Book 4 — APPENDICES (continued 3)

W REPRESENTATIONS OF MEDIAEVAL PLAYS

[I have attempted to bring together, under a topographical arrangement, the records of such local plays of the mediaeval type as I am acquainted with. Probably the number could be increased by systematic search in local histories and transactions of learned societies. But my list is a good deal longer than those of L. T. Smith, York Plays, lxiv; Stoddard, 53; or Davidson, 219. For convenience I have also noted here a few records of Corpus Christi processions, and of folk ‘ridings’ and other institutions. The following index-table shows the geographical distribution of the plays. The names italicized are those of places where plays have been reported in error or are merely conjectural.]

Index.

Bedfordshire.

Dunstable, page 366.

Berkshire.

Abingdon, 337.

Reading, 392.

Windsor, 396.

Buckinghamshire.

Wycombe, 398.

Cambridgeshire.

Bassingbourne, 338.

Cambridge, 344.

Cheshire.

Chester, 348.

Cornwall.

Camborne, 344.

Penrhyn, 390.

Per Ranzabulo, 390.

St. Just, 393.

Denbighshire.

Wrexham, 398.

Devonshire.

Morebath, 384.

Dorsetshire.

Wimborne Minster, 396.

Durham.

Bishop Auckland, 342.

Essex.

Baddow, 338.

Billericay, 341.

Boreham, 342.

Braintree, 342.

Brentwood, 342.

Burnham, 343.

Chelmsford, 345.

Coggeshall, 357.

Colchester, 357.

Easterford, 367.

Hadleigh, 367.

Halstead, 367.

Hanningfield, 368.

Heybridge, 370.

High Easter, 370.

Kelvedon, 373.

Lanchire (?), 375.

Little Baddow, 379.

Malden, 384.

Manningtree, 384.

Nayland, 385.

Sabsford (?), 393.

Saffron Walden, 393.

Stapleford (?), 395.

Stoke-by-Nayland, 395.

Witham, 397.

Woodham Walter, 397.

Writtle, 398.

Gloucestershire.

Bristol, 342.

Tewkesbury, 396.

Hampshire.

Winchester, 396.

Herefordshire.

Hereford, 368.

Kent.

Appledore, 337.

Bethersden, 338.

Brookland, 343.

Canterbury, 344.

Folkestone, 367.

Great Chart, 367.

Ham Street, 367.

Herne, 370.

High Halden, 370.

Hythe, 371.

Lydd, 383.

New Romney, 385.

Ruckinge, 393.

Stone, 396.

Wittersham, 397.

Wye, 398.

Lancashire.

Lancaster, 375.

Preston, 392.

Leicestershire.

Foston, 367.

Leicester, 376.

Lincolnshire.

Holbeach, 370.

Lincoln, 377.

Louth, 383.

Sleaford, 395.

Middlesex.

London, 379.

Mile End, 384.

Norfolk.

Croxton, 363.

Garboldisham, 367.

Harling, 368.

Kenninghall, 374.

King’s Lynn, 374.

Lopham, 383.

Middleton, 384.

Norwich, 386.

Shelfhanger, 393.

Wymondham, 398.

Yarmouth, 399.

Northamptonshire.

Daventry, 363.

Northampton, 386.

Northumberland.

Newcastle, 385.

Oxfordshire.

Fyfield, 367.

Idbury, 371.

Langley, 375.

Lyneham, 383.

Milton, 384.

Oxford, 389.

Shipton, 394.

Shropshire.

Shrewsbury, 394.

Somersetshire.

Bath, 338.

Tintinhull, 396.

Staffordshire.

Lichfield, 377.

Suffolk.

Boxford, 342.

Bury St. Edmunds, 343.

Bungay, 343.

Ipswich, 371.

Ixworth, 373.

Lavenham, 375.

Mildenhall, 384.

Surrey.

Hascombe, 368.

Kingston, 374.

Sussex.

Rye, 393.

Warwickshire.

Coleshill, 357.

Coventry, 357.

Maxstoke, 384.

Nuneaton, 389.

Westmoreland.

Kendal, 373.

Wiltshire.

Salisbury, 393.

Worcestershire.

Worcester, 398.

Yorkshire.

Beverley, 338.

Hull, 370.

Leconfield, 375.

Leeds, 375.

Wakefield, 396.

Woodkirk, 398.

York, 399.

Scotland.

Aberdeen, 330.

Edinburgh, 366.

Ireland.

Dublin, 363.

Kilkenny, 374.

Aberdeen, Scotland.

I summarize the references to plays and pageants in the Burgh Records⁠[754].

May 13, 1440. Richard Kintor, abbot of Boneacord, was granted ‘unus burgensis futurus faciendus’ (i.e. the fees on taking up the freedom), ‘pro expensis suis factis et faciendis in quodam ludo de ly Haliblude ludendo apud ly Wyndmylhill.’

Sept. 5, 1442. ‘Thir craftes vndirwritten sal fynd yerly in the offerand of our Lady at Candilmes thir personnes vnderwrittin; that is to say,

May 21, 1479. Order for the alderman ‘to mak the expensis and costis of the comon gude apon the arayment, and uthris necessaris, of the play to be plait in the fest of Corpos Xristi nixttocum.’

Feb. 1, 1484/5. Order for all craftsmen to ‘beyr thare takyinis of thare craft apon thare beristis, and thare best aray on Canddilmes day at the Offerand.’

Feb. 3, 1502/3. Fine imposed upon certain websters, because ‘thai did nocht it that accordit thame to do one Candilmese day, in the Passioun [? Pr’ssioun, “Procession”],’ owing to a dispute as to precedence with the tailors.

Jan. 30, 1505/6. Order for continuance of ‘the ald lovabile consuetud and ryt of the burgh’ that the craftsmen ‘kepit and decorit the procession one Candilmes day yerlie; ... and thai sale, in order to the Offering in the Play, pass tua and ij togidr socialie; in the first the flesshoris, barbouris, baxturis, cordinaris, skineris, couparis, wrichtis, hat makars [and] bonat makars togidr, walcaris, litstaris, wobstaris, tailyeouris, goldsmiths, blaksmithis and hammermen; and the craftsmen sal furnyss the Pageants; the cordinaris, the Messing[er]; wobstaris and walcaris, Symeon; the smyths [and] goldsmiths, iij Kingis of Cullane; the litstaris, the Emperour; the masons, the Thrie Knichtis; the talyors, our Lady, Sanct Brid, and Sanct Elene; and the skynners, the Tua Bischopis; and tua of ilke craft to pass with the pageant that thai furnyss to keip thair geir.’

May 28, 1507. Order for precedence ‘in ale processiounis, baitht in Candilmes play and utheris processionis.’

Jan. 30, 1510/1. The order of Jan. 30, 1505/6 repeated verbatim.

Feb. 3, 1510/1. Citizens fined ‘becauss thai passt not in the procession of Candilmes day to decoir the samyn.’

Feb. 5, 1523/4. Johne Pill, tailor, to do penance, ‘for the disobeing of David Anderson, bailze, becaus he refusit to pas in the Candilmess processioun with his taikin and sing of his craft in the place lemit to his craft, and in likewise for the mispersoning of the said Dauid Andersoun, the merchandis of the said guid town, in calling of thame Coffeis, and bidding of thame to tak the salt pork and herboiss in thair handis.’

May 22, 1531. Order for the craftsmen to ‘keipe and decoir the processioun on Corpus Cristi dais, and Candilmes day ... every craft with thair awin baner.... And euery ane of the said craftis, in the Candilmes processioun, sall furneiss thair pageane, conforme to the auld statut, maid in the yeir of God jai vᶜ and x yeris....

The craftis ar chargit to furneiss thair panzeanis vnder writtin.

The flescharis, Sanct Bestian and his Tourmentouris.

The barbouris, Sanct Lowrance and his Tourmentouris.

The skynnaris, Sanct Stewin and his Tourmentouris.

The cordinaris, Sanct Martyne.

The tailzeouris, the Coronatioun of Our Lady.

Litstaris, Sanct Nicholes.

Wobstaris, walcaris, and bonet makaris, Sanct John.

Baxstaris, Sanct Georg.

Wrichtis, messonis, sclateris, and cuparis, The Resurrectioun.

The smithis and hemmirmen to furneiss The Bearmen of the Croce.’

June 13, 1533. A very similar order, but without the list of pageants, and so worded as to extend the obligation of furnishing pageants to the Corpus Christi, as well as the Candlemas procession:—‘The craftismen ... sall ... keip and decoir the processionis on XXi day and Candelmes day ... euery craft with thair avin banar ... with thair pegane.... And euery craft in the said processionis sall furneiss thair pegane and banar honestlie as effers, conforme to the auld statut maid in the yeir of God jaj vᶜ and tene yers.’

June 21, 1538. Dispute between goldsmiths and hammermen as to precedence ‘in the processioun of Corpus Xri.’

June 25, 1546. Litsters ordered to ‘haue thar banar and Pagane, as uther craftis of the said Burgh hes, ilk yeir, on Corpus Xhri day, and Candilmess dayis processiounis.’

June 4, 1553. Disputes as to ordering of Corpus Christi procession.

May 21, 1554. Similar disputes. A ‘Pagane’ in procession mentioned.

May 29, 1556. Order for observance of statute as to Corpus Christi procession.

The interpretation of these notices is not quite clear. Davidson, 220, seems to think that there was never more than a mystère mimé at Candlemas. But the ‘play’ is mentioned in 1506, 1507, and 1510. I conjecture that the Passion and Nativity cycles were not merged in Aberdeen. The Passion (Haliblude play) was performed, perhaps only occasionally, on Corpus Christi day; the Nativity annually, at Candlemas. The ‘persones’ of 1442 and the ‘Pageants’ of 1505/6 are practically identical, and would furnish a short play, with Moses and Octavian to represent the Prophetae, a Stella, and a Presentation in the Temple. But there was certainly also a procession in which the ‘honest squiares’ of 1442 figured. This may have preceded the play, but it may have been in some way introduced into it at ‘the offerand’ (of the Virgin in the Temple, or of the Magi?). The pageants in the list of 1531 are such as cannot all have formed part of a connected cycle. But some of them might come from the ‘Haliblude’ play, and I take it that this list was meant for the Corpus Christi procession only, the Candlemas procession being still regulated by the order of 1507.

Bon Accord.

The Haliblude play of 1440 was directed by the Abbot of Bon Accord. This was the Aberdeen name for the Lord of Misrule. There are many notices of him.

April 30, 1445. Order ‘for letting and stanching of diuerse enormyteis done in time bygane be the abbotis of this burgh, callit of bone acorde, that in time to cum thai will giue na feis to na sic abbotis. Item, it is sene speidful to thame that for the instant yher thai will haue na sic abbot; but thai will that the alderman for the tyme, and a balyhe quhom that he will tak til him, sall supple that faute.’

August 17, 1491. Dispute as to fee of ‘Abbat of Bonacord.’

May 8, 1496. Choice, ‘for vphaldin of the auld lovable consuetud, honour, consolacioun, and pleasour of this burgh,’ of two ‘coniunctlie abbotis and priour of Bonacord,’ with fee of five marks.

Nov. 30, 1504. All ‘personis burges nichtbours, and burgyes sonnys’ to ride with ‘Abbot and Prior of Bonaccord’ on St. Nicholas day annually when called on by them.

[In 1511 and 1515 this function of the Abbot has passed to the provost and baillies.]

May 16, 1507. ‘All manere of youthis, burgeis and burges sonnys salbe redy everie halyday to pass with the Abbat and Prior of Bonacord.’

May 8, 1508. ‘All personis that are abill within this burghe sall be ready with thair arrayment maid in grene and yallow, bowis, arrowis, brass, and all uther convenient thingis according thairto, to pass with Robyne Huyd and Litile Johnne, all tymes convenient tharto, quhen thai be requirit be the saidis Robyne and Litile Johnne.’

Nov. 17, 1508. Order for St. Nicholas riding ‘with Robert Huyid and Litile Johne, quhilk was callit, in yers bipast, Abbat and Prior of Bonacord.’

April 13, 1523. Choice of ‘Lordis of Bonaccord,’ young men ‘to rise and obey to thame.’ They are also to be ‘Mastris of Artuilyery.’

April 30, 1527. Grant of ‘x marks of the fyrst fremen that hapynnis to be frathinfurht’ to ‘the Lord of Bonnacord and his fellow.’

Aug. 3, 1528. Similar grant to ‘thair lovits, Jhone Ratray and Gilbert Malisoun, thair Abbatis out of ressoun.’

April 16, 1531. One of those chosen to be ‘lords of Bonacord, to do plesour and blythnes to the toune in this sessoun of symmir incumming’ protests against his appointment.

Oct. 11, 1533. Grant of fee to ‘lordis of Bonaccord.’

April 30, 1535. Order ‘that all the zoung abil men within this guid [toune] haue thair grene cottis, and agit men honest cottis, efferand to thame, and obey and decor the lordis of Bonaccord.’

April 4, 1539. ‘The lordis of Bonacordis desyr’ for their fee, and for ‘all the yong able men within this guid towne to conwey ws euery Sunday and halyday, and wther neidfull tymes, aboulzeit as your M. has deuisit, and agit men to meit us at the crabstane or kirkyard’ is granted.

June 23, 1539. Fee to ‘lordis of Bonacord.’

April 17, 1541. Similar fee ‘to help to the decoration and plesour to be done be thaim to this guid towne.’

April 17, 1542. Similar fee.

April 24, 1542. ‘Alex. Kayn, accusit in gugment for his wyff ... for the hawy strublens and vile mispersoning of Alex. Gray and Dauid Kintoir, lordis of Bonacord, and thair company present with thame for the tyme, sayand common beggaris and skafferis, thair meltyd was but small for all thair cuttit out hoyss, with moy oder inurious wordis, unleful to be expremit.’

July 24, 1545. Grant of ‘compositioun siluer’ as fee.

April 20, 1548. Similar fee.

April 14, 1552. ‘The said day, the counsell, all in ane voce, havand respect and consideratioune that the lordis of Bonnacord in tymes bygane hase maid our mony grit, sumpteous, and superfleous banketing induring the tyme of thair regnn, and specialie in May, quhilks wes thocht nother profitabill nor godlie, and did hurt to sundry young men that wer elekit in the said office, becaus the last elekit did aye pretent to surmont in thair predecessouris in thair ryetouss and sumpteous banketing, and the causs principal and gud institutiounn thairof, quhilk wes in halding of the gud toun in glaidnes and blythtnes, witht danssis, farsiis, playis, and gamis, in tymes convenient, necleckit and abusit; and thairfor ordinis that in tyme cummin all sic sumpteous banketing be laid doun aluterlie except thre sobir and honest, vizt., upoun the senze day, the first Sonday of May, and ane [ ] upoun Tuisday efter Pasche day, and na honest man to pass to ony of thair banketis except on the said thre dais allanerlie; and in ane place of the forsaid superfleouss banketing to be had and maid yeirly to generall plais, or ane at the lest, with danssis and gammes usit and wont; and quha souer refuisis to accept the said office in tyme cumming, beand elekit thairto be the toun, to tyne his fredome, priuelege, takis, and profit he hes or ma haf of the toun, and neuer to be admittit frathinfurtht to office, honour, nor dingnete.’

May 27, 1552. Grant of fee, larger than usual, ‘be ressoune that thai ar put to grytar coist this yeir nor utheris that bar office before thaim hes bene put to, and that be ressoune of cummyng of the quenis grace, my lord governor, and the maist of the lords and grit men of this realme, presently to this toun.’

[1555. Parliament ‘statute and ordanit that in all tymes cumming na maner of persoun be chosin Robert Hude nor Lytill Johne, Abbot of vnressoun, Quenis of Maij, nor vtherwyse, nouther in Burgh nor to landwart in ony tyme to cum, and gif ony Prouest, Baillies, counsall, and communitie, chesis sic ane Personage as Robert Hude, Lytill Johne, Abbottis of vnressoun, or Quenis of Maij within Burgh, the chesaris of sic sall tyne thair fredome for the space of fyve zeiris, and vther wyse salbe punist at the Quenis grace will, and the acceptar of sicklyke office salbe banist furth of the Realme. And gif ony sic persounis sic as Robert Hude, Lytill Johne, Abbottis of vnresson, Quenis of Maij, beis chosin outwith Burgh and vthers landwart townis, the chesars sall pay to our Souerane Lady x pundis, and thair persounis put in waird, thair to remane during the Quenis grace plesoure. And gif ony wemen or vthers about simmer treis singand makis perturbatioun to the Quenis liegis in the passage throw Burrows and vthers landwart townis, the wemen perturbatouris for skafrie of money or vtherwyse salbe takin handellit and put upon the Cukstulis of everie Burgh or towne.’]

May 4, 1562. ‘John Kelo, belman, wes accusit in jugement for the passing throw the rewis of the toune with the hand bell, be oppin voce, to convene the haill communitie, or sa mony thairof as wald convene, to pass to the wood to bring in symmer upoun the first Sonday of Maii, contravinand the actis and statutis of the quenis grace, and lordis of consell, eppeirandlie to raise tumult and ingener discord betuix the craftismen and the fre burgessis of gild, and the saidis craftismen to dissobey and adtempt aganis the superioris of the toun, gif it stuid in thair power, as the saidis prowest and baillies ar informit, the said Johnne hawing na command of the saidis prowest and baillies to do the same; and inlykwyise, Alexander Burnat alias Potter wes accusit for passing throw the toun with ane swech, to the effect and occasioun aboun wryttin.’

May 14 and 18, 1565. Several citizens disfranchised for disobeying the proclamation made by ‘Johnne Kelo, belman,’ forbidding any persons ‘to mak ony conventione, with taburne plaing, or pype, or fedill, or have anseinges, to convene the quenis legis, in chusing of Robin Huid, Litill Johnne, Abbot of Ressoune, Queyne of Maii, or sicklyk contraveyne the statutis of parliament, or mak ony tumult, scism, or conventione.’

Royal Entry.

The entertainment of Queen Margaret, wife of James IV, in May, 1511, seems to have included some of the pageants from the Nativity cycle. The following extract is from Dunbar’s The Quenis Reception at Aberdein⁠[755]:—

Abingdon, Berkshire.

Certain ‘jeweis de Abyndon’ were at Court at Xmas 1427 (Appendix E, viii).

A seventeenth-century account of the Hospital of Christ says that the fraternity held their feast on May 3 (Holy Cross day), 1445, with ‘pageantes and playes and May games.’ They employed twelve minstrels⁠[756].

Appledore, Kent.

Appledore players were at New Romney in 1488.

Baddow, Essex.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe was hired by ‘children of Badow’ during 1564-6.

Bassingbourne, Cambridgeshire.

A play ‘of the holy martyr St. George’ was held in a field at Bassingbourne on the feast of St. Margaret, July 20, 1511. The churchwardens’ accounts for the play show, besides payments for refreshments:—

‘First paid to the garnement man for garnements and propyrts and playbooks, xxˢ.

To a minstrel and three waits of Cambridge....

Item ... for setting up the stages.

Item to John Beecher for painting of three Fanchoms and four Tormentors.

Item to Giles Ashwell for easement of his croft to play in, iˢ.

Item to John Hobarde, Brotherhood Priest, for the play book, iiˢ. viiiᵈ.’

Twenty-seven neighbouring villages contributed to these expenses⁠[757].

Bath, Somersetshire.

The accounts of St. Michael’s, Bath, for 1482, include ‘pro potatione le players in recordacione [‘rehearsing’?] ludorum diversis vicibus,’ with other expenditure on players and properties. As one item is ‘et Iohī Fowler pro cariando le tymbe a cimiterio dicto tempore ludi,’ the play was perhaps a Quem quaeritis⁠[758].

Chaucer’s Wife of Bath, in her husband’s absence at London during Lent, would make her ‘visitaciouns’—

Bethersden, Kent.

The churchwardens’ accounts record ludi beatae Christinae, in 1522. St. Christina’s day was July 24⁠[760]. Bethersden players were at New Romney in 1508.

Beverley, Yorkshire.

A thirteenth-century continuator of the Vita of St. John of Beverley records a recent (†1220) miracle done in the Minster:—

‘Contigit, ut tempore quodam aestivo intra saepta polyandri ecclesiae B. Ioannis, ex parte aquilonari, larvatorum, ut assolet, et verbis et actu fieret repraesentatio Dominicae resurrectionis. Confluebat ibi copiosa utriusque sexus multitudo, variis inducta votis, delectationis videlicet, seu admirationis causa, vel sancto proposito excitandae devotionis. Cum vero, prae densa vulgi adstante corona, pluribus, et praecipue statura pusillis, desideratus minime pateret accessus, introierunt plurimi in ecclesiam; ut vel orarent, vel picturas inspicerent, vel per aliquod genus recreationis et solatii pro hoc die taedium evitarent.’ Some boys climbed into the triforium, in order that, through the windows, ‘liberius personarum et habitus et gestus respicerent, et earundem dialogos auditu faciliori adverterent.’ One of these fell into the church, but was miraculously preserved⁠[761].

The Corpus Christi play is first mentioned in 1377. It was ‘antiqua consuetudo’ in 1390, when an ‘ordinacio ludi Corporis Christi cum pena’ was entered in the Great Guild Book, requiring the crafts or ‘artes’ to produce ‘ludos suos et pagentes’ under a penalty of 40s. The plays were held annually, subject to an order by the oligarchical town council of twelve custodes or gubernatores on St. Mark’s day. The custodes ‘governed’ the play, and met certain general expenses. In 1423 they paid Master Thomas Bynham, a friar preacher, for writing ‘banis’; also the waits (‘spiculatores’) who accompanied the ‘banis.’ In the same year they gave a breakfast to the Earl of Northumberland. In 1460 they put up a scaffold for their own use. Apparently the pageants and properties belonged to them, for in 1391 they handed over to John of Arras, on behalf of the ‘hairers,’ for his life and under surety, the necessaries for the play of Paradise; ‘viz. j karre, viij hespis, xviij stapels, ij visers, ij wenges angeli, j fir-sparr, j worme, ij paria caligarum linearum, ij paria camisarum, j gladius.’ Otherwise the expenses were met by the crafts, whose members paid a fixed levy towards the play, the ‘serge’ or light maintained by the craft in some chapel, and the wooden ‘castle’ erected at the procession of St. John of Beverley on Monday in Rogation week. Thus the Barbers’ Ordinances in 1414 require their members to pay 2s. and a pound of wax on setting up shop, and 2s. on taking an apprentice. Certain fines also were in this company appropriated to the same purposes. In 1469 journeymen cappers paid 8d. for any year when there was a play, and 6d. when there was not. The town Ordinances of 1467 contemplate annual payments by all craftsmen. In 1449 the custodes contributed 4s. to the Skinners’ play as ‘alms of the community.’ If a craft failed to produce its play, the custodes exacted the whole or a part of the fine of 40s. specified in the Ordinacio of 1390. They also levied other disciplinary fines; as on John ‘cordewainer’ in 1423, for hindering the play, on Henry Cowper, ‘webster,’ in 1452, ‘quod nesciebat ludum suum’; on the alderman of the ‘paynetors,’ in 1520-1 ‘because their play was badly and confusedly played, in contempt of the whole community, before many strangers’; and so forth. The order of 1390 specified thirty-eight crafts to play; ‘viz. mercers et drapers, tannatores, masons, skynners, taillors, goldsmyths, smyths, plummers, bollers, turnors, girdelers, cutlers, latoners, broche-makers, horners, sponers, ladilers, furburs, websters, walkers, coverlid-wevers, cartwrightes, coupars, fletchers, bowers, cordewaners, baksters, flesshewers, fysshers, chaundelers, barburs, vynters, sadilers, rapers, hayrers, shipmen, glovers, and workmen.’ As elsewhere, changing conditions of social life led to alterations in this list, and consequent divisions and mergings of the plays. Thus in 1411 it seems to have been felt as a grievance that certain well-to-do inhabitants of Beverley, who belonged to no craft, escaped all charge for the plays, and it was agreed that in future the ‘digniores villae’ should appoint four representatives and contribute a play. In 1493 the Drapers formed a craft of their own apart from the Mercers, and consequently a play was divided, the Drapers taking ‘Demyng Pylate,’ and leaving to the Mercers ‘Blak Herod.’ On the fly-leaf of the Great Guild Book is a list of crafts and their plays, dated by Mr. Leach †1520, which differs considerably from that of 1390. It is as follows:—

‘Gubernacio Ludi Corporis Christi.

Tylers: the fallinge of Lucifer.

Saddelers: the makinge of the World.

Walkers: makinge of Adam and eve.

Ropers: the brekinge of the Comaundments of God.

Crelers: gravinge and Spynnynge.

Glovers: Cayn.

Shermen: Adam and Seth.

Wattermen: Noe Shipp.

Bowers and Fletshers: Abraham and Isaak.

Musterdmakers and Chanlers: Salutation of Our Lady.

Husbandmen: Bedleem.

Vynteners: Sheipherds.

Goldsmyths: Kyngs of Colan.

Fyshers: Symeon.

Cowpers: fleyinge to Egippe.

Shomakers: Children of Ysraell.

Scryveners: Disputacion in the Temple.

Barbours: Sent John Baptyste.

Laborers: the Pynnacle.

The Mylners: rasynge of Lazar.

Skynners: ierusalem.

Bakers: the Mawndy.

Litsters: prainge at the Mownte.

Tailyours: Slepinge Pilate.

Marchaunts [i.e. Mercers]: Blak Herod.

Drapers: Demynge Pylate.

Bocheours: Scorgynge.

Cutlers and Potters: the Stedynynge.

Wevers: the Stanginge.

Barkers: the Takinge of the Crose.

Cooks: Haryinge of hell.

Wrights: the Resurrection.

Gentylmen: Castle of Emaut.

Smyths: Ascencion.

Prestes: Coronacion of Our Lady.

Marchaunts: Domesday.

The thirty-eight pageants of 1390 have become thirty-six in 1520. Besides the ‘Gentylmen,’ dating from 1411, the ‘Prestes’ are noticeable. These are probably the ‘clerus Gildae Corporis Christi,’ who in 1430 led the Corpus Christi procession in which many of the crafts with their lights took part. Procession and play, though on the same day, seem to have been in 1430 quite distinct. The play lasted only one day, and was given in 1449 at six stations; viz. at the North Bar, by the Bull-ring, between John Skipworth and Robert Couke in Highgate, at the Cross Bridge, at the Fishmarket (now called Wednesday Market), at the Minster Bow, and at the Beck. Poulson stated that the performances lasted into the reign of James I. Mr. Leach could find no trace of them in the municipal archives after 1520⁠[762]. But the Ordinances, dated 1555, of the Minstrels’ guild ‘of our Lady of the read arke’ provide that certain forfeits shall go to the ‘comon place’ (which I take to be ‘common plays’) of Beverley.

A second craft-play appears in 1469, when a number of crafts, thirty-nine in all, gave a Pater Noster play on the Sunday after St. Peter and Vincula (August 1). Copies of the text (registra) were made for the crafts. The stations were those of the Corpus Christi play. There were eight ‘pagends’ named after the eight principal ‘lusores,’ viz. ‘Pryde: Invy: Ire: Avaryce: Sleweth (also called ‘Accidie’): Glotony: Luxuria: Vicious.’ A number of crafts united to furnish each of these; apparently the most important was that of ‘Vicious,’ provided by the ‘gentilmen, merchands, clerks and valets.’ Aldermen of the pageants were appointed⁠[763].

Billericay, Essex.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe was twice hired by men of ‘Beleryca,’ or ‘Belyrica’ during 1564-6.

Bishop Auckland, Durham.

The lusores of ‘Auklande’ received a present from Durham Priory for playing before Master Hyndley, at Christmas, 1539. (App. E, i.)

Boreham, Essex.

‘Casse of Boreham’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1566 and 1573, and the ‘players of Boreham,’ at Twelfth Night, 1574.

Boxford, Suffolk.

A play appears in the churchwardens’ accounts for 1535⁠[764].

Braintree, Essex.

The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Michael’s include the following:—

‘Anno 1523. A Play of Sᵗ Swythyn, acted in the Church on a Wednesday, for which was gathered 6: 14: 11½; Pᵈ at the said Play, 3: 1: 4; due to the Church, 3: 13: 7½.

Anno 1525. There was a Play of Sᵗ Andrew acted in the Church the Sunday before Relique Sunday; Rcᵈ, 8: 9: 6; Pd, 4: 9: 9; Due to the Church, 3: 19: 8.

Anno 1529. A Play in Halstead Church.

Anno 1534. A Play of Placidas alias Sᵗ Eustace. Rᵈ, 14: 17: 6½; Pᵈ, 6: 13: 7½; due, 8: 2: 8½.

Anno 1567. Rᵈ of the Play money, 5: 0: 0.

Anno 1570. Recᵈ of the Play money, 9: 7: 7; and for letting the Playing garments, 0: 1: 8.

Anno 1571. Rcᵈ for a Playbook, 20ᵈ; and for lending the Play gere, 8: 7ᵈ.

Anno 1579. For the Players Apparel, 50ˢ⁠[765].’

Nicholas Udall was vicar of Braintree, 1533-1537. The plays were probably in aid of the large expenditure on the fabric of the church between 1522 and 1535.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) play was given at Braintree in 1562.

Brentwood, Essex.

‘Mr. Johnston of Brentwoode’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1566.

Bristol, Gloucestershire.

A town-clerk’s account of municipal customs, after describing the banquet on St. Katharine’s Eve (Nov. 24), concludes:—

‘And then to depart, euery man home: the Maire, Shiref, and the worshipfull men redy to receyue at theire dores Seynt Kateryns players, makyng them to drynk at their dores, and rewardyng theym for theire plays⁠[766].’ Were these plays more than a ‘catterning’ quête (vol. i. p. 253)?

There is no mention of plays amongst the records, including several craft-guild ordinances, in the Little Red Book of Bristol (ed. W. B. Bickley, 1901). But ‘the Shipwrights Pageannt’ was used at the reception of Henry VII in 1486 (p. 175).

Brookland, Kent.

Brookland players were at New Romney in 1494.

Bungay, Suffolk.

On the night after Corpus Christi day, June 16, 1514, certain persons ‘brake and threw down five pageants of the said inhabitants, that is to saye, hevyn pagent, the pagent of all the world, Paradyse pagent, Bethelem pagent, and helle pagent, the whyche wer ever wont tofore to be caryed abowt the seyd town upon the seyd daye in the honor of the blissyd Sacrement.’

The churchwardens’ accounts of St. Mary’s show payments in 1526 for copying the game-book, and to Stephen Prewett, a Norwich priest, for his labour in the matter.

The accounts of Holy Trinity show payments: in 1558, to a man riding to Yarmouth for the ‘game gear,’ ‘to William Ellys for the interlude and game booke, iiijᵈ,’ ‘for writing the partes, ijˢ’; in 1566, on occasion of ‘the interlude in the churchyarde,’ for apparel borrowed from Lord Surrey, ‘for visors,’ and ‘to Kelsaye, the vyce, for his pastyme before the plaie, and after the playe, both daies, ijˢ.’ In 1577, a churchwarden gave a receipt to his predecessor for ‘game pleyers gownes and coats, that were made of certayne peces of olld copes.’ In 1591, 5s. was received for ‘players cootes⁠[767].’

Burnham, Essex.

‘Wᵐ Crayford of Burnam’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1568.

Bury St. Edmund’s, Suffolk.

The Ordinances of the Weavers (1477) assign half of certain fines to ‘the sustentacione and mayntenaunce of the payent of the Assencione of oure Lord God and of the yiftys of the Holy Gost, as yt hath be customed of olde tyme owte of mynde yeerly to be had to the wurschepe of God, amongge other payenttes in the processione in the feste of Corpus Xr̄i.’

Journeymen weavers are to pay ‘iiijᵈ’ yearly to the ‘payent’ and all ‘foreyne’ as well as ‘deyzin’ weavers are to be contributory to it⁠[768].

It is not clear whether the ‘payent’ had a ludus or was a dumb-show.

Camborne, Cornwall.

See Texts (i), Cornish Plays, St. Meriasek.

Cambridge, Cambridgeshire.

William de Lenne and Isabel his wife, joining the guild of Corpus Christi (†1350), spent half a mark ‘in ludo Filiorum Israelis⁠[769].’

Warton says:—

‘The oldest notice I can recover of this sort of spectacle [Latin plays] in an English University is in the fragment of an ancient accompt-roll of the dissolved college of Michael-House in Cambridge; in which, under 1386, the following expense is entered: ‘Pro ly pallio brusdato et pro sex larvis et barbis in comedia⁠[770].’

Canterbury, Kent.

A Burghmote order (†1500) directed ‘a play called Corpus Christi play ... maintained and played at the costs of the Crafts and Mysteries,’ although ‘of late days it hath been left and laid apart,’ to be revived at Michaelmas⁠[771].

A book of the play of Abraham and Isaac, belonging to the ‘schaft’ or parochial guild of St. Dunstan’s, lay in the keeping of the churchwardens of that church from 1491 to 1520⁠[772].

On Jan. 6, 1503, the corporation paid for a play of the Three Kyngs of Coleyn in the guildhall. The account mentions three ‘bests’ made of hoops and laths and painted canvas, ‘heddyng of the Hensshemen,’ a castle in the courthall, and a gilt star.

Annual accounts for ‘the pagent of St. Thomas’ on the day of his martyrdom (Dec. 29), appear amongst the financial records of the corporation from 1504-5 until ‘far on in the reign of Queen Elizabeth.’ I select some items:—

‘1504-5.

Paied to Sampson Carpenter and hys man hewyng and squeryng of tymber for the Pagent.

For makyng Sᵗ Thomas Carte with a peyer of whyles.

To iiij men to helpe to cary the Pagent.

For a newe myghter.

For two bagges of leder.

For payntyng of the awbe and the hedde.

For gunpowder.

For lynnen cloth bought for Sᵗ Thomas garment.

For forgyng and makyng the knyghts harnes.

For the hyre of a sworde.

For wasshynge of an albe and an amys.’

In later years.

‘Pro le yettyng sanguynem.

Pro le payntyng capitis Sci Thomae.

For them that holpe to dress the Pagent and for standyng of the same in the barne.

For a payer of new gloves for Seynt Thomas.

For payntyng of the hede and the Aungell of the pagent.

Paied to hym that turned the vyce.

Paied for wyre for the vyce of the Angell.

For 1 quarter of lambe and brede and drynke gevyn to the children that played the knyghtes, and for them that holpe to convey the Pagent abowte.

For a new leder bag for the blode.

For wasshyng of the albe and other clothys abowte the Auter, and settyng on agayn the apparell.’

Until 1529 the pageant stood in the barn of St. Sepulchre’s convent; thenceforward in the archbishop’s palace. In 1536-7 ‘Seynt Thomas’ became ‘Bysshop Bekket,’ and the show was suppressed, to be revived with some added ‘gyaunts’ under Mary⁠[773].

This pageant was probably a dumb-show of the martyrdom of Becket.

Chelmsford, Essex.

The Earl of Surrey rewarded the players of ‘Chemsford’ on Dec. 27, 1490 (Appendix E, vii).

The churchwardens’ accounts give minute details of a play held in 1562 and 1563. The following are the chief items:—

‘Inprms paid unto the Mynstrolls for the Show day and for the play day.

Unto Willm. Hewet for makinge the vices coote, a fornet of borders, and a Jerken of borders.

To John Lockyer for making iiij shep hoks and for iron work that Burle occupied for the hell.

Item paide to Robᵗ Mathews for a pair of wombes.

to Lawrence for watching in the Churche when the temple was a-dryenge.

for carrying of plonk for the stages.

for ... the scaffold.

to M. Browne for the waightes of Bristowe.

for makyng the conysants.

forty Mynstrells meate and drinke.

to William Withers for making the frame for the heaven stage and tymber for the same.

for writtinge.

to William Withers for makynge the last temple, the waies, and his paynnes.

to John Wryght for makynge a cotte of lether for Christ.

to Solomon of Hatfild for parchmente.

to Mother Dale and her company for reaping flagges for the scaffold.

to Polter and Rosse for watching in the pightell on the play show.

for fyftie fadam of lyne for the cloudes.

for tenn men to beare the pagiante.

to Browne for keapinge the cornehill on the showe daye.

to Roistone for payntenge the Jeiants, the pagiante, and writing the plaiers names.

for paper to wright the Bookes.’

There are many other payments to workmen and for refreshments, and large sums to various people ‘for suinge the play.’ Is this ‘showing,’ ‘stage-managing’? One Burles, who was twice paid for ‘suinge,’ was also boarded with his boy for three weeks.

An inventory of garments made in February, 1564, includes, with many velvet gowns and jerkins, &c.:—

‘ij vyces coates, and ij scalpes, ij daggers (j dagger wanted).

v prophets cappes (one wantinge).

iij flappes for devils.

iiij shepehoks, iiij whyppes (but one gone).’

I infer that the play was a cyclical one, extending at least from Creation to Crucifixion. The temple, which required renewing, was probably rent in twain. There were heaven, hell, Prophetae, Pastores. The performance was not in the church, although the temple was put to dry there, but in a ‘pightell’ or enclosure, upon a scaffold, with stages for the spectators. It was held in connexion with a ‘showe,’ which was on Cornhill, and to which I assign the ‘pagiante’ and ‘jeiantes.’ The time was therefore probably Midsummer.

The accounts seem to cover two years and at least four performances. In 1562, Midsummer day with its show fell on a Saturday. The play was on Monday. On Tuesday it was repeated at Braintree, and later on at Malden, and possibly elsewhere. Then in 1563 it was again given in Chelmsford at Midsummer.

The total expenditure was over £50, although, unless the forty minstrels acted, nothing was paid to actors. Against this was received ‘at the seconde play’ £17 11s. 3d., and ‘at the ij last plaies’ £19 19s. 4d., and £2 19s. was realized by letting out the garments to the men of Sabsford in 1562 and 1563, and 16s. more for letting them to ‘Mʳ William Peter, Knyght.’ Nor did this source of income soon close. A second inventory of 1573 shows that the garments were carefully preserved. They became a valuable stock. In 1564-6 alone the hire of them brought in £10 14s. 3d. They were let to men of Colchester, Walden, Beleryca, Starford, Little Badow, and to ‘children of Badow.’ Further loans are noted as follows in later years:—

‘Receipts, June 3, 1566.

Sabsforde men.

Casse of Boreham.

Somers of Lanchire.

Barnaby Riche of Witham.

Willᵐ Monnteyne of Colchester.

Mʳ. Johnston of Brentwoode, the 10th Dec.

Richard More of Nayland.

Frauncis Medcalfe, the iiij of June, 1568.

Wᵐ Crayford of Burnam, the ij of June, 1568.

1570-1572.

High Ester men.

Parker of Writtell.

Mʳˢ Higham of Woodham Walter.

1572.

Parker of Writtell, Aprill.

The Earle of Sussex players.

John Walker of Hanfild.

1573.

Casse of Boreham.

1574.

Players of Boreham, till the mondaye after twelfe day.

In 1574 the ‘playe books’ were valued at £4, and in the same year all the garments, &c., included in the inventory of 1573 were sold to George Studley and others for £6 12s. 4d. In 1575 one Mr. Knott was paid 8d. ‘for the makinge of two oblijacyons for the assurance of the players garments belonginge to the Pyshe⁠[774].’

Chester, Cheshire.

[Authorities.—(i) Editions of the plays by Wright and Deimling, described on p. 408. (ii) Notices in Furnivall, Digby Plays, xviii, from (a) Harl. MSS. 1944, 1948, which are versions of a Breviary of the City of Chester, compiled in 1609 by David Rogers from the collections of his father, Robert Rogers, Archdeacon of Chester, who died in 1595; (b) local Annales in Harl. 2125 (Randle Holme’s Collections), and Daniel King’s Vale-Royall (1656). (iii) Notices in R. H. Morris, Chester in the Plantagenet and Tudor Reigns (1894), from (a) Corporation archives, (b) accounts of the Smiths’ Company in Harl. 2054, (c) a copy in Harl. 2150 (cited in error as Harl. 2050) of part or all of the contents of a record known as the White Book of the Pentice. This was bound with other documents by Randle Holme, and indexed by him in 1669. I do not find any mention of such a ‘White Book’ in the calendar of extant Corporation archives by Mr. J. C. Jeaffreson, in Hist. MSS. viii. 1. 355, unless it is identical with the Pentice Chartulary compiled in 1575-6 on the basis, partly of an older ‘Black Book,’ ‘translated oute of Laten and Frenche’ in 1540, and partly of loose ‘sceduls, papers and books’ in the Treasure House.]

The Whitsun Plays: The Tradition.

The Chester plays are traditionally ascribed to the mayoralty of one John Arneway. As ‘John Arneway,’ ‘de Arnewey,’ ‘Hernwey,’ or ‘Harnwey’ served continuously as mayor from 1268 to 1277⁠[775], and as no other of the great English cycles of municipal plays can claim anything like this antiquity, it is worth while to examine the evidence pretty closely. I therefore put the versions of the tradition in chronological order.

(a) 1544. The following document is headed ‘The proclamation for the Plaies, newly made by William Newhall, clarke of the Pentice, the first yere of his entre.’ It is dated ‘tempore Willi Sneyde, draper, secundo tempore sui maioritatis’ [Oct. 9, 1543-1544], endorsed as made ‘opon the rode ee’ [Rood-eye], and stated on an accompanying sheet to be ‘of laten into Englishe translated and made by the said William Newhall the yere aforesaid⁠[776].’

‘For as moche as of old tyme, not only for the Augmentacon and increase of [the holy and catholick] faith of our Savyour, Jhu’ Crist, and to exort the mynds of the co’mon people to [good devotion and holsome] doctryne thereof, but also for the co’men Welth and prosperitie of this Citie a plaie [and declaration—] and diverse stories of the bible, begynnyng with the creacon and fall of Lucifer, and [ending with the general] jugement of the World to be declared and plaied in the Witson wek, was devised [and made by one Sir] Henry Fraunces, somtyme monk of this dissolved monastery, who obtayned and gate of Clement, then beyng [bushop of Rome, a thousand] daies of pardon, and of the Busshop of Chester at that time beyng xlᵗⁱ daies of pardon graunted from thensforth to every person resortyng in pecible maner with good devocon to here and se the sayd [piaies] from tyme to tyme as oft as they shalbe plaied within this Citie [and that every person disturbing the same piaies in any manner wise to be accursed by thauctoritie of the said Pope Clement bulls unto such tyme as he or they be absolved therof (erased)], which piaies were devised to the honour of God by John Arneway, then maire of this Citie of Chester, and his brethren, and holl cominalty therof to be brought forthe, declared and plead at the cost and charges of the craftsmen and occupacons of the said Citie, whiche hitherunto have frome tyme to tyme used and performed the same accordingly.

Wherfore Maister Maire, in the Kynges name, straitly chargeth and co’mandeth that every person and persons of what estate, degre or condicion soever he or they be, resortyng to the said piaies, do use [themselves] pecible without makyng eny assault, affrey, or other disturbance whereby the same piaies shalbe disturbed, and that no maner person or persons who soever he or they be do use or weare eny unlaufull wepons within the precynct of the said Citie duryng the tyme of the said piaies [not only upon payn of cursyng by thauctoritie of the said Pope Clement Bulls, but also (erased)] opon payn of enprisonment of their bodies and makyng fyne to the Kyng at Maister Maires pleasure. And God save the Kyng and Mr. Maire, &c.⁠[777]’

(b) †1544-7⁠[778]. The documents concerning the plays copied for Randle Holme out of the ‘White Book of the Pentice⁠[779]’ are (1) a list of the plays and the crafts producing them (cf. p. 408); (2) a note that ‘On Corpus Χρi day the colliges and prestys bryng forth a play at the assentement of the Maire’; (3) a note that all the arrangements detailed are subject to alteration by the Mayor and his brethren; (4) a version, without heading, of Newhall’s proclamation which entirely omits the allusions to Sir Henry Fraunces and the pardons, while retaining that to Arneway; (5) verses headed ‘The comen bannes to be proclaymed and Ryddon with the Stewardys of every occupacon.’ These are printed in Morris, 307. They give a list of the plays (cf. p. 408), and add that there will be a ‘solempne procession’ with the sacrament on Corpus Christi day from ‘Saynt Maries on the Hill’ to ‘Saynt Johns,’ together with ‘a play sett forth by the clergye In honor of the fest.’ The passage referring to Corpus Christi is marked by Randle Holme’s copyist as ‘Erased in the Booke⁠[780].’ The only historical statement in the Banns is that

(c) †1551-1572. The later Banns, given most fully in Rogers’s Breauarye of Chester (cf. Furnivall, xx), but also more or less imperfectly in MSS. h and B of the plays (Deimling, i. 2), were probably written for one or other of the post-Reformation performances, but not that of 1575, as they contemplate a Whitsun performance, while that of 1575 was after Midsummer. They state that

(d) 1609. The Breauarye itself, in an account probably due to the elder Rogers, who may have himself seen some of the later performances, says (Furnivall, xviii):—‘Heare note that these playes of Chester called yᵉ whitson playes weare the woorke of one Rondoll, a monke of yᵉ Abbaye of Sᵗ Warburge in Chester, who redused yᵉ whole history of the byble into Englishe storyes in metter, in yᵉ englishe tounge; and this moncke, in a good desire to doe good, published yᵉ same, then the firste mayor of Chester, namely Sir Iohn Arneway, Knighte, he caused the same to be played [“anno domini, 1329”]⁠[781].’ In a list of Mayors contained in the same MS. is given (Furnivall, xxv), under the year 1328 and the mayoralty of Sir John Arneway, ‘The whitson playes Inuented, in Chester, by one Rondoll Higden, a monke in Chester abbaye.’

(e) 1628. On the cover of MS. H of the plays (Harl. MS. 2124) is this note:—‘The Whitsun playes first made by one Don Randle Heggenet, a Monke of Chester Abbey, who was thrise at Rome, before he could obtain leaue of the Pope to haue them in the English tongue.

The Whitsun playes were playd openly in pageants by the Cittizens of Chester in the Whitsun Weeke.

Nicholas the fift Then was Pope in the year of our Lord 1447.

Ano 1628.

Sir Henry ffrancis, sometyme a Monke of the Monestery of Chester, obtained of Pope Clemens a thousand daies of pardon, and of the Bishop of Chester 40 dayes pardon for every person that resorted peaceably to see the same playes, and that every person that disturbed the same, to be accursed by the said Pope untill such tyme as they should be absolued therof.’

(f) 1669. Randle Holme made a note upon his copy of the ‘White Book of the Pentice’ (Harl. 2150, f. 86ᵇ), of the ‘Whitson plaies ... being first presented and putt into English by Rand. Higden, a monck of Chester Abbey.’

(g) Seventeenth century. A ‘later hand’ added to the copy of Newhall’s proclamation on the fly-leaf of MS. h (1600) of the plays:

‘Sir Io Arnway, maior 1327 and 1328, at which tyme these playes were written by Randall Higgenett, a monk of chester abby, and played openly in the witson weeke.’

(h) Seventeenth century. An account of the plays amongst Lord De Tabley’s MSS.⁠[782] assigns them to ‘Randall Higden, a monk of Chester Abbey, A. D. 1269.’

Up to a certain point these fragments of tradition are consistent and, a priori, not improbable. About 1328 is just the sort of date to which one would look for the formation of a craft-cycle. Randall or Randulf Higden⁠[783], the author of the Polychronicon, took the vows at St. Werburgh’s in 1299 and died in 1364. An accident makes it possible also to identify Sir Henry Francis, for he is mentioned as senior monk of Chester Abbey in two documents of May 5, 1377, and April 17, 1382.⁠[784] The occurrence of the name of this quite obscure person in a tradition of some 200 years later is, I think, evidence that it is not wholly an unfounded one. It is true that Newhall’s proclamation states that Francis ‘devised and made’ the plays, whereas the Banns of 1575 and the later accounts assign the ‘devise’ to ‘done Rondall.’ But this discrepancy seems to have afforded no difficulty to the writer of 1628, who clearly thought that Heggenet ‘made’ the plays, and Francis obtained the ‘pardon’ for them. The Pope Clement concerned is probably Clement VI (1342-52), but might be the Antipope Clement VII (1378-94). The one point which will not harmonize with the rest is that about which, unfortunately, the tradition is most uniform, namely, the connexion of the plays with the mayoralty of Sir John Arneway. For neither Higden nor Francis could have worked for a mayor whose terms of office extended from 1268 to 1277. But even this difficulty does not appear to be insoluble. I find from Canon Morris’s invaluable volume that a later mayor bearing a name very similar to Arneway’s, one Richard Erneis or Herneys, was in office from 1327 to 1329, precisely at the date to which the tradition, in some of its forms, ascribes the plays. Is it not then probable that to this Richard Herneys the establishment of the plays is really due, and that he has been confused in the memory of Chester with his greater predecessor, the ‘Dick Whittington’ of the city, John Arneway or Hernwey? I am glad to be the means of restoring to him his long withheld tribute of esteem.

The Records.

If the plays were actually established in 1327-9, the first hundred years of their history is a blank. The earliest notice in any record is in 1462, when the Bakers’ charter refers to their ‘play and light of Corpus Christi.’ The Saddlers’ charter of 1471 similarly speaks of their ‘paginae luminis et ludi corporis Christi⁠[785].’ It will be observed that the play is here called a Corpus Christi play. The term ‘Whitson Playe’ first occurs in a record of 1520⁠[786], but there is no doubt that during the sixteenth century the regular season for the performances was Whitsuntide. As the ‘White Book’ (†1544) still speaks of ‘pagyns in play of Corpus Χρi⁠[787],’ it is possible that a cyclical play was so called, whether actually given on Corpus Christi day or not. It is also, I think, possible that the Chester plays may have been transferred from Corpus Christi to Whitsuntide in order to avoid clashing with the procession, without quite losing their old name; and this may be what is meant by the statement on the cover of MS. ‘H’ of the plays that they were ‘playd openly ... in the Whitsun Weeke’ in 1447. It was in 1426 that a question as to the clashing of procession and plays arose in York (cf. p. 400).

Nearly all the extant notices of the plays belong to the sixteenth century. Originally annual, they became occasional at the Reformation. They can be traced in 1546, 1551, 1554, 1561, 1567 (at Christmas), 1568, 1569, 1572, and 1575. The two last performances aroused considerable opposition. In 1572 Mayor John Hankey ‘would needs have the playes go forward, against the wills of the Bishops of Canterbury, York and Chester.’ Apparently an inhibition was sent by Archbishop Grindal; ‘but it came too late.’ In 1575, under Mayor Sir John Savage, the plays were subjected to revision, and such of them as were thought suitable given ‘at the cost of the inhabitants’ on Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday after Midsummer. This performance was ‘to the great dislike of many, because the playe was in on parte of the Citty.’ It was also in direct contravention of inhibitions from the Archbishop and the Earl of Huntingdon. As a result both Hankey and Savage were cited before the Privy Council, but the aldermen and common council took the responsibility upon themselves, and apparently nothing further came of the matter⁠[788].

Probably 1575 was the last year in which the plays were given as a whole. A performance in 1600 has been alleged⁠[789], but this date is probably taken from the heading of the Banns in MS. ‘h’ of the plays, which runs:—

‘The reading of the banes, 1600.

The banes which are reade Beefore the beginning of the playes of Chester 1600.

4 June 1600.’

Doubtless 1600 is the date of the transcript, as it is repeated after the signature to several of the plays. It is quite possible that this manuscript was made in view of an intended performance. George Bellin, the scribe, seems to have been of a Chester family. But if so, the intention was frustrated, for the annalists declare that Henry Hardware, mayor in 1600 ‘would not suffer any Playes.’ It is to be noted also that David Rogers, whose Breauarye was completed in 1609 and certainly contains matter subsequent to the death of his father in 1595, states that 1575 was the last time the plays were played⁠[790].

Mode of Performance.

The Banns were proclaimed on St. George’s day by the city crier, with whom rode the Stewards of each craft. The Mayor’s proclamation against disturbers of the peace was read upon the Roodee. The plays themselves lasted through the first three week-days of Whitsuntide. Nine were given on the Monday, nine on the Tuesday, and seven on the Wednesday. The first station was at the Abbey gates, the next by the pentice at the high cross before the Mayor, others in Watergate Street, Bridge Street, and so on to Eastgate Street. Scaffolds and stages were put up to accommodate the spectators, and in 1528 a law-suit is recorded about the right to a ‘mansion, Rowme, or Place for the Whydson plaies.’ Rogers describes the ‘pagiente’ or ‘cariage’ as

‘a highe place made like a howse with ij rowmes, being open on yᵉ tope: the lower rowme they apparrelled & dressed them selues; and in the higher rowme they played; and they stood vpon 6 wheeles [Harl. 1944. It is “4 wheeles” in Harl. 1948].’

The term ‘pageant’ is used at Chester both for the vehicle and for the play performed on it; but, contrary to the custom elsewhere, more usually for the latter. The vehicle is generally called a ‘carriage.’ It was kept in a ‘caryadghouse’ and occasionally served two crafts on different days. The expenses of carriage, porters, refreshments, actors, and rehearsals fell, as shown by the extant Accounts of the Smiths’ company, on the crafts. They were met by a levy upon each member and journeyman. Vestments were hired from the clergy; both minstrels and choristers were in request for songs and music. The Corporation supervised the performances, questions as to the incidence of the burden upon this or that craft coming before the Pentice court. In 1575 the Smiths submitted two alternative plays for the choice of the aldermen. The authoritative copy or ‘originall booke’ of the plays seems to have belonged to the city. The Smiths paid for reading the ‘Regenall,’ ‘an Rygynall’ or ‘orraginall.’ In 1568 one ‘Randall Trevor, gent.’ seems to have lost the book. There is an interesting allusion to the unprofessional quality of the actors, in the copy of the later Banns preserved by Rogers. The plays are not

Exceptional Performances.

In 1567 ‘Richard Dutton, mayor, kept a very worthy house for all comers all the tyme of Christmas with a Lorde of Misrule and other pastymes in this city as the Whitson Plays.’

Single plays from the cycle were similarly used for purposes of special entertainment. In 1488 was the Assumption before Lord Strange at the High Cross; in 1497 the Assumption before Prince Arthur at the Abbey gates and the High Cross; in 1515 the Assumption again together with the Shepherds’ play in St. John’s churchyard. In 1576, the Smiths had ‘our plas’ (the Purification) ‘at Alderman Mountford’s on Midsomer Eve.’ Finally, in 1578, Thomas Bellin, mayor, caused the Shepherds’ play ‘and other triumphs’ to be played at the high cross on the Roodee before the Earl of Derby, Lord Strange, and others⁠[792].

Other plays.

The play by the ‘colliges and prestys’ on Corpus Christi day mentioned in the ‘White Book’ and in the ‘Banes’ preserved therein has already been noted.

In 1529 King Robert of Sicily was shown at the High Cross. This is doubtless the play on the same subject referred to in a fragmentary letter to some ‘Lordshypp’ among the State Papers as to be played on St. Peter’s day at the cost of some of the companies. It was said to be ‘not newe at thys time, but hath bin before shewen, evyn as longe agoe as the reygne of his highnes most gratious father of blyssyd memorye, and yt was penned by a godly clerke.’

In 1563 ‘upon the Sunday after Midsommer day, the History of Eneas and Queen Dido was play’d in the Roods Eye. And were set out by one William Croston, gent. and one Mr. Man, on which Triumph there was made two Forts, and shipping on the Water, besides many horsemen well armed and appointed.’

The entertainment of Lords Derby and Strange by Thomas Bellin in 1578 included a ‘comedy’ by the ‘scollers of the freescole’ at the mayor’s house. Was this theatrical mayor a relative of George Bellin, the scribe of MSS. ‘W’ and ‘h’ of the Chester plays?

In 1589 King Ebranke with all his Sons was shown before the Earl of Derby at the High Cross⁠[793].

The Midsummer Show.

This was doubtless in its origin a folk procession. Traditionally, it was founded in 1498 and only went in years when there were no Whitsun plays. The crafts were represented by personages out of their plays, ‘the Doctors and little God’ riding for the Smiths, the Devil for the Butchers, Abraham and Isaac for the Barbers, Balaam and his Ass for the Bricklayers, and so forth. It does not appear that the ‘carriages’ were had out. Other features of the ‘Show’ were four giants, an elephant and castle, an unicorn, a camel, a luce, an antelope, a dragon with six naked boys beating at it, morris-dancers, the ‘Mayor’s Mount’ and the ‘Merchants’ Mount,’ the latter being of the nature of a hobby-ship. In 1600, Mayor Henry Hardware, a ‘godly zealous man,’ would not let the ‘Graull’ go at Midsummer Watch, but instead a man in white armour. He suppressed also ‘the divill in his fethers,’ a man in woman’s clothes with another devil called ‘cuppes and cans,’ ‘god in stringes,’ the dragon and the naked boys, and had the giants broken up. But next year the old customs were restored. The Midsummer Show again suffered eclipse under the Commonwealth, but was revived at the Restoration and endured until 1678⁠[794].

Coggeshall, Essex.

Lord Howard rewarded the players of ‘Kokesale’ or ‘Coksale’ on Dec. 26, 1481, and Dec. 25, 1482 (Appendix E, vii).

Colchester, Essex.

The Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe was twice hired by Colchester men during 1564-6; also by William Monnteyne of Colchester in 1566.

Coleshill, Warwickshire.

The ‘lusores de Coleshille’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and 1461 (Appendix E, ii).

Coventry, Warwickshire.

[Authorities.—The facts are taken, where no other reference is given, from T. Sharp, A Dissertation on the Pageants or Dramatic Mysteries Anciently Performed at Coventry (1825), and J. B. Gracie, The Weavers’ Pageant (1836: Abbotsford Club). The latter accounts of J. O. Halliwell-Phillipps, Outlines of the Life of Shakespeare (ninth edition, 1890), i. 335, ii. 289, and M. D. Harris, Life in an Old English Town, 319, add a little. The Leet-Book and other municipal archives used by Sharp are described by Harris, 377; his private collection passed into that of Mr. Staunton at Longbridge House, and thence into the Shakespeare Memorial Library at Birmingham, where it was burnt in 1879. It included two craft-plays, the account-books of the Smiths, Cappers, Drapers, and Weavers, and one or two MSS. (one of which is referred to as ‘Codex Hales’) of a set of brief local seventeenth-century Annales, of which other texts are printed by Dugdale, Hist. of Warwickshire, i. 147, and Hearne, Fordun’s Scotichronicon, v. 1438. Several versions of these Annales are amongst the manuscripts of the Coventry Corporation (cf. E. S. Hartland, Science of Fairy Tales, 75). On their nature, cf. C. Gross, Bibl. of Municipal History, xviii.]

Corpus Christi Craft-Plays.

The earliest notice is a mention of the ‘domum pro le pagent pannarum’ in a deed of 1392. There must therefore be an error, so far as the pageants go, in the statement of the Annals, under the mayoral year 1416-7, ‘The pageants and Hox tuesday invented, wherein the king and nobles took great delight⁠[795].’ Henry V was more than once at Coventry as prince, in 1404 for example, and in 1411. His only recorded visit as king was in 1421, too early for Corpus Christi or even Hox Tuesday⁠[796]. There is frequent reference to the plays in corporation and craft documents of the fifteenth century. In 1457 they were seen by Queen Margaret, who ‘lodged at Richard Wodes, the grocer,’ whither the corporation sent an elegant collation, including ‘ij cofyns of counfetys and a pot of grene gynger.’ With her were the Duke and Duchess of Buckingham, Lord and Lady Rivers, the elder and younger Lady of Shrewsbury, and ‘other mony moo lordes and ladyes.’ They were seen also by Richard III in 1485 and twice by Henry VII. The first occasion was on St. Peter’s day (June 29) in 1486, and the second in 1493, when say the Annals, rather oddly (cf. p. 420), ‘This yeare the King came to se the playes acted by the Gray Friers, and much commended them.’ In 1520 the Annals record ‘New playes at Corpus Christi tyde, which were greatly commended.’ In 1539 the mayor of Coventry, writing to Cromwell, told him that the poor commoners were at such expense with their plays and pageants that they fared the worse all the year after⁠[797]. In the sixteenth century the Coventry plays were probably the most famous in England. The C. Mery Talys (1526) has a story of a preacher, who wound up a sermon on the Creed with ‘Yf you beleue not me then for a more suerte & suffycyent auctoryte go your way to Couentre and there ye shall se them all playd in Corpus Cristi playe⁠[798].’ And John Heywood, in his Foure PP, speaks of one who

Foxe, the martyrologist, records that in 1553 John Careless, in Coventry gaol for conscience sake, was let out to play in the pageant about the city. There is some confusion here, as Careless was only in gaol in Coventry for a short time in November before he was sent to London⁠[800].

When the Annals say that in 1575-6 ‘the Pageants on Hox Tuesday that had been laid down eight years were played again,’ there is probably some confusion between ‘Hox Tuesday’ and ‘the Pageants,’ for the account-books show that the latter were played regularly, except in 1575, until 1580, when the Annals report them as ‘again laid down.’ In 1584 a different play was given (cf. infra), and possibly also in 1591, although the fact that the songs of the Taylors and Shearmen’s pageant are dated 1591 rather suggests that after all the regular plays may have been revived that year. Some of the pageants were sold in 1586 and 1587, but the Cappers preserved the properties of their play in 1597, and the Weavers had still players’ apparel to lend in 1607. According to the Annals, by 1628 the pageants had ‘bine put downe many yeares since.’

The plays were given annually and in one day at the feast of Corpus Christi. Contrary to the custom of the northern towns, there were only some ten or twelve pageants, each covering a fairly wide range of incident (cf. p. 423). Nor can the performances be shown to have been repeated at more than three or four stations. ‘Gosford Street,’ ‘Mikel’ or ‘Much Park Street end’ and ‘Newgate’ are recorded, and in one of these may have been the house of Richard Wodes, where Queen Margaret lay. The Drapers only provided three ‘worlds’ for their pageant, and probably one was burnt at each station. According to the Annals, part of the charges of the plays was met by the enclosure of a piece of common land (possibly to build pageant houses upon). Otherwise they fell wholly upon the crafts, to some one of which every artisan in the town was bound to become contributory for the purpose. The principal crafts were appointed by the Leet to produce the pageants, and with each were grouped minor bodies liable only for fixed sums, varying from 3s. 4d. to 16s. 8d. In 1501 an outside craft, the Tilemakers of Stoke, is found contributing 5s. to a pageant. These combinations of crafts varied considerably from time to time. Within the craft the necessary funds were raised, in part at least, by special levies. Strangers taking out their freedom were sometimes called upon for a contribution. Every member of the craft paid his ‘pagent pencys.’ In several crafts the levy was 1s. Amongst the Smiths it must have been less, as they only got from 2s. 2d. to 3s. 4d. in this way, whereas the Cappers in 1562 collected 22s. 4d. In 1517 William Pisford left a scarlet and a crimson gown to the Tanners for their play, together with 3s. 4d. to each craft that found a pageant. The total cost of the Smiths’ play in 1490 was £3 7s. 5½d. In 1453 we find the Smiths contracting with one Thomas Colclow to have ‘the rewle of the pajaunt’ for twelve years, and to produce the play for a payment of 46s. 8d. A similar contract was made in 1481. But as a rule, the crafts undertook the management themselves, and the account-books studied by Sharp afford more detailed information as to the mode of production than happens to be available for any other of the great cycles.

It is therefore worth while to give some account of the chief objects of expenditure. First of all there was the pageant itself. The name appears in every possible variety of spelling in Coventry documents. Dugdale, on the authority of eye-witnesses, describes the pageants as ‘Theaters for the severall Scenes, very large and high, placed upon wheels.’ Painted cloths were used ‘to lap aboubt the pajent,’ and there was a carved and painted top, adorned with a crest, with vanes, pencils, or streamers. On the platform of the pageant such simple scenic apparatus as a seat for Pilate, a pillar for the scourging, a ‘sepulchre,’ and the like, was fixed. The Weavers’ pageant seems to have had an ‘upper part’ representing the Temple; also divisions described in the stage directions as ‘the for pagand’ and ‘the tempull warde.’ The Cappers’ pageant was fitted up with a ‘hell-mouth.’ The Drapers also had a ‘hell-mouth,’ with a windlass, and fire at the mouth, and a barrel for the earthquake, and three worlds to be set afire. ‘Scaffolds,’ distinct from the pageant itself, were drawn round with it. These, according to Sharp, were for spectators, but they may have been supplementary stages, made necessary by the number of episodes in each play at Coventry. Certainly the action was not wholly confined to the pageant, for in the Shearmen and Taylors’ play, ‘Here Erode ragis in the pagond & in the strete also’; and again, ‘the iij Kyngis speykyth in the strete.’ The pageant was constantly in need of repairs. A pageant-house had to be built or hired for it. On the day of the feast it was cleaned, strewn with rushes; and the axle was greased with soap. Men were paid to ‘drive’ or ‘horse’ it, and the Cappers expected their journeymen to undertake this job.

The players received payments varying with the importance of their parts. The sums allowed by the Weavers in 1525 ranged from 10d. to 2s. 4d. Minstrels, both vocalists and instrumentalists, were also hired, and in 1573 one Fawston, evidently an artist of exceptional talent, received from the Smiths, besides 4d. ‘for hangyng Judas,’ another 4d. ‘for Coc croyng.’ The Drapers paid as much as 3s. 4d. ‘for pleayng God,’ and 5s. ‘to iij whyte sollys’ or ‘savyd sowles,’ 5s. ‘to iij blake sollys,’ or ‘dampnyd sowles,’ 16d. ‘to ij wormes of conscyence,’ and the like. Payments also occur for speaking the prologue, preface, or ‘protestacyon.’

The corporation exercised control over the players, and in 1440 ordered under a penalty of 20s. ‘quod Robertus Gñe et omnes alii qui ludunt in festo Corporis Christi bene et sufficienter ludant ita quod nulla impedicio fiat in aliquo ioco.’ In 1443, an order forbade members of certain crafts to play in any pageant except their own without the mayor’s licence.

The players required refreshment at intervals during the day, and probably the craftsmen who attended the pageant took their share. Further expenses, both for refreshment, and for the hire of a room or hall, were incurred at rehearsals. The Smiths in 1490 had their first ‘reherse’ in Easter week, and their second in Whitsun week.

Each craft had its own ‘orygynall’ or ‘play-boke,’ and paid for making the necessary copies, for setting or ‘pricking’ songs, for ‘beryng of ye Orygynall’ or prompting, and occasionally for bringing the text up to date. Thus the Smiths had a ‘new rygenale’ in 1491, and in 1573 a ‘new play,’ by which is apparently meant an additional scene to their existing play (cf. p. 423). The Drapers added ‘the matter of the castell of Emaus’ in 1540. The Weavers paid 5s. ‘for makyng of the play boke’ in 1535, and the colophon of their extant text shows it to have been ‘newly translate’ in that year by Robert Croo. This was a regular theatrical man of all work. The matter of the Shearmen and Taylors’ play was ‘nevly correcte’ by him in the same year. In 1557 he got 20s. from the Drapers ‘for makyng of the boke for the paggen.’ The Smiths paid him in 1563 ‘for ij leves of our pley boke.’ And between 1556 and 1562 he further assisted the Drapers, by playing God, mending the ‘devells cottes,’ supplying a hat for the Pharisee, and manufacturing the requisite ‘iij worldys.’

Finally, there was the not inconsiderable cost of costumes and properties, including the gloves for the performers which figure so invariably in mediaeval balance sheets. Further details as to these and all other objects of expenditure than I have here room for will be found in the invaluable volumes of Mr. Sharp.

The Destruction of Jerusalem.

In 1584, four years after the ordinary Corpus Christi plays were laid down, the Annals record ‘This year the new Play of the Destruction of Jerusalem was first played.’ This is confirmed by the accounts of the corporation, which include a sum of £13 6s. 8d. ‘paid to Mr. Smythe of Oxford the xvᵗʰ daye of Aprill 1584 for hys paynes for writing of the tragedye.’ This was one John Smythe, a scholar of the Free School in Coventry and afterwards of St. John’s College, Oxford. The play was produced at considerable expense upon the pageants of the crafts, but the day of performance is not stated. From the detailed accounts of the Smiths and the Cappers, Mr. Sharp infers that it was based upon the narrative of Josephus.

In 1591, the old Corpus Christi plays seem to have been proposed for exhibition, as the MS. of the Shearmen and Taylors’ songs bears the date of May 13 in that year. But on May 19 the corporation resolved ‘that the destruction of Jerusalem, the Conquest of the Danes, or the historie of K[ing] E[dward] the X [Confessor], at the request of the Comons of this Cittie shal be plaied on the pagens on Midsomer daye & St. Peters daye next in this Cittie & non other playes.’ The two last-named plays may have been inspired by the traditional interpretations of the Hox Tuesday custom (cf. vol. i. p. 154). Which was chosen does not appear; but some performance or other was given. Several of the crafts had by this time sold their pageants. Those who had not lent them; and all compounded for the production of a scene by the payment of a sum down. This appears to have gone to one Thomas Massey, who contracted for the production. He had already supplied properties in 1584. In 1603 he quarrelled with the corporation about certain devices shown on the visit of the Princess Elizabeth to Coventry. In 1606 he hired some acting-apparel from the Weavers’ company⁠[801].

Miscellaneous Plays.

The Annals record:—

1490-1. ‘This year was the play of St. Katherine in the little Park.’

1504-5. ‘This yeare they played the play of St. Crytyan in the little parke⁠[802].’

In 1511, one of the pageants at the entry of Henry VIII had a ‘goodly Stage Play’ upon it⁠[803].

The Dyers in 1478, the Cappers in 1525, and the Drapers in 1556, 1566, and 1568 appear to have had plays at their dinners. Probably ‘the Golden Fleece,’ for which the Cappers paid the inevitable Robert Crowe and two others, was a play⁠[804].

The ‘lusores de Coventry’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and 1461 (Appendix E, ii). ‘Certain Players of Coventrye’ were at court in 1530 (Appendix E, viii).

Towards the end of the sixteenth century occur notices of travelling ‘players of Coventrie.’ They were at Bristol and Abingdon in 1570, and at Leicester in 1569 and 1571. At Abingdon they are described as ‘Mr. Smythes players of Coventree.’ John Smythe, the writer of the Destruction of Jerusalem, was only seven years old in 1570. Mr. Halliwell-Phillipps would read ‘the Smythes’ players⁠[805].’

The Corpus Christi Procession.

The procession or ‘Ridyng’ on Corpus Christi day is first mentioned in the Leet Book in 1444, and in 1446 is an order ‘quod le Ruydyng in festo Corporis Christi fiat prout ex antiquo tempore consueverint.’ It took place early in the day after a ‘breakfast.’ The craft-guilds rode in it, and provided minstrels and torchbearers. The Trinity Guild seems to have borne a crucifix, and the Guild of Corpus Christi and St. Nicholas the host under a canopy. The accounts of the Smiths include the following items:—

‘1476. Item ffor hors hyre to Herod, iijᵈ.

1489. Item payd for Aroddes garment peynttyng that he went a prossasyon in, xxᵈ.’

The other extant guild accounts throw no light on the presence of representatives of the plays in the procession; but the Corpus Christi guild itself provided dramatic personages.

‘1501. payd for a Crown of sylver & gyld for the Mare on Corpus Christi day, xliijˢ ixᵈ.

1539. peny bred for the appostells, vjᵈ.

beiff for the appostles, viijᵈ.

to the Marie for hir gloves and wages, ijˢ.

the Marie to offer, jᵈ.

Kateryne & Margaret, iiijᵈ.

viij virgyns, viijᵈ.

to Gabriell for beryng the lilly, iiijᵈ.

to James & Thomas of Inde, viijᵈ.

to x other apostells, xxᵈ.

1540. for makyng the lilly, iijˢ iiijᵈ.

1541. to Gabryel for beryng the light [lilly?] iiijᵈ.

xij torches of wax for the apostles.

1544. a new coat & a peir of hoes for Gabriell, iijˢ. iiij.⁠[806]’

Croxton, Norfolk(?).

See s.v. Texts (i), Croxton Play, The Sacrament.

Daventry, Northamptonshire.

The ‘lusores de Daventry’ played at Maxstoke Priory between 1422 and 1461 (Appendix E, ii).

Dublin, Ireland.

The version of the Quem quaeritis used at the Church of St. John the Evangelist in the fourteenth century is printed in Appendix R.

The Chain Book of the City contains the following memorandum, apparently entered in 1498.

Corpus Christi day a pagentis:—

‘The pagentis of Corpus Christi day, made by an olde law and confermed by a semble befor Thomas Collier, Maire of the Citte of Divelin, and Juries, Baliffes and commones, the iiiith Friday next after midsomer, the xiii. yere of the reign of King Henri the VIIth [1498]:

‘Glovers: Adam and Eve, with an angill followyng berryng a swerde. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Corvisers: Caym and Abell, with an auter and the ofference. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Maryners, Vynters, Shipcarpynderis, and Samountakers: Noe, with his shipp, apparalid acordyng. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Wevers: Abraham [and] Ysack, with ther auter and a lambe and ther offerance. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Smythis, Shermen, Bakers, Sclateris, Cokis and Masonys: Pharo, with his hoste. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Skynners, House-Carpynders, and Tanners, and Browders: for the body of the camell, and Oure Lady and hir chil[d]e well aperelid, with Joseph to lede the camell, and Moyses with the children of Israell, and the Portors to berr the camell. Peyn, xl.s. and Steyners and Peyntors to peynte the hede of the camell. [Peyn,] xl.s.

‘[Goldsmy]this: The three kynges of Collynn, ridyng worshupfully, with the offerance, with a sterr afor them. Peyn, xl.s.

‘[Hoopers]: The shep[er]dis, with an Angill syngyng Gloria in excelsis Deo. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Corpus Christi yild: Criste in his Passioun, with three Maries, and angilis berring serges of wex in ther hands. [Peyn,] xl.s.

‘Taylors: Pilate, with his fellaship, and his lady and his knyghtes, well beseyne. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Barbors: An[nas] and Caiphas, well araied acordyng. [Peyn,] xl.s.

‘Courteours: Arthure, with [his] knightes. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Fisshers: The Twelve Apostelis. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Marchauntes: The Prophetis. Peyn, xl.s.

‘Bouchers: tormentours, with ther garmentis well and clenly peynted. [Peyn,] xl.s.

‘The Maire of the Bulring and bachelers of the same: The Nine Worthies ridyng worshupfully, with ther followers accordyng. Peyn, xl.s.

‘The Hagardmen and the husbandmen to berr the dragoun and to repaire the dragoun a Seint Georges day and Corpus Christi day. Peyn, xl.s.’

This list is immediately followed by a second, practically identical with it, of ‘The Pagentys of Corpus Christi Processioun.’

These pageants, though the subjects are drawn from the usual Corpus Christi play-cycle (with the addition of King Arthur and the nine Worthies), appear, from their irregular order, to be only dumb-show accompaniments of a procession. In 1569 the crafts were directed to keep the same order in the Shrove Tuesday ball riding (cf. vol. i. p. 150), ‘as they are appointed to go with their pageants on Corpus Christi daye by the Chayne Boke⁠[807].’

The same intermixture of profane and sacred elements marks the late and scanty records of actual plays in Dublin.

‘Tho. Fitzgerald, Earl of Kildare and Lord Lieutenant of Ireland in the year 1528, was invited to a new play every day in Christmas, Arland Usher being then mayor, and Francis Herbert and John Squire bayliffs, wherein the taylors acted the part of Adam and Eve; the shoemakers represented the story of Crispin and Crispinianus; the vintners acted Bacchus and his story; the Carpenters that of Joseph and Mary; Vulcan, and what related to him, was acted by the Smiths; and the comedy of Ceres, the goddess of corn, by the Bakers. Their stage was erected on Hoggin Green (now called College Green), and on it the priors of St. John of Jerusalem, of the blessed Trinity, and All Hallows caused two plays to be acted, the one representing the passion of our Saviour, and the other the several deaths which the apostles suffered⁠[808].’ In 1541 there were ‘epulae, comoediae, et certamina ludicra’ when Henry VIII was proclaimed King of Ireland. These included ‘the nine Worthies.’ On the return of Lord Sussex from an expedition against James MacConnell in 1557, ‘the Six Worthies was played by the city⁠[809].’

A seventeenth-century transcript of a lost leaf of the Chain Book has the following order for the St. George’s day procession:—

‘The Pageant of St. George’s day, to be ordered and kept as hereafter followeth:

‘The Mayor of the yeare before to finde the Emperour and Empress with their followers, well apparelled, that is to say, the Emperor, with two Doctors, and the Empress, with two knights, and two maydens to beare the traynes of their gownes, well apparelled, and [the Guild of] St. George to pay their wages.

‘Item: Mr. Mayor for the time being to find St. George a-horseback, and the wardens to pay three shillings and four pence for his wages that day. And the Bailives for the time being to find four horses, with men upon them, well apparelled, to beare the pole-axe, the standard, and the Emperor and St. George’s sword.

‘Item: The elder master of the yeald to find a mayd well aparelled to lead the dragon; and the Clerk of the Market to find a good line for the dragon.

‘Item: The elder warden to find St. George, with four trumpettors, and St. George’s [Guild] to pay their wages.

‘Item: the yonger warden to finde the king of Dele and the queene of Dele, and two knightes to lead the queene of Dele, with two maydens to beare the trayne of her goune, all wholy in black apparell, and to have St. George’s chappell well hanged and apparelled to every purpose with cushins ... russhes and other necessaries belonging for said St. George’s day⁠[810].’

Dunstable, Bedfordshire.

One Geoffrey, a Norman, was ‘apud Dunestapliam, expectans scholam S. Albani sibi repromissam; ubi quendam ludum de S. Katerina (quem Miracula vulgariter appellamus) fecit; ad quae decoranda petiit a Sacrista S. Albani, ut sibi capae chorales accommodarentur, et obtinuit.’ Unfortunately the ‘capae’ were burnt. This must have been early in the twelfth century, as Geoffrey in grief became a monk, and was Abbot of St. Albans by 1119⁠[811].

Edinburgh, Scotland.

The civic records show traces of municipal plays in 1554, but it is not clear that they were miracle-plays proper or of long standing. Sir David Lyndsay’s Satyre of the Thrie Estaitis was played in the Greenside between 1550 and 1559 (cf. p. 442). On June 15, 1554, a payment was made to Sir William Makdougall, ‘maister of werk,’ for those ‘that furneist the grayth to the convoy of the moris to the Abbay and of the play maid that samyn day the tent day of Junii instant.’ Makdougall was to deliver to the dean of guild the handscenye [ensign] and canves specifiit in the said tikkit to be kepit to the behuif of the town.’ Sums were also paid this summer for ‘the playing place’ or ‘the play field now biggand in the Grenesid.’

On Oct. 12 Walter Bynnyng was paid for ‘the making of the play graith’ and for painting the ‘handsenye’ and ‘playariss facis.’ He was to ‘mak the play geir vnderwrittin furthcumand to the town, quhen thai haif ado thairwith, quhilkis he has now ressauit; viz. viij play hattis, ane kingis crown, ane myter, ane fulis hude, ane septour, ane pair angell wingis, twa angell hair, ane chaplet of tryvmphe.’

On Dec. 28 ‘the prouest, baillies and counsale findis it necessar and expedient that the litill farsche and play maid be William Lauder be playit afoir the Quenis grace⁠[812].’ I trace a note of regret for the doubtful morals and certain expense of the entertainments which the presence in Edinburgh of the newly-made Regent, Mary of Lorraine, imposed upon the burghers.

Easterford, Essex.

Lord Howard rewarded the players of ‘Esterforde’ on Jan. 7, 1482 (Appendix E, vii). This place is now known as Kelvedon.

Folkestone, Kent.

Folkestone players were at New Romney in 1474, and at Lydd in 1479.

Foston, Leicestershire.

In 1561 the players of ‘Fosson’ borrowed ‘serten stufe’ from the churchwardens of St. Martin’s, Leicester⁠[813].

Fyfield, Oxfordshire.

See s.v. Shipton.

Garboldisham, Norfolk.

‘Garblesham game’ was at Harling (q.v.) in 1457.

Great Chart, Kent.

‘Chart’ players were at New Romney in 1489.

Hadleigh, Essex.

Lord Howard rewarded the ‘Plaiers of Hadley’ on Dec. 27, 1481 (Appendix E, vii).

Halstead, Essex.

There was a play in the church in 1529⁠[814].

Ham Street, Kent.

Ham players were at Lydd in 1454.

Hanningfield, Essex.

‘John Walker of Hanfild’ hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1572.

Harling, Norfolk.

In 1452 the wardens paid for the ‘original of an Interlude pleyed at the Cherch gate.’ In 1457 payments were made for ‘Lopham game,’ and ‘Garblesham game,’ in 1463 for ‘Kenningale game,’ in 1467 to the ‘Kenyngale players⁠[815].’

Hascombe, Surrey.

Amongst the Loseley MSS. is a deposition of 1578/9:

‘Coram me Henr. Goringe, ar. xijᵒ die Januar. 1578. George Longherst and John Mill exᵈ sayeth, that on Sondaye last they were together at widow Michelles house, in the parish of Hascombe, and there delyvered their mares to kepe till they came agayne, and sayde that they wold goo to Hascombe Churche, to a kynge playe wᶜʰ then was there. And sayeth yᵗ they went thither and there contynued about an houre, at which tyme the sonne was then downe⁠[816].’

The date suggests a performance on Jan. 6. Evidently a May ‘kynge playe’ is out of the question; but a Twelfth Night King, or a ‘Stella’ belated in the afternoon, are both possible.

Hereford, Herefordshire.

On April 30, 1440, John Hauler and John Pewte sued Thomas Sporyour in the city court ‘de placito detencionis unius libri de lusionibus, prec. iis. iiijd.⁠[817]’

The Register of the Corporation for 1503 contains a list of

‘The paiants for the procession of Corpus Christi:

Furst, Glovers. Adam, Eve, Cayne and Abell (erased).

Eldest seriant. Cayne, Abell, and Moysey, Aron.

Carpenters. Noye ship.

Chaundelers. Abram, Isack, Moysey cum iiiiᵒʳ pueris.

Skynners. Jesse.

Flacchers. Salutac̄on of our Lady.

Vynteners. Nativite of our Lord.

Taillours. The iii Kings of Colen.

The belman. The purificac̄on of our Lady, with Symyon.

Drapers. The ... (blank) deitours, goyng with the good Lord.

Sadlers. Fleme Jordan.

Cardeners. The castell of Israell.

Walkers. The good Lord ridyng on an asse (“judging at an assize,” in Johnson!) with xii Appostelles.

The tanners. The story of Shore Thursday.

Bochours. The takyng of our Lord.

The eldest seriant. The tormentyng of our Lord with iiii tormentoures, with the lamentac̄on of our Lady [and Seynt John the evaungelist: faintly added by another hand].

[Cappers. Portacio crucis usque montem Oilverii: added.]

Dyers. Iesus pendens in cruce [altered by the second hand from Portacio crucis et Iohanne evangelista portante Mariam].

Smythes. Longys with his knyghtes.

The eldest seriant. Maria and Iohannes evangelista (interlined).

Barbours. Joseth Abarmathia.

Dyers. Sepultura Christi.

The eldest seriant. Tres Mariae.

Porters. Milites armati custodes sepulcri.

Mercers. Pilate, Cayfes, Annas, and Mahounde. [This last name has been partly erased.]

Bakers. Knyghtes in harnes.

Journeymen cappers. Seynt Keterina with tres(?) tormentors⁠[818].’

At a law day held on Dec. 10, 1548, it was agreed that the crafts who were ‘bound by the grantes of their corporacions yerely to bring forthe and set forward dyvers pageaunttes of ancient history in the processions of the cytey upon the day and fest of Corpus Χρi, which now is and are omitted and surceased’ should instead make an annual payment towards the expense of repairing walls, causeways, &c.⁠[819] The 1503 list seems to concern a dumb-show only, and it cannot be positively assumed that the lusiones of 1440 were a Corpus Christi play.

In 1706 a labourer went through the city in the week before Easter, being Passion week, clothed in a long coat with a large periwig, with a great multitude following him, sitting upon an ass, to the derision of our Saviour Jesus Christ’s riding into Jerusalem, to the great scandal of the Christian religion, to the contempt of our Lord and his doctrine, and to the ill and pernicious example of others⁠[820].

Herne, Kent.

Herne players were at New Romney in 1429.

Heybridge, Essex.

The churchwardens’ accounts for 1532 show a play, with ‘a fool’ and ‘pagent players,’ apparently in the church⁠[821].

High Easter, Essex.

High Easter men hired the Chelmsford (q.v.) wardrobe in 1570-2.

High Halden, Kent.

‘Haldene’ players were at New Romney in 1499.

Holbeach, Lincolnshire.

In 1548 the churchwardens paid vˢ viijᵈ for the ‘costs of the iij kyngs of Coloyne⁠[822].’

Hull, Yorkshire.

The accounts of the Trinity House, a guild of master mariners and pilots, contain entries concerning a play of Noah.

‘1483. To the minstrels, vjᵈ.

To Noah and his wife, jˢ vjᵈ.

To Robert Brown playing God, vjᵈ.

To the Ship-child, jᵈ.

To a shipwright for clinking Noah’s ship, one day, vijᵈ.

22 kids for shoring Noah’s ship, ijᵈ.

To a man clearing away the snow, jᵈ.

Straw, for Noah and his children, ijᵈ.

Mass, bellman, torches, minstrels, garland, &c., vjˢ.

For mending the ship, ijᵈ.

To Noah for playing, jˢ.

To straw and grease for wheels, ¼ᵈ.

To the waits for going about with the ship, vjᵈ.

1494. To Thomas Sawyr playing God, xᵈ.

To Jenkin Smith playing Noah, jˢ.

To Noah’s wife, viijᵈ.

The clerk and his children, jˢ vjᵈ.

To the players of Barton, viijᵈ.

For a gallon of wine, viijᵈ.

For three skins for Noah’s coat, making it, and a rope to hang the ship in the kirk, vijˢ.

To dighting and gilding St. John’s head, painting two tabernacles, beautifying the boat and over the table, vijˢ ijᵈ.

Making Noah’s ship, vˡⁱ viijˢ.

Two wrights a day and a half, jˢ vjᵈ.

A halfer (rope) 4 stone weight, iiijˢ viijᵈ.

Rigging Noah’s ship, viijᵈ.’

Hadley, the historian of Hull, extracts these items ‘from the expences on Plough-day,’ and says, ‘This being a maritime society, it was celebrated by a procession adapted to the circumstance⁠[823].’ There are continental parallels for ship-processions at spring feasts (vol. i. p. 121); but evidently that at Hull had been assimilated, perhaps under the influence of Beverley, to a miracle-play or pageant. A recent writer, apparently from some source other than Hadley, says that the entries in the accounts run from before 1421 to 1529. Amongst his additional extracts are:—

‘A payr of new mytens to Noye, iiijᵈ.

Amending Noye Pyleh, iiijᵈ.

Nicholas Helpby for wrytᵍ the pley, vijᵈ.

A rope to hyng the shipp in ye kyrk, ijᵈ.

Takyng down shype and hyngyng up agayn, ijˢ.

Wyn when the shype went about, ijᵈ.

1421. New shype, vˡⁱ viijˢ iiijᵈ⁠[824].’

Hythe, Kent.

Hythe players were at New Romney in 1399 and at Lydd in 1467.

Idbury, Oxfordshire.

See s.v. Shipton.

Ipswich, Suffolk.

In 1325 the former Guild Merchant was reconstituted as a Guild of Corpus Christi. The Constitution provides for a procession, on Corpus Christi day, unless it is hindered ‘pro qualitate temporis⁠[825].’

The notices in the seventeenth-century Annals of the town point to a play as well as a procession⁠[826]. The Guild included all the burgesses; each paying 16d. a year and attending the dinner on Corpus Christi day.

In 1443 the common marsh was devised ‘to maintaine and repaire the pageants of the Guilde.’

In 1445 J. Causton was admitted burgess on condition of maintaining for seven years ‘the ornaments belonging to Corpus Χⁱ pageant and the stages, receiving the Charges thereof from the farmers of the Common Marshe and the Portmen’s medow, as the Bayliffs for the time being shall think meete.’ Arrears were paid to J. Caldwell for his charge of ‘Corpus Chr. pageant.’

In 1491 an order was made, laying down, ‘Howe euery occupacion of craftsmen schuld order themselves in the goyng with their pageantes in the procession of Corpus Christi.’ The list closes with the ‘Friers Carmelites,’ ‘Friers Minors,’ and ‘Friers Prechors.’ The subjects of the pageants are unfortunately not given. The pageant cost 45s. 1d.

In 1492 ‘areres of yᵉ Pageant’ were paid, and ‘kepers of the Ornaments and utensiles of Corpus Christi appointed.’

In 1493, 1494, 1495, 1496 orders were made for the provision of the ‘pageant.’ In 1495 there was a grant of £3 11. 0 for it. In 1496 it was ‘at the charge of such as have been used.’

In 1502 ‘Corpus Christi pageant shall hereafter be observed, and a convenient artificer shall be intertained to that end, and shall have 40s.’ Each Portman was to pay 1s. 4d., each of the ‘twenty-four’ 8d.; the other 6s. 8d. to be levied. ‘Noe Bayliff shall interrupt or hinder the pageant, unless by order of the great court or uppon special cause.’ Collectors for the pageant were chosen.

In 1504 the ‘collectors for the play of Corpus Christi’ were ‘to make a free burgess for their expences at Corpus Christi play.’ These collectors are again mentioned in 1505 and 1506, and in the latter year ‘ornaments’ and ‘stageing for Corpus Christi play.’

In 1509 all inhabitants are to have ‘their Tabernas and attendance at the ffeast of Corpus Christi’ and ‘everyone shall hold by the order of their procession, according to the Constitutions.’

In 1511 a contribution is ordered to a pageant of St. George, and the Corpus Christi dinner and pageant are laid aside.

From 1513 to 1519 the play is ordered to be laid aside in every year except 1517. In 1520 it ‘shall hold this yere,’ and the pageant is ordered to be ready. It is laid aside in 1521 until further order, and the master of the pageant called ‘the shipp’ is to have the same ready under forfeiture of £10. It is ‘deferred’ in 1522 and ‘laid aside for ever’ in 1531.

Probably it was never revived. But there is an order for the procession with the Sacrament in 1540, and in 1542 this had its ‘pageants’ to which each householder was rated at 1d.

In 1552 the guild is held on the Sunday after Trinity Sunday, and similar meetings continue until 1644.

On a possible performance of Bale’s King John at the visit of Elizabeth to Ipswich in 1561 see Texts (iii), s.v. Bale.

Ixworth, Suffolk.

Thetford Priory made a payment ‘in regard to Ixworth play,’ in 1507-8 (Appendix E, iii).

Kelvedon, Essex.

See s.v. Easterford.

Kendal, Westmoreland.

The ‘Boke of Record,’ a municipal register begun at the incorporation in 1575, refers to the Corpus Christi play by the crafts as established at that date. On Feb. 14, 1575, the corporation forbade feasts of more than twelve guests;

‘Such lyke ... as have bene comonlye used at ... metyings of men off Occupacyons aboute orders for their severall pagiands off Corpus xpi playe ... exceptyd and reserved.’

An order ‘ffor the playe’ of Sept. 22, 1586, forbade the alderman to give permission for the acting of the play in any year without the consent of his brethren⁠[827].’

The plays lasted into the seventeenth century. Thomas Heywood says in 1612, that, ‘to this day,’ Kendall holds the privilege of its fairs and other charters by yearly stage-plays⁠[828]. And Weever, about 1631, speaks of—

‘Corpus Christi play in my countrey, which I have seene acted at Preston, and Lancaster, and last of all at Kendall, in the beginning of the raigne of King James; for which the Townesmen were sore troubled; and upon good reasons the Play finally supprest, not onely there, but in all other Townes of the Kingdome⁠[829].’