danes, and brought with them their war-dance or sword-dance, and a rude wooden cut of it is given.
[A footnote by Lockhart adds:—]
Mr. W. S. Rose informs me that, when he was at school at Winchester, the morris-dancers there used to exhibit a sword-dance resembling that described at Camacho’s wedding in Don Quixote; and Mr. Morritt adds that similar dances are even yet performed in the villages about Rokeby [Yorks, N.R.] every Christmas.
[The following account was inserted in a note to Scott’s The Pirate (1821).]
To the Primate’s account of the sword-dance, I am able to add the words sung or chanted, on occasion of this dance, as it is still performed in Papa Stour, a remote island of Zetland, where alone the custom keeps its ground. It is, it will be observed by antiquaries, a species of play or mystery, in which the Seven Champions of Christendom make their appearance, as in the interlude presented in All’s Well that ends Well. This dramatic curiosity was most kindly procured for my use by Dr. Scott of Haslar Hospital [died 1875], son of my friend Mr. Scott of Melbie, Zetland. Dr. Hibbert has, in his Description of the Zetland Islands, given an account of the sword-dance, but somewhat less full than the following:—
‘Words used as a Prelude to the Sword-Dance, a Danish or Norwegian Ballet, composed some centuries ago, and preserved in Papa Stour, Zetland.
Personæ Dramatis[694].
(Enter Master, in the character of Saint George.)
Brave gentles all within this boor[695], If ye delight in any sport, Come see me dance upon this floor, Which to you all shall yield comfort. Then shall I dance in such a sort, As possible I may or can; You, minstrel man, play me a Porte[696], That I on this floor may prove a man. [He bows, and dances in a line. Now have I danced with heart and hand, Brave gentles all, as you may see, For I have been tried in many a land, As yet the truth can testify; In England, Scotland, Ireland, France, Italy, and Spain, Have I been tried with that good sword of steel. [Draws, and flourishes. Yet I deny that ever a man did make me yield; For in my body there is strength, As by my manhood may be seen; And I, with that good sword of length, Have oftentimes in perils been, And over champions I was king. And by the strength of this right hand, Once on a day I kill’d fifteen, And left them dead upon the land. Therefore, brave minstrel, do not care, But play to me a Porte most light, That I no longer do forbear, But dance in all these gentles’ sight. Although my strength makes you abased, Brave gentles all, be not afraid, For here are six champions, with me, staid, All by my manhood I have raised. [He dances. Since I have danced, I think it best To call my brethren in your sight, That I may have a little rest, And they may dance with all their might; With heart and hand as they are knights, And shake their swords of steel so bright, And show their main strength on this floor, For we shall have another bout Before we pass out of this boor. Therefore, brave minstrel, do not care To play to me a Porte most light, That I no longer do forbear, But dance in all these gentles’ sight. [He dances, and then introduces his knights as under. Stout James of Spain, both tried and stour[697], Thine acts are known full well indeed; And champion Dennis, a French knight, Who stout and bold is to be seen; And David, a Welshman born, Who is come of noble blood; And Patrick also, who blew the horn, An Irish knight amongst the wood. Of Italy, brave Anthony the good, And Andrew of Scotland King; Saint George of England, brave indeed, Who to the Jews wrought muckle tinte[698]. Away with this!—Let us come to sport, Since that ye have a mind to war. Since that ye have this bargain sought, Come let us fight and do not fear. Therefore, brave minstrel, do not care To play to me a Porte most light, That I no longer do forbear, But dance in all these gentles’ sight. [He dances, and advances to James of Spain. Stout James of Spain, both tried and stour, Thine acts are known full well indeed, Present thyself within our sight, Without either fear or dread. Count not for favour or for feid, Since of thy acts thou hast been sure; Brave James of Spain, I will thee lead, To prove thy manhood on this floor. [James dances. Brave champion Dennis, a French knight, Who stout and bold is to be seen, Present thyself here in our sight, Thou brave French knight, Who bold hast been; Since thou such valiant acts hast done, Come let us see some of them now With courtesy, thou brave French knight, Draw out thy sword of noble hue. [Dennis dances, while the others retire to a side. Brave David a bow must string, and with awe Set up a wand upon a stand, And that brave David will cleave in twa[699]. [David dances solus. Here is, I think, an Irish knight, Who does not fear, or does not fright, To prove thyself a valiant man, As thou hast done full often bright; Brave Patrick, dance, if that thou can. [He dances. Thou stout Italian, come thou here; Thy name is Anthony, most stout; Draw out thy sword that is most clear, And do thou fight without any doubt; Thy leg thou shake, thy neck thou lout[700], And show some courtesy on this floor, For we shall have another bout, Before we pass out of this boor. Thou kindly Scotsman, come thou here; Thy name is Andrew of Fair Scotland; Draw out thy sword that is most clear, Fight for thy king with thy right hand; And aye as long as thou canst stand, Fight for thy king with all thy heart; And then, for to confirm his band, Make all his enemies for to smart. [He dances.—Music begins.’
‘Figuir[701].
‘The six stand in rank with their swords reclining on their shoulders. The Master (Saint George) dances, and then strikes the sword of James of Spain, who follows George, then dances, strikes the sword of Dennis, who follows behind James. In like manner the rest—the music playing—swords as before. After the six are brought out of rank, they and the Master form a circle, and hold the swords point and hilt. This circle is danced round twice. The whole, headed by the Master, pass under the swords held in a vaulted manner. They jump over the swords. This naturally places the swords across, which they disentangle by passing under their right sword. They take up the seven swords, and form a circle, in which they dance round.
‘The Master runs under the sword opposite, which he jumps over backwards. The others do the same. He then passes under the right-hand sword, which the others follow, in which position they dance, until commanded by the Master, when they form into a circle, and dance round as before. They then jump over the right-hand sword, by which means their backs are to the circle, and their hands across their backs. They dance round in that form until the Master calls “Loose,” when they pass under the right sword, and are in a perfect circle.
‘The Master lays down his sword, and lays hold of the point of James’s sword. He then turns himself, James, and the others, into a clew. When so formed, he passes under out of the midst of the circle; the others follow; they vault as before. After several other evolutions, they throw themselves into a circle, with their arms across the breast. They afterwards form such figures as to form a shield of their swords, and the shield is so compact that the Master and his knights dance alternately with this shield upon their heads. It is then laid down upon the floor. Each knight lays hold of their former points and hilts with their hands across, which disentangle by figuirs directly contrary to those that formed the shield. This finishes the ballet.
‘Epilogue.
‘Mars does rule, he bends his brows, He makes us all agast[702]; After the few hours that we stay here, Venus will rule at last. Farewell, farewell, brave gentles all, That herein do remain, I wish you health and happiness Till we return again. [Exeunt.’
The manuscript from which the above was copied was transcribed from a very old one, by Mr. William Henderson, jun., of Papa Stour, in Zetland. Mr. Henderson’s copy is not dated, but bears his own signature, and, from various circumstances, it is known to have been written about the year 1788.
K THE LUTTERWORTH ST. GEORGE PLAY
[From W. Kelly, Notices Illustrative of the Drama, &c., ... from ... Manuscripts of the Borough of Leicester (1865), 53. The version is that ‘performed in some of the villages near Lutterworth, at Christmas 1863.’]
THE CHRISTMAS MUMMERS’ PLAY.
Dramatis Personæ.
1. Captain Slasher, in military costume, with sword and pistol.
2. King of England, in robes, wearing the crown.
3. Prince George, King’s Son, in robes, and sword by his side.
4. Turkish Champion, in military attire, with sword and pistol.
5. A Noble Doctor.
6. Beelzebub.
7. A Clown.
Enter Captain Slasher. I beg your pardon for being so bold, I enter your house, the weather’s so cold, Room, a room! brave gallants, give us room to sport; For in this house we do resort,—Resort, resort, for many a day; Step in, the King of England, And boldly clear the way. Enter King of England. I am the King of England, that boldly does appear; I come to seek my only son,—my only son is here. Enter Prince George. I am Prince George, a worthy knight; I’ll spend my blood for England’s right. England’s right I will maintain; I’ll fight for old England once again. Enter Turkish Knight. I am the Turkish Champion; From Turkey’s land I come. I come to fight the King of England And all his noble men. Captain Slasher. In comes Captain Slasher, Captain Slasher is my name; With sword and pistol by my side, I hope to win the game. King of England. I am the King of England, As you may plainly see, These are my soldiers standing by me; They stand by me your life to end, On them doth my life depend. Prince George. I am Prince George, the Champion bold, And with my sword I won three crowns of gold; I slew the fiery dragon and brought him to the slaughter, And won the King of Egypt’s only daughter. Turkish Champion. As I was going by St. Francis’ School, I heard a lady cry ‘A fool, a fool!’ ‘A fool,’ was every word, ‘That man’s a fool, Who wears a wooden sword.’ Prince George. A wooden sword, you dirty dog! My sword is made of the best of metal free. If you would like to taste of it, I’ll give it unto thee. Stand off, stand off, you dirty dog! Or by my sword you’ll die. I’ll cut you down the middle, And make your blood to fly. [They fight; Prince George falls, mortally wounded. Enter King of England. Oh, horrible! terrible! what hast thou done? Thou hast ruin’d me, ruin’d me, By killing of my only son! Oh, is there ever a noble doctor to be found, To cure this English champion Of his deep and deadly wound? Enter Noble Doctor. Oh yes, there is a noble doctor to be found, To cure this English champion Of his deep and deadly wound. King of England. And pray what is your practice? Noble Doctor. I boast not of my practice, neither do I study in the practice of physic. King of England. What can you cure? Noble Doctor. All sorts of diseases, Whatever you pleases: I can cure the itch, the pitch, The phthisic, the palsy and the gout; And if the devil’s in the man, I can fetch him out. My wisdom lies in my wig, I torture not my patients with excations, Such as pills, boluses, solutions, and embrocations; But by the word of command I can make this mighty prince to stand. King. What is your fee? Doctor. Ten pounds is true. King. Proceed, Noble Doctor; You shall have your due. Doctor. Arise, arise! most noble prince, arise, And no more dormant lay; And with thy sword Make all thy foes obey. [The Prince arises. Prince George. My head is made of iron, My body is made of steel, My legs are made of crooked bones To force you all to yield. Enter Beelzebub. In comes I, old Beelzebub, Over my shoulder I carry my club, And in my hand a frying-pan, Pleased to get all the money I can. Enter Clown. In come I, who’s never been yet, With my great head and little wit: My head is great, my wit is small, I’ll do my best to please you all. Song (all join). And now we are done and must be gone, No longer will we stay here; But if you please, before we go, We’ll taste your Christmas beer. [Exeunt omnes.