Volume 3 — CHAPTER XXI (continued 2)
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These questions would all present themselves at the moment when we received the intelligence of a threatened coup de main on the part of Louis Napoleon, when it would be too late to remedy any deficiency. The public would be quite ready to give the necessary money for our armament, but they feel with justice that it is unfair to ask them for large sums and then always to hear, We are quite unprepared. They don't understand and cannot understand details, but it is upon matters of detail that our security will have to depend, and we cannot be sure of efficiency unless a comprehensive statement be made showing the whole.
I beg this to be as short as possible, and if possible in a tabular shape. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
Windsor Castle, 13th November 1852.
The Queen was very sorry to hear from Lord Derby and Mr Disraeli that Mr Villiers' Motion45 will create Parliamentary difficulties.
With respect to the financial statement, she must most strongly impress Lord Derby with the necessity of referring to our defenceless state, and the necessity of a large outlay, to protect us from foreign attack, which would almost ensure us against war. The country is fully alive to its danger, and Parliament has perhaps never been in a more likely state to grant what is necessary, provided a comprehensive and efficient plan is laid before it. Such a plan ought, in the Queen's opinion, to be distinctly promised by the Government, although it may be laid before Parliament at a later period.
Footnote 45: This Motion, intended to extort a declaration from the House in favour of Free Trade, and describing the Corn Law Repeal as "a just, wise, and beneficial measure," was naturally distasteful to the Ministers. Their amour-propre was saved by Lord Palmerston's Amendment omitting the "odious epithets" and affirming the principle of unrestricted competition.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
FINANCIAL POLICY
London, 14th November 1852.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, begs permission to enclose an answer to the Address for your Majesty's approbation, and which should be delivered, if your Majesty pleases, to the House of Commons to-morrow.
Referring to a letter from your Majesty, shown to him yesterday by Lord Derby, the Chancellor of the Exchequer also begs permission to state that, in making the financial arrangements, he has left a very large margin for the impending year (April 1853-4), which will permit the fulfilment of all your Majesty's wishes with respect to the increased defence of the country, as he gathered them from your Majesty's gracious expressions, and also from the suggestion which afterwards, in greater detail, His Royal Highness the Prince deigned to make to him.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer will deeply consider the intimation graciously made in your Majesty's letter to Lord Derby as to the tone on this subject to be adopted in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour in this, and in all respects, to fulfil your Majesty's pleasure.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer fears that he sent to your Majesty a somewhat crude note from the House of Commons on Thursday night, but he humbly begs your Majesty will deign to remember that these bulletins are often written in tumult, and sometimes in perplexity; and that he is under the impression that your Majesty would prefer a genuine report of the feeling of the moment, however miniature, to a more artificial and prepared statement.
Queen Victoria to Mr Disraeli.
Windsor Castle, 14th November 1852.
The Queen has received with much satisfaction Mr Disraeli's letter of this day's date, in which he informs her of his readiness to provide efficiently for the defence of the country, the call for which is very urgent. Lord Malmesbury, with whom the Prince has talked very fully over this subject, will communicate further with Mr Disraeli and Lord Derby on his return to Town to-morrow.
The Marquis of Dalhousie to Queen Victoria.
LORD DALHOUSIE
Government House, 23rd November 1852.
The Governor-General still retains some hope of seeing general peace restored in India before he quits it finally, as your Majesty's Ministers and the Court of Directors have some time since requested him not to retire from its administration in January next, as he had intended to do.
Many private considerations combined to draw him homewards, even though the honour and the advantages of retaining this Office were willingly recognised. But the gracious approbation with which his services here have been viewed was a sufficient motive for continuing them for some time longer, if they were thought profitable to the State.
Your Majesty has very recently been pleased to bestow upon him a still further distinction, which calls not merely for the expression of his deep and humble gratitude to your Majesty, but for a further devotion to your Majesty's service of whatever power he may possess for promoting its interests.
That your Majesty should prefer him at all to an Office of such traditional distinction as the Wardenship was an honour to which the Governor-General would never at any time have dreamt of aspiring. But by conferring it upon him thus—during his absence—and above all, by conferring it upon him in immediate succession to one whom he must all his life regard with reverence, affection, and gratitude—your Majesty has surrounded this honour with so much of honourable circumstance that the Governor-General is wholly unable to give full expression to the feelings with which he has received your Majesty's goodness.
The Governor-General is very sensible that in him, as Lord Warden, your Majesty will have but a sorry successor to the Duke of Wellington in every respect, save one. But in that one respect—namely in deep devotion to your Majesty's Crown, and to the true interests of your Empire—the Governor-General does not yield even to the Master he was long so proud to follow.
INDIA AND THE DUKE
In every part of India the highest honours have been paid to the memory of the Duke of Wellington, which your Majesty's Empire in the East and its armies could bestow.
Even the Native Powers have joined in the homage to his fame. In the mountains of Nepaul the same sad tribute was rendered by the Maharajah as by ourselves, while in Mysore the Rajah not only fired minute guns in his honour, but even caused the Dusserah, the great Hindoo festival, to be stopped throughout the city, in token of his grief.
Excepting the usual disturbance from time to time among the still untamed mountain tribes upon our north-western border, there is entire tranquillity in India. The season has been good, and the revenue is improving.
Respectfully acknowledging the letter which he had lately the honour of receiving from your Majesty, and the gracious message it contained to Lady Dalhousie, who, though much improved in health, will be compelled to return to England in January, the Governor-General has the honour to subscribe himself with the utmost respect and gratitude, your Majesty's most obedient, most humble, and devoted Subject and Servant,
Dalhousie.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
THE FUNERAL
Windsor Castle, 23rd November 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—What you say about Joinville has interested us very much, and we have confidentially communicated it to Lord Derby, who is never alarmed enough. There is, however, a belief that the Orleans family have been very imprudent, and that Louis Napoleon has heard things and expressions used which did a great deal of harm, and Lord Derby begged me to warn them very strongly and earnestly on this point; I cannot do much, but I think you might, for in fact they might unintentionally compromise us seriously. The Government are rather shaky; Disraeli has been imprudent and blundering, and has done himself harm by a Speech he made about the Duke of Wellington, which was borrowed from an éloge by Thiers on a French Marshal!!!46
You will have heard from your children and from Charles how very touching the ceremony both in and out of doors was on the 18th. The behaviour of the millions assembled has been the topic of general admiration, and the foreigners have all assured me that they never could have believed such a number of people could have shown such feeling, such respect, for not a sound was heard! I cannot say what a deep and wehmtühige impression it made on me! It was a beautiful sight. In the Cathedral it was much more touching still! The dear old Duke! he is an irreparable loss!
We had a great dinner yesterday to all the Officers. There is but one feeling of indignation and surprise at the conduct of Austria 47 in taking this opportunity to slight England in return for what happened to Haynau48 for his own character. Ernest Hohenlohe was extremely anxious you should know the reason why he may possibly appear one evening at the Elysée (they are gone for three or four days to Paris).
Louis Napoleon being excessively susceptible, and believing us to be inimical towards him, we and the Government thought it would not be wise or prudent for my brother-in-law, just coming from here, purposely to avoid him and go out of his way, which Louis Napoleon would immediately say was my doing; and unnecessary offence we do not wish to give; the more so as Stockmar was presented to him at Strasburg, and received the Légion d'honneur. I promised to explain this to you, as Ernest was distressed lest he should appear to be timeserving, and I said I was sure you would understand it.
I must end in a hurry, hoping to write again on Thursday or Friday. Dear Stockmar is very well and most kind. He is much pleased at your children spending some time with him every day. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
Footnote 46: Marshal Gouvion de St Cyr.
Footnote 47: In sending no representative to the funeral of the Duke of Wellington.
Footnote 48: See ante, p. 267.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
CONFUSION OF PARTIES
Downing Street, 25th November 1852.
(Thursday, four p.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, in obedience to your Majesty's gracious commands of this morning, proceeds to report to your Majesty what he finds to have taken place and to be in contemplation; but the accounts of the latter are so conflicting and contradictory, that his report must be as unsatisfactory to your Majesty as the state of the case is unintelligible to himself.
On arriving in London, Lord Derby called on Mr Disraeli, and found that late last night he had had, by his own desire, a private interview with Lord Palmerston, who had come to his house with that object; that Lord Palmerston's language was perfectly friendly towards the Government; that he assured Mr Disraeli that his only object in offering his Amendment was to defeat Mr Villiers; that if that could be done, it was a matter of indifference to him which Amendment was adopted; and he concluded by declaring that though he sat by Mr Sidney Herbert in the House of Commons, and was an old personal friend, he did not act in concert with him or with Mr Gladstone; and that he did not see, on their part, any disposition to approach the Government! After this declaration Mr Disraeli felt that it would be useless and unwise to sound him farther as to his own ulterior views, and the conversation led to nothing.
As Lord Derby was walking home, he was overtaken by Lord Jocelyn, who stated, in direct opposition to what had been said by Lord Palmerston, that he, and the other two gentlemen named, were consulted upon, and had concocted the proposed Amendment; and that they were decidedly acting together. He was present at a dinner of the Peelite Party yesterday at Mr Wortley's, when Speeches were made, and language held about the reunion of the Conservative Party, resulting, however, in a declaration that if your Majesty's servants did not accept Lord Palmerston's Amendment, they, as a body, would vote in favour of Mr Villiers. Lord Derby has been farther informed that they are willing to join the Government, but that one of their conditions would be that Lord Palmerston should lead the House of Commons, Mr Gladstone refusing to serve under Mr Disraeli. This, if true, does not look like an absence of all concert.
To complete the general confusion of Parties, the Duke of Bedford, who called on Lady Derby this morning, assures her that Lord John Russell does not desire the fall of your Majesty's present Government, and that in no case will he enter into any combination with the Radical Party, a declaration quite at variance with the course he has pursued since Parliament met.
Of course Lord Derby, in these circumstances, has not taken any step whatever towards exercising the discretion with which your Majesty was graciously pleased to entrust him this morning.49 He much regrets having to send your Majesty so unsatisfactory a statement, and has desired to have the latest intelligence sent up to him of what may pass in the House of Commons, and he will endeavour to keep your Majesty informed of any new occurrence which any hour may produce.
Half-past six.
Lord Derby has just heard from the House of Commons that Sir James Graham has given the history of the framing of the Amendment, and has expressed his intention, if Lord Palmerston's Amendment be accepted, to advise Mr Villiers to withdraw. Mr Gladstone has held the same language; there appears to be much difference of opinion, but Lord Derby would think that the probable result will be the adoption of Lord Palmerston's proposition. He fears this will lead to a good deal of discontent among the supporters of the Government; but a different course would run imminent risk of defeat.
Footnote 49: The Queen had allowed him to enter into negotiations with the Peelites and Lord Palmerston on the distinct understanding that the latter could not receive the lead of the House of Commons.
Mr Disraeli to Queen Victoria.
LORD PALMERSTON
House of Commons, 26th November 1852.
(Half-past one o'clock a.m.)
The Chancellor of the Exchequer, with his humble duty to your Majesty, reports to your Majesty that the House of Commons has this moment divided on Mr Villiers' resolution, and in a House of nearly 600 members they have been rejected by a majority of 80.50
The debate was very animated and amusing, from the rival narratives of the principal projectors of the demonstration, who, having quarrelled among themselves, entered into secret and—in a Party sense—somewhat scandalous revelations, to the diversion and sometimes astonishment of the House.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer deeply regrets that, having been obliged to quit the House early yesterday, he was unable to forward a bulletin to your Majesty.
He has fixed next Friday for the Budget.
Footnote 50: Lord Palmerston's Amendment (See ante, p. 399.) was carried instead, and Protection was thenceforward abandoned by Mr Disraeli and his followers.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
MR DISRAELI AND MR GLADSTONE
Windsor Castle, 28th November 1852.
Before the Council held yesterday we saw Lord Derby, who seemed much pleased with the result of the Division, though a good deal galled by the tone of the Debate.
Lord Derby had heard it said that Mr Sidney Herbert, although very bitter in his language, had not meant to be hostile to the Government, but felt that he owed the duty to speak out to the memory of Sir Robert Peel; that he was glad to have thrown the load off his mind. Lord Derby then read us a letter from Lord Claud Hamilton, who had seen Mr Corry (one of the Peelites), who had given him to understand that they would not serve under the leadership of Mr Disraeli; that they were ready, on the other hand, to serve under Lord Palmerston. This put all further negotiation out of the question, for, independently of the Queen objecting to such an arrangement, he himself could not admit of it. On my question why Mr Gladstone could not lead, he replied that Mr Gladstone was, in his opinion, quite unfit for it; he had none of that decision, boldness, readiness, and clearness which was necessary to lead a Party, to inspire it with confidence, and, still [more], to take at times a decision on the spur of the moment, which a leader had often to do. Then he said that he could not in honour sacrifice Mr Disraeli, who had acted very straightforwardly to him as long as they had had anything to do with each other, and who possessed the confidence of his followers. Mr Disraeli had no idea of giving up the lead.
We could quite understand, on the other hand, that the colleagues of Sir Robert Peel could not feel inclined to serve under Mr Disraeli.
Under these circumstances we agreed that nothing should be done at present, and that it must be left to time to operate changes, that much must depend upon the success which Mr Disraeli may have with his Budget, and that the knowledge that Lord Palmerston could not obtain the lead would oblige those who wished to join to think of a different combination.
Lord Derby owned (upon my blunt question) that he did not think Mr Disraeli had ever had a strong feeling, one way or the other, about Protection or Free Trade, and that he would make a very good Free Trade Minister.
The Queen was anxious to know what Lord Derby thought Lord George Bentinck (if now alive) would do in this conjunction. Lord Derby's expression was "he would have made confusion worse confounded" from his excessive violence.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
RECOGNITION OF THE EMPIRE
Osborne, 2nd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter, and returns the enclosure from Lord Cowley. Under these circumstances the course recommended to be pursued by Lord Malmesbury51 appears also to the Queen as the best. It is evident that we have no means of making Louis Napoleon say what he will not, nor would any diplomatic form of obtaining an assurance from him give us any guarantee of his not doing after all exactly what he pleases. Our honour appears therefore to be best in our own keeping. Whatever he may say, it is in our note of recognition that we must state what we recognise and what we do not recognise.
Footnote 51: Lord Malmesbury advised that a formal repetition of the interpretation and assurances as to the use of the numeral "III" in the Imperial title, already verbally made by the President and the French Ambassador, should be demanded. This was duly obtained. On the 2nd of December, the anniversary of the coup d'état, the Imperial title was assumed; on the 4th, the Empire was officially recognised.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
St James's Square, 3rd December 1852. (Friday night, twelve o'clock p.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, ventures to hope that your Majesty may feel some interest in hearing, so far as he is able to give it, his impression of the effect of Mr Disraeli's announcement of the Budget52 this evening. Lord Derby was not able to hear quite the commencement of the Speech, having been obliged to attend the House of Lords, which, however, was up at a quarter past five, Mr Disraeli having then been speaking about half an hour. From that time till ten, when he sat down, Lord Derby was in the House of Commons, and anxiously watching the effect produced, which he ventures to assure your Majesty was most favourable, according to his own judgment after some considerable experience in Parliament, and also from what he heard from others. Mr Disraeli spoke for about five hours, with no apparent effort, with perfect self-possession, and with hardly an exception to the fixed attention with which the House listened to the exposition of the views of your Majesty's servants. It was altogether a most masterly performance, and he kept alive the attention of the House with the greatest ability, introducing the most important statements, and the broadest principles of legislature, just at the moments when he had excited the greatest anxiety to learn the precise measures which the Government intended to introduce. The Irish part of the question was dealt with with remarkable dexterity, though probably a great part of the point will be lost in the newspaper reports. It is difficult to foresee the ultimate result, but Lord Derby has no hesitation in saying that the general first impression was very favourable, and that, as a whole, the Budget seemed to meet with the approval of the House.
Footnote 52: Increase of the House Tax, reduction of the Malt and Tea duties, and relaxation of Income Tax in the case of farmers, were the salient features of the Budget.
Queen Victoria to the Emperor of the French.
THE QUEEN TO THE EMPEROR
Osborne House, 4th December 1852.
Sir, my Brother,—Being desirous to maintain uninterrupted the union and good understanding which happily subsist between Great Britain and France, I have made choice of Lord Cowley, a peer of my United Kingdom, a member of my Privy Council, and Knight Commander of the Most Honourable Order of the Bath, to reside at your Imperial Majesty's Court in the character of my Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary. The long experience which I have had of his talents and zeal for my service assures me that the choice which I have made of Lord Cowley will be perfectly agreeable to your Imperial Majesty, and that he will prove himself worthy of this new mark of my confidence. I request that your Imperial Majesty will give entire credence to all that Lord Cowley shall communicate to you on my part, more especially when he shall assure your Imperial Majesty of my invariable attachment and esteem, and shall express to you those sentiments of sincere friendship and regard with which I am, Sir, my Brother, your Imperial Majesty's good Sister,
Victoria R.
To my good Brother,53 the Emperor of the French.
Footnote 53: The Czar persisted in addressing him as Mon cher Ami.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Osborne, 6th December 1852.
The Queen has this morning received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday, relative to Count Walewski's audience. The manner in which Lord Malmesbury proposes this should be done the Queen approves, and only wishes Lord Malmesbury to communicate with the proper authorities in order that the Fairy may be at Southampton at the right hour, and the Frigate, as suggested, in attendance off Osborne or Cowes, according to what the weather may be. The landing at Osborne Pier, in wet or stormy weather, is very bad, particularly for a lady.
The Queen wishes that the Count and Countess Walewski should come down here with Lord Malmesbury on Thursday next, and we should receive them at half-past one. We wish then that they should all three dine and sleep here that day.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
A SECRET PROTOCOL
Osborne, 8th December 1852.
The Queen was very much surprised to receive this morning in a box from Lord Malmesbury, without any further explanation, a secret Protocol54 signed by the representatives of the four great Powers at the Foreign Office on the 3rd instant.
A step of such importance should not have been taken without even the intention of it having been previously mentioned to the Queen, and her leave having been obtained. She must therefore ask for an explanation from Lord Malmesbury. Though the purport of the Protocol appears to the Queen quite right, she ought not to allow the honour of England to be pledged by her Minister without her sanction.
The exact wording of a document of that nature is a matter of such serious importance that it requires the greatest consideration, and it is a question with the Queen whether it be always quite safe to adopt entirely what is proposed by Baron Brunnow, who is generally the rédacteur of such documents.
Footnote 54: By this Protocol Louis Napoleon was to be recognised as Emperor by Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia.
The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria.
Foreign Office, 13th December 1852.
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen. He thought it advisable to acquaint your Majesty as soon as possible with a conversation which Count Walewski had held of his own accord in reference to Her Serene Highness the Princess Adelaide of Hohenlohe,55 and he requested Lord Derby to repeat it to your Majesty.
Lord Malmesbury was not mistaken in believing that the Count had not alluded idly to the subject, as he this day called on Lord Malmesbury, and stated to him that the Emperor of the French had not decided to negotiate a marriage with the Princess of Wasa;56 but, on the contrary, was rather averse to such an alliance; that he was anxious, on the contrary, to make one which indirectly "resserrerait les liens d'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France," and that with this view he wished Lord Malmesbury to ascertain from your Majesty whether any objections would be raised on the part of your Majesty, or of the Princess Adelaide's family, to his contracting a marriage with Her Serene Highness. Your Majesty may suppose that he received this intimation by a simple assurance that he would submit the French Emperor's sentiments to your Majesty, and he added that he foresaw a serious difficulty to the project in the fact that the Princess was a Protestant. Count Walewski was evidently sincere in the earnestness with which he spoke of the subject, and the impatience with which he pressed Lord Malmesbury to inform your Majesty of his proposal.
Footnote 55: The Queen's niece, daughter of Princess Hohenlohe.
Footnote 56: The Princess Caroline Stéphanie, daughter of Prince Gustavus de Wasa, who was son of the last King of Sweden of the earlier dynasty.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE EMPEROR'S PROPOSED MARRIAGE
Osborne, 14th December 1852.
The Queen sends to Lord Derby a communication which she has received from Lord Malmesbury.
The Queen is sorry to have been put in a situation which requires on her part a direct answer, which to have been spared would have been in every respect more prudent and safe. As it is, however, the Queen is fully aware that the answer she is forced to give may really have, or may hereafter be made appear to have, political consequences disadvantageous to our political relations with France, and injurious to the Queen's personal character.
The Queen therefore encloses for Lord Derby a draft of the answer she intends to give to Lord Malmesbury,57 asking that Lord Derby will not only give these matters his fullest consideration, but that he will return to the Queen the draft as soon as possible, with such of his suggestions or alterations as he may think advisable to propose to her.
The Queen must also express her decided wish that Lord Derby will not allow Lord Malmesbury to move a single step in this affair without it has been previously concerted with Lord Derby.58
Footnote 57:
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
[Draft.]
Osborne, 14th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter of yesterday, reporting his conversation with Count Walewski, who had asked him to ascertain from the Queen "whether any objections would be raised on her part or on that of the Princess Adelaide's family to his (the Emperor's) contracting a marriage with Her Serene Highness."
In a question which affects the entire prospects and happiness of a third person, and that person being a near and dear relation of hers, the Queen feels herself conscientiously precluded from forming an opinion of her own, and consequently from taking the slightest part in it either directly or indirectly. The only proper persons to refer to for the consideration of and decision on so serious a proposal are the parents of the Princess and the Princess herself.
Footnote 58: In his reply Lord Derby observed that it did not appear to him that the matter was at present in so critical a position. Lord Malmesbury would have little difficulty in showing Count Walewski, without any interruption of a friendly entente, that the intended overtures were not likely to be favourably received. He suggested that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor, but unofficially, from Count Walewski; and that he should, also unofficially, dissuade him from pressing the subject further; such course could have no injurious effect upon the political aspect of Europe. Lord Derby could not understand how the affair, however it might turn out, could affect the Queen's "personal character."
He suggested that the following words should be substituted for the last paragraph: "And while she fully appreciates the desire expressed by Count Walewski on the part of his Government, 'de resserrer les liens de l'amitié entre l'Angleterre et la France,' she feels bound to leave the consideration and decision of so serious a proposal to the unbiassed judgment of the parents of the Princess and the Princess herself, the only persons to whom such a question can properly be referred. The Queen thinks it right to add that being fully persuaded of the strong religious persuasion of the Princess, of the extreme improbability of any change of opinion on her part, and of the evils inseparable from a difference of opinion on such a subject between the Emperor and his intended Consort, she wishes Lord Malmesbury to place this consideration prominently before Count Walewski, before he takes any other step in the matter, which he appears to have brought unofficially under the consideration of Lord Malmesbury."
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE QUEEN AND LORD MALMESBURY
Osborne, 16th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Derby's letter of the 14th inst. She did not intend to complain personally of Lord Malmesbury, who, the Queen is sure, was most anxious to do the best he could under the circumstances; but she still thinks that a question of such importance should not have been brought immediately before her for her decision; and although Lord Derby states his opinion that Lord Malmesbury had no alternative but to promise to Count Walewski that he would bring "the Emperor's sentiments before the Queen," the very suggestion Lord Derby now makes, viz. "that Lord Malmesbury should be instructed to treat the proposition as emanating, not from the Emperor, but unofficially from Count Walewski, and that he should also unofficially dissuade him from pressing the matter further"—shows that there was an alternative.
Lord Derby and Lord Malmesbury alone can know, whether, after what may have passed in conversation between Lord Malmesbury and Count Walewski, this course still remains open.
THE QUEEN'S OPINION
There can be no doubt that the best thing would be to terminate this affair without the Queen being called upon to give any opinion at all.
Lord Derby seems to treat the matter as of much less importance than the Queen, but he will admit that, if the alliance is sought by the Emperor, "pour resserrer les liens d'amitié entre la France et l'Angleterre," the refusal of it on the part of the Queen must also have the opposite effect. The responsibility of having produced this effect would rest personally with the Queen, who might be accused of having brought it about, influenced by personal feelings of animosity against the Emperor, or by mistaken friendship for the Orleans family, or misplaced family pride, etc., etc., etc. The acceptance of the proposal, on the other hand, or even the consummation of the project without her direct intervention, cannot fail to expose the Queen to a share in the just opprobrium attaching in the eyes of all right-thinking men to the political acts perpetrated in France ever since 2nd December 1851. And, while it would appear as if her Family did not care for any such considerations, so long as by an alliance they could secure momentary advantages, it would give the other Powers of Europe, whom the Emperor seems to be disposed to treat very unceremoniously (as shown by Lord Cowley's last reports) the impression that England suddenly had separated herself from them, and bound herself to France for a family interest pursued by the Queen.
These are the dangers to "the Queen's personal character," which presented themselves to her mind when she wrote her last letter, and which Lord Derby says remained unintelligible to him.
The Queen wishes Lord Derby to show this letter to Lord Malmesbury, whom, under the circumstances, she thinks it best not to address separately. They will be now both in the fullest possession of the Queen's sentiments, and she hopes will be able to terminate this matter without the expression of an opinion on the part of the Queen becoming necessary.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
DEFEAT OF THE MINISTRY
St James's Square, 17th December 1852.
(4 a.m.)
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, regrets to have to submit to your Majesty that the House of Commons, from which he has this moment returned, has rejected the resolution for the increase of the House Tax, by a majority of either nineteen or twenty-one.59 This majority is so decisive, especially having been taken on a question which was understood to involve the fate of the Government, as to leave Lord Derby no alternative as to the course which it will be his duty to pursue; and although, as a matter of form, it is necessary that he should consult his Colleagues, for which purpose he has desired that a Cabinet should be summoned for twelve o'clock, he can entertain no doubt but that their opinion will unanimously concur with his own; that he must humbly ask leave to resign into your Majesty's hands the high trust which your Majesty has been pleased to repose in him. Lord Derby, with your Majesty's permission, will endeavour to do himself the honour of attending your Majesty's pleasure this evening; but it is possible that he may not be able to find the means of crossing,60 in which case he trusts that your Majesty will honour him with an audience to-morrow (Saturday) morning. Lord Derby trusts he need not assure your Majesty how deeply he feels the inconvenience and annoyance which this event will occasion to your Majesty, nor how anxious will be his desire that your Majesty should be enabled with the least possible delay to form an Administration possessing more of the public confidence. He will never cease to retain the deepest and most grateful sense of the gracious favour and support which he has on all occasions received at your Majesty's hands, and which he deeply regrets that he has been unable to repay by longer and more efficient service.
Footnote 59: This memorable debate and its sensational ending, with the notable speeches from Disraeli and Gladstone, has been repeatedly described. See, e.g., Morley's Gladstone and McCarthy's History of our own Times. The Times leader (quoted by Mr Morley) was cut out and preserved by the Queen.
Footnote 60: To Osborne.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S RESIGNATION
Osborne, 18th December 1852.
Yesterday evening Lord Derby arrived from Town formally to tender his resignation. We retired to the Queen's room after dinner with him to hear what he had to say on the crisis. He complained of the factiousness of the Opposition, which he and his Party hoped, however, not to imitate; was ready to support, as far as he could, any Administration which was sincerely anxious to check the growth of democracy. He said his calculations at the close of the Elections had been found almost to a man verified in the late vote: 286 members voting with the Government, and these were their regular supporters; the other half of the House was composed of 150 Radicals, 50 of the so-called Irish Brigade, 120 Whigs, and 30 Peelites. It was clear that, if all these combined, he would be outvoted, though none of these Parties alone numbered as much as half of his. However, he had heard lately from good authority that the Whigs and Peelites had come to an agreement, and were ready to form an Administration on Conservative principles, to the exclusion of the Radicals, under the lead of Lord Aberdeen. Although only 150 strong, they thought, that with all the talent they had at their command, they would be able to obtain the confidence of the country, and hold the balance between the two extreme Parties in the House. He felt that after having failed to obtain the confidence of Parliament himself, he could do nothing else than retire at once, and he advised the Queen to send for Lord Lansdowne, who knew better than anybody the state of Parties, and would give the best advice. He did not advise the Queen to send for Lord Aberdeen at once, because, if it were reported that he had given this advice, many of his Party—who had already been distressed at his declaration to them that if he was defeated he would withdraw from public life—would think it necessary to join Lord Aberdeen as their new appointed leader; and then the other half, which felt the deepest indignation at the treatment they had received from the Peelites, would throw themselves into a reckless alliance with the Radicals, to revenge themselves upon the new Government, so the great Conservative Party would be broken up, which it was so essential for the country to keep together and moderate.
I interrupted Lord Derby, saying that, constitutionally speaking, it did not rest with him to give advice and become responsible for it, and that nobody therefore could properly throw the responsibility of the Queen's choice of a new Minister upon him; the Queen had thought of sending for Lord Lansdowne and Lord Aberdeen together. This, Lord Derby said, would do very well; he knew that, strictly speaking, the Sovereign acted upon her own responsibility, but it was always said on such occasions, for instance, "Lord John advised the Queen to send for Lord Derby," etc., etc.
He then gave it rather jokingly as his opinion that he thought less than 32 could hardly be the number of the new Cabinet, so many former Ministers would expect to be taken in; the Whigs said 36. Lord John Russell was designated for the Home Office, Lord Canning for the Foreign, Mr Gladstone for the Colonial Department, Lord Clanricarde for the Post Office, Lord Granville for Ireland. These were the reports.
Albert.
Queen Victoria to the Marquis of Lansdowne.
Osborne, 18th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Lansdowne's letter, from which she was very sorry to learn that he is suffering from the gout. Although the Queen was very anxious to have consulted with him before taking a definite step for the formation of a new Government consequent on the resignation of Lord Derby, she would have been very unhappy if Lord Lansdowne had exposed his health to any risk in order to gratify her wishes. Time pressing, she has now sent a telegraphic message to Lord Aberdeen to come down here alone, which, from the terms of the Queen's first summons, he had thought himself precluded from doing. Should Lord Lansdowne not be able to move soon, Lord Aberdeen will confer with him by the Queen's desire immediately on his return to Town.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD ABERDEEN SUMMONED
Osborne, 19th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen arrived here at three o'clock and reported that he had seen Lord Lansdowne, and had come to a perfect understanding with him; he had also consulted with his friends, and with Lord John Russell. It would now depend upon the decision of the Queen whom she would charge with the formation of a Government. The Queen answered that she thought Lord Lansdowne was too old and infirm to undertake such arduous duties, and that she commissioned Lord Aberdeen. He replied he was fully aware of his own unworthiness for the task, and had expressed his disinclination to Lord Lansdowne, while Lord Lansdowne, on the other hand, had pressed him to take the responsibility himself; but since the Queen had commissioned him, he wished to say that it was of the greatest importance that only one person should be charged with the task and be responsible for it, and that the new Government should not be a revival of the old Whig Cabinet with an addition of some Peelites, but should be a liberal Conservative Government in the sense of that of Sir Robert Peel; he thought this would meet with the confidence of the country, even if excluding the Radicals. Lord Aberdeen said he meant to propose to the Queen Lord John Russell as Leader of the House of Commons and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, which he thinks he would accept. (The Queen sanctioned this.) He would then consult Lord John upon his appointments, but he (Lord Aberdeen) would be responsible, taking care that Lord John should be satisfied. There was no doubt that Lord John had full claims to be Prime Minister again, but that he could give him no greater proof of confidence, having been his opponent all his life, than to give him the lead of the House of Commons, which made him virtually as much Prime Minister as he pleased, and the Foreign Office combined with it would satisfy Lord John as following the precedent of Mr Fox. The Peelites would not have served under Lord Lansdowne, much less under Lord John; but a great many Whigs even objected to Lord John. This was a temporary and undeserved unpopularity, and still Lord John remained the first man in the country, and might be Prime Minister again. The Peelites would know and learn to respect him when meeting him in office. Lord Aberdeen hoped even many Conservatives now going with Lord Derby would support such a Government, but to preserve to it a Conservative character, two Secretaries of State at least must be Peelites.
We next talked of Lord Palmerston, whom we agreed it would be imprudent to leave to combine in opposition with Mr Disraeli. Lord Aberdeen had thought of Ireland for him; we felt sure he would not accept that. I gave Lord Aberdeen a list of the possible distribution of offices, which I had drawn up, and which he took with him as containing "valuable suggestions." He hoped the Queen would allow him to strengthen himself in the House of Lords, where there was nobody to cope with Lord Derby, by the translation of Sir James Graham or Mr S. Herbert, if he should find this necessary. Sir James might gain in moving from the House of Commons, as he lately fettered himself with inconvenient Radical pledges. He felt he would have great difficulty in the formation of his Government, for although everybody promised to forget his personal wishes and interests, yet when brought to the test such professions were often belied. The difficulty of measures lies chiefly in the Budget, as the Income Tax would have to be settled, and he was anxious to keep a good surplus. As to Reform, he felt that, considering the Queen to have recommended it by a Speech from the Throne, and Lord John to have actually introduced a Measure as Prime Minister, the door could not be closed against it; but it might be postponed for the present, and there was no real wish for it in the country.
He was very sorry that the Government had been upset, and if the Budget had been such that it could have been accepted he should much have preferred it. Lord Derby seemed very much offended with him personally for his speech in the House of Lords. Lord Aberdeen kissed hands, and started again at four o'clock.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
LORD ABERDEEN
(Undated.)61
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty, that on his return from Osborne last night, he saw Lord Lansdowne and Lord John Russell, and found them inLORD JOHN RUSSELL the same disposition with respect to the formation of the new Administration. This morning, however, Lord John Russell, partly from an apprehension of the fatigue of the Foreign Office, and partly from the effect likely to be produced on his political friends by his acceptance of office, has expressed his unwillingness to form part of the Administration, although anxious to give it his best support. Lord Aberdeen has discussed this matter very fully with Lord John, and has requested him not to decide finally until to-morrow morning, which he had promised accordingly. In the meantime, Lord Aberdeen humbly submits to your Majesty that his position is materially affected by this irresolution on the part of Lord John. Had he not felt warranted in relying upon Lord John's co-operation, he would not have ventured to speak to your Majesty with the confidence he yesterday evinced. With the most earnest desire to devote himself to your Majesty's service, it becomes doubtful whether he could honestly venture to attempt the execution of your Majesty's commands should Lord John persevere in his present intention. At all events, nothing further can be done until this matter shall be decided; and Lord Aberdeen will have the honour of reporting the result to your Majesty.
Footnote 61: Apparently written on the 20th of December 1852.
Lord John Russell to Queen Victoria.
Chesham Place, 20th December 1852.
Lord John Russell presents his humble duty to your Majesty, and is grateful for your Majesty's condescension in informing him that your Majesty has charged the Earl of Aberdeen with the duty of constructing a Government.
Lord John Russell is desirous of seeing a durable Government, and he will consider with the utmost care how far he can, consistently with his own honour and his health and strength, contribute to this end.62
Footnote 62: He consulted Lord Lansdowne, and Macaulay, happening to call, threw his influence into the scale in favour of his serving under Aberdeen (Walpole's Russell, chap, xxiii.).
Mr Disraeli to the Prince Albert.
MR DISRAELI AND PRINCE ALBERT
Downing Street, 20th December 1852.
Sir,—I have the honour to return to your Royal Highness the State paper63 which your Royal Highness entrusted to me. I have not presumed to keep a copy of it, but my memory is familiar with its contents, and in case hereafter there may be any opportunity formed to forward the views of your Royal Highness in this respect, I may perhaps be permitted, if necessary, again to refer to the document.
I hope I am not presumptuous if, on this occasion, I offer to your Royal Highness my grateful acknowledgments of the condescending kindness which I have received from your Royal Highness.
I may, perhaps, be permitted to say that the views which your Royal Highness had developed to me in confidential conversation have not fallen on an ungrateful soil. I shall ever remember with interest and admiration the princely mind in the princely person, and shall at all times be prepared to prove to your Royal Highness my devotion. I have the honour to remain, Sir, your Royal Highness's most obedient Servant,
B. Disraeli.
Footnote 63: It is impossible to ascertain what this was; it was probably one of the Prince's political Memoranda.
The Earl of Aberdeen to Queen Victoria.
London, 20th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen, with his humble duty, begs to inform your Majesty that Lord John Russell has finally decided not to undertake the Foreign Office, being influenced, Lord Aberdeen fully believes, by domestic considerations, and contrary to the advice of all the most important of his political friends. Lord Lansdowne has done his utmost to shake the resolution, but in vain. Lord John proposes to be in the Cabinet, without office, but to lead the Government business in the House of Commons. Lord Aberdeen thinks this arrangement objectionable, and a novelty, although the Duke of Wellington was Leader in the House of Lords for two years without office when Lord Hill was Commander-in-Chief. If the arrangement should be found untenable in a Parliamentary view, Lord John would consent to accept a nominal office, such as Chancellor of the Duchy. It is with great regret that Lord Aberdeen makes this announcement to your Majesty, as his own position is greatly weakened by this change; but he does not think it a sufficient reason for abandoning the attempt to serve your Majesty, which he feared might have been the case if Lord John had persevered in his intention of not forming part of the Administration.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Derby.
THE QUEEN'S ANXIETY
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
The Queen has to acknowledge the receipt of Lord Derby's letter. She has since read his Speech in the House of Lords announcing his resignation most attentively, and must express her doubts, whether that Speech was calculated to render easier the difficult task which has been thrown upon the Queen by the resignation of her late Government.64
Footnote 64: Lord Derby severely attacked Lord Aberdeen, in his absence, and declared himself the victim of a factious combination.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
The Queen received Lord Aberdeen's letter early this morning, the contents of which have filled her with no little anxiety.
Still, she relies on the spirit of patriotism which she knows animates all the parties concerned, and which she feels sure will ultimately prevail over all difficulties, and enable a strong Government to be formed, which the country so earnestly demands and requires. The Queen is not surprised at Lord John Russell's fearing the fatigue of the Foreign Office, together with the lead in the House of Commons, which Lord Aberdeen's wish to show him entire confidence had prompted him to offer to Lord John; but this difficulty, she trusts might easily be obviated. We intend leaving this place for Windsor to-morrow morning, and being there by two o'clock.
The Queen would wish to see Lord Aberdeen there in the course of the afternoon—either at three, four, or five—whichever time is most convenient to him, and requests him to let her find a line from him on her arrival, informing her of the hour at which he will come. Any letter, however, sent by the bag to-night or by a messenger will reach the Queen here to-morrow morning, as we do not go before a quarter to ten, and the Queen trusts therefore that Lord Aberdeen will let her hear as soon as possible how matters stand.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Osborne, 21st December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Many thanks for your dear and kind letter of the 17th, which was as ever full of love and affection; but you know very well that your affectionate child will never allow any mention of your "leaving the premises." You know—too well—how sacred duties of any kind are, and above all, those of a King, and in these days; and how impossible it is for us to shirk or abandon any of those duties which God has imposed on us.
You will have heard of our crisis, and of the resignation of the Government; its overthrow was inevitable; but we must now get a strong and durable Government, one combined of the best Conservatives and Liberals, which is what the country expects, demands, and requires. Lord Aberdeen has undertaken the task, but I cannot yet announce, as I wish I could, the formation of the new Government. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
You will receive a small parcel for my dear Charlotte for Christmas Eve, and I have directed some prize Christmas beef to be forwarded to Leo, which I hope he will approve of.
The Earl of Derby to Queen Victoria.
LORD DERBY'S JUSTIFICATION
St James's Square, 22nd December 1852.
Lord Derby, with his humble duty, learns with the deepest regret, by the note which he has just had the honour of receiving, that the statement which he felt it his duty to make in the House of Lords has appeared to your Majesty not calculated to render easier the difficult task which has been thrown upon your Majesty by the resignation of himself and his colleagues. Lord Derby begs humbly, but most sincerely, to assure your Majesty that nothing could have been farther from his intention than to let fall a single word which could increase the difficulties of the present position. He feels the full extent of those difficulties, and he may perhaps be forgiven if he entertains a strong opinion that a due appreciation of their magnitude might have been expected to have some weight with those Conservative statesmen, whose opposition thrown into the adverse scale turned the balance against your Majesty's servants, and rendered their retirement from office inevitable. Lord Derby does not affect to deny that he thinks he has some reason, personally and politically, to find fault with the course which they have pursued: but to suffer any such consideration to influence his public conduct, with regard to the Government now in process of formation, would be entirely at variance with his sense of public duty, and inconsistent with the deep gratitude which he must ever feel for the confidence with which your Majesty has honoured him. Lord Derby confesses himself at a loss to understand in what manner Lord Aberdeen can be enabled to reconcile the many and serious discrepancies, in matters both of Church and State, which would appear to exist among his presumed future colleagues; but it will give him unfeigned satisfaction to see these difficulties surmounted in such a sense as to enable him to give to the Government his independent support; and in the meantime it is his determination honestly to undertake the task, difficult as it must be, of keeping together a powerful Party, without the excitement of opposition to a Government by which their own leaders have been superseded, and of some members of which they think they have reason to complain; and even to induce that Party to give it their support, whenever they can do so consistently, with their own conscientious convictions.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW GOVERNMENT
Windsor Castle, 22nd December 1852.
We arrived here from Osborne at half-past one, and saw Lord Aberdeen at half-past five, who reported the progress he had made in the formation of his Government.
The Chancellorship.—He had hoped to be able to offer to Lord St Leonards to remain, but Lord John Russell insisted, on the part of his Party (which he personally regretted to have to do), that the Chancellor should be a Liberal; Lord Aberdeen in consequence recommended Lord Cranworth.
The Presidency of the Council.—The Duke of Newcastle, who might have done for Ireland, but whose presence in the House of Lords would be a great support to Lord Aberdeen.
The Privy Seal.—The Duke of Argyll, to whom he had, however, not yet applied.
The Secretaries of State.—It appeared that Lord Palmerston had repented of his decision, for he had addressed Lord Lansdowne, and told him that he gave him his proxy—putting himself entirely into his hands, feeling sure that he would take care of his honour. Lord Lansdowne, who had been throughout very kind in his exertions to bring about the junction of Parties, was now engaged to prevail upon him to take the Home Office. We congratulated Lord Aberdeen upon this symptom, which augured confidence in his success. Lord Aberdeen said that when he saw Lord Palmerston, who then declined office, nothing could have exceeded the expressions of his cordiality; he had even reminded him that in fact they were great friends (!!!) of sixty years' standing, having been at school together. We could not help laughing heartily at the Harrow Boys and their friendship. The Foreign Office Lord John had again positively refused, contrary to the advice of all his friends, and to please Lady John. This arrangement failing, Lord Clarendon was to undertake it, but Lord Clarendon was now gone himself to try to persuade Lord, or rather Lady, John to accept—at least temporarily—declaring his readiness to take it off his hands at any time if he should find the work too heavy. Lord Aberdeen had no hope, however, of Lord Clarendon's success. Then there would come the grave Constitutional Question of establishing the novelty of a Leader in the House of Commons who held no office. Lord John had seen the danger of being exposed to the reproach that he had slipped into office without having gone through the popular ordeal of a re-election, and had proposed to obviate this by accepting the Stewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds, and then having himself re-elected for the City of London. But this would not meet all the objections, for it would still be considered unconstitutional that he should lead the business of the Government in the House of Commons without the responsibility of office. The Leader of the House of Commons was an irresponsible person, and Lord John's saying: "I shall represent you (Lord Aberdeen) in the House of Commons," would be equally unconstitutional. Lord John must therefore be prevailed upon to take the Chancellorship of the Duchy of Lancaster, though he felt no inclination to become the successor of Mr Christopher. Lord Aberdeen read a Memorandum of Lord John's, containing his political views on the crisis and the principles of the new Government, of which he is to send the Queen a copy.
For the Colonial Office.—Lord Aberdeen wavered between Sir J. Graham and Mr Gladstone; either could be this, or Chancellor of the Exchequer. Lord John wished Sir James as Chancellor of the Exchequer. We argued the greater capabilities of Sir James for the Administration of the Colonies, and Mr Gladstone for the Finances.
Chancellor of the Exchequer—therefore, Mr Gladstone.
Admiralty—Mr Sidney Herbert.
Board of Control—Sir C. Wood.
Board of Trade—Lord Granville.
Board of Works—Sir F. Baring.
(Baring and Wood being the two men whom Lord John had insisted on having on the Treasury Bench sitting by his side.)
Postmaster—Lord Canning.
Secretary-at-War—Mr Cardwell.
These would form the Cabinet. Upon Ireland no decision had been come to, though Lord Granville was generally pointed out as the best Lord-Lieutenant.
Lord Aberdeen was very much pleased with the entire confidence existing between him and Lord John. The Budget would be a formidable difficulty, as in fact the Government would be an Income Tax Government.
Lord Derby's intemperate and unconstitutional behaviour would do no good to the Government; many of his friends were disgusted. Lord Clanwilliam had called his speech in the House of Lords "a great outrage." The Radicals might be conciliated in some of the lower Offices by the appointment of Mr Charles Villiers, Sir William Molesworth, and others.
The Earl of Malmesbury to Queen Victoria.
THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH
Foreign Office, 23rd December 1852.
Lord Malmesbury presents his humble duty to the Queen, and considers it right to inform your Majesty that Count Walewski again asked him yesterday where the Prince of Hohenlohe was now residing, adding that it was the intention of the Emperor to send a person to see him, and ascertain his feelings with respect to a marriage between him and the Princess Adelaide. Lord Malmesbury confined himself to replying that he did not know. Lord Malmesbury might perhaps in his private capacity endeavour to discourage these advances, but as long as he has the honour of being one of your Majesty's Ministers, it appears to him that your Majesty will be personally the least committed by his interfering as little as possible in the matter.
The Emperor is becoming extremely irritable at the delay of the three great Powers in recognising the Empire, and he has said to M. Hübner that, as they had plenty of time to agree among themselves what course they should pursue when it was proclaimed, he cannot understand how Austria and Prussia can in the face of Europe humiliate themselves by waiting for the orders of Russia—"les ordres de la Russie."
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Malmesbury.
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Malmesbury's letter. She thinks he is acting very judiciously in giving Count Walewski no advice whatever as long as he holds the Seals of Office.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
NEW APPOINTMENTS
Windsor Castle, 23rd December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's communication of this morning, and was pleased to hear that Lord John has finally accepted the Foreign Office. She has also received the second communication, with the List of the distribution of Offices. The Queen thinks it of such importance that the Cabinet should be now announced to the world as complete, that she is unwilling to throw any difficulties in the way. At the same time, she must observe that in some instances the changes are, in her opinion, not for the better. Sir J. Graham will be very unpopular in the Navy; his achievements at the Admiralty in former times65 were all retrenchments, and have since proved in many instances injurious to the Service. The Secretary-at-War ought properly to be left out of the Cabinet for the well working of the Army;66 the President of the Board of Trade has always been in the Cabinet, and in Lord Granville's case, even the Vice-President. Lord Granville will have a difficulty as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, being one of the chief lessees of the Duchy, and, the Queen believes, even engaged in a law-suit against it. The Queen has no objection to Sir William Molesworth67 at the Office of Works. She hopes that the Presidency of the Council will be filled at once, for which Lord Clarendon would be best.
Amongst the Under-Secretaries of State, the Queen wishes merely to express her objection at seeing Mr B. Osborne68 at the Foreign Office. The Queen sees Lord Chandos's69 name as Secretary to the Treasury; she would be very much pleased to see his services secured. All the other proposals she approves.
The Queen must repeat in conclusion that she considers the rapid completion of the Government of the first importance, even if none of the points the Queen has alluded to should be amended.
Footnote 65: From 1830 to 1834.
Footnote 66: The Secretary-at-War was not a Secretary of State.
Footnote 67: M.P. for Southwark; well known as a philosophical writer, the first member of the Radical Party included in any Ministry.
Footnote 68: Mr Bernal Osborne, a well-known speaker at the time, became Secretary of the Admiralty.
Footnote 69: Afterwards, as Duke of Buckingham, Secretary for the Colonies and Governor of Madras.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen.
THE NEW CABINET
Windsor Castle, 24th December 1852.
The Queen has this moment received Lord Aberdeen's letter, reporting that new difficulties have arisen in the completion of the Government by new proposals made by Lord John Russell, since the Queen's sanction had been given to the arrangements submitted to her by Lord Aberdeen, which had then been agreed to by Lord John Russell. The Queen begins to fear serious mischief from the long duration of the crisis. It must weaken the prestige of the new Government, and, instead of smoothing difficulties, is, from the nature of things, rather calculated to invite new ones. The Queen has, in her letter of yesterday, stated some objections she felt, but added that she would waive them all for the satisfaction of the immediate want of the country (a strong Government), and she must express her hope that political parties will not fall short in patriotic spirit of the example she has thus herself set.
Queen Victoria to the Earl of Aberdeen. [Draft—from recollection.]
Windsor Castle, 24th December 1852.
The Queen has received Lord Aberdeen's letter of this afternoon, and is very glad to hear that he has overcome the difficulties which he mentioned this morning, and that he has secured the services of Lord Lansdowne in the Cabinet. She hopes, however, that Lord Aberdeen will remain firm on the other points, as difficulties are never overcome by yielding to more than can be fairly demanded.
Memorandum by Queen Victoria.
Windsor Castle, 25th December 1852.
Lord Aberdeen came this afternoon to announce the completion of his Cabinet.
From many of them answers have not yet been received.
The day before it looked very bad. Lord John Russell had sent in such a list of persons whom he required in the Cabinet (Sir Francis Baring, Sir George Grey, etc., etc.), that, having been very yielding hitherto, Lord Aberdeen was obliged to be peremptory in his refusal. Now that the Cabinet was formed on a due proportion, he was inclined to let Lord John have his own way pretty much with regard to the minor Offices, considering that he brought 250 followers, and he (Lord Aberdeen) only 50.
It was to Lord Clarendon that the persuasion of Lady John was finally due, but Lord Aberdeen had to add his own promise to that of Lord Clarendon, that the latter would take the Foreign Office whenever she thought Lord John ought to be relieved from it.
Lady Palmerston had been most anxious to bring her husband into office again; Lord Aberdeen had seen the first symptom of their joint wish in the earnestness with which Lord Palmerston's friends declared in all places that, had he been well enough, he would certainly have voted against the Government.
Lord Lansdowne's exertions and Lord Clarendon's disinterestedness were beyond all praise.
Of the Derbyites, he heard that most of them would be very quiet, and many would be very friendly.
Lord Breadalbane is to be Lord Chamberlain. We recommend a trial to get Lord Jersey to remain as Master of the Horse.
Victoria R.
The Prince Albert to the Earl of Aberdeen.
Windsor Castle, 26th December 1852.
My dear Lord Aberdeen,—I have heard rumours of some appointments in the Household, for which the writs are to be moved to-morrow. As you have not yet placed before the Queen your recommendations, I merely write this to you, fearing that the "Whig Party" may deal out places before you have had an opportunity of taking the Queen's pleasure. Ever yours truly,
Albert.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
LORD DERBY'S FAREWELL AUDIENCE
Windsor Castle, 27th December 1852.
Lord Derby had his audience of leave yesterday afternoon. He repeated his thanks to the Queen for the support and countenance she had given him throughout the period he had been allowed to serve her, adding his regrets that his services could not have been more efficient or longer. One thing only distressed him in taking leave, and that was the idea that the Queen might think he had unnecessarily raised difficulties to the formation of a new Government by his Speech in the House of Lords. Now, it had been incumbent upon him to show to his Party that he had not quitted office on light grounds, after the sacrifices of opinion they had brought in order to support him; he had to prove that the vote in the House of Commons was not an accidental vote, but the preconcerted Union of all Parties (in opposition) against him, which gave them a real majority. We replied that it was not his opinion on the late division, to the expression of which the Queen had objected, but to that of an opinion on the character of the new Government which the Queen had not yet formed. It was of the greatest importance to keep that in suspense, and the declaration that Lord Derby knew Lord Aberdeen to profess Conservative opinions of his own (Lord Derby's) shade, had at once given the alarm to the Radicals, and made them insist upon a greater proportion of Liberals in the Cabinet. Lord Derby rejoined he had expressed his doubts as to how these differences could be reconciled; and he did not see now how this was to be done. How could Lord Aberdeen and Lord John Russell agree upon the Foreign Policy, for instance? The Queen replied that Lord John's views were very sound and moderate, and that the line of Foreign Policy he had formerly had to pursue had been forced upon him by Lord Palmerston, who had never left a question for the decision of the Cabinet to which he had not already given a decided bias.
Did Lord Derby know that Lord Palmerston gave it out everywhere that, had he been well enough, he should certainly have voted against the Government? Lord Derby could only say that he had allowed his son-in-law, Lord Jocelyn, to go to Italy under the firm conviction that Lord Palmerston would refuse to join Lord Aberdeen or Lord John Russell!
Lord Derby took leave after five o'clock.
Albert.
The Countess of Derby to the Marchioness of Ely.70
LADY DERBY'S LETTER
St James's Square, 27th December 1852.
My dearest Lady Ely,—Lord Derby told me that he saw you yesterday, but only for a moment. I think he was nervous about his audience of leave, but he returned deeply touched by the kindness of manner of the Queen and the Prince. I cannot resist saying to you that, during the last year, he has been more and more impressed with the admirable qualities of the Queen, and her noble straightforwardness on all occasions, and her unvarying kindness have inspired him with the strongest attachment (if I may venture so to express his feelings for Her Majesty). During that week of terrible suspense he continually said to me that his chief anxiety and regret were caused by the fear of leaving the Queen, particularly before he had had time and power to do more in her service. I am writing in haste, having much to do this last day in Town, but I have very often wished that the Queen knew how warmly and sincerely Lord Derby is devoted to her service. He is also very grateful to the Prince, for whose abilities he has the highest admiration, often speaking of his wonderful cleverness. I am delighted to hear that the Queen is so well; he said she was looking remarkably well yesterday. He told me that Her Majesty used some kind expression about myself. If you should have an opportunity of saying to Her Majesty how grateful I am for all her former kindness, I should be very much obliged to you. Ever yours very affectionately,
Emma Derby.
Footnote 70: Submitted to the Queen by Lady Ely.
Memorandum by the Prince Albert.
THE NEW MINISTRY
Windsor Castle, 28th December 1852.
The delivery of the Seals of Office of the outgoing Ministers into the Queen's hands, and her bestowal of them upon the new Ministers, took place to-day.
Of the former, Mr Disraeli seemed to feel most the loss of office.
We saw Lord Aberdeen for some time, who submitted the names of all the persons he recommended for the subordinate Offices, of whom he will send a list. We asked him what might have passed between the last Session and this to chill his feelings for Lord Derby, who maintained that up to the Dissolution he had sent him messages to say that he perfectly agreed with him, except on the Commercial Policy, and that he never would join the Whigs. Lord Aberdeen disclaimed all knowledge of such messages, though he acknowledged to have been very friendly to Lord Derby. At the General Election, however, it appeared to him that there was such a total want of principle in him and his Party, pledging themselves for Protection in one place and Free Trade in another, and appearing consistent only on one point, viz. their hatred to Sir Robert Peel's memory and his friends, that he became determined to have nothing to do with them.
The formation of the Government appeared to give satisfaction to the country, though of course the number of the disappointed must be even larger than usual on such occasions. Lord Canning seemed very much hurt at not being taken into the Cabinet, and felt inclined to refuse the Post Office. We agreed upon the impolicy of such a step, and encouraged Lord Aberdeen to press him. Lord Clanricarde, and particularly Lord Carlisle, were very much grieved at being left out altogether, but there was no help for it; for each man taken in from one side, two would be proposed from the other, and the Cabinet was just large enough to work.
We saw Lord Lansdowne after the Council, who seemed well satisfied with the Government, a combination he had so much and so long wished. Lord Carlisle's annoyance was the only thing which personally grieved him. He said that from the moment he had read Mr Disraeli's Budget he had felt sure that the Government would fall immediately; the country would never submit to a new tax with a surplus in the Exchequer.
MR DISRAELI
Lord John Russell, whom we saw afterwards, seemed in very good health and spirits. He told us that the peaceful parting scene in the House of Commons had been his doing; he had told Mr Walpole that he thought Mr Disraeli ought to make an apology to the House for the language he had used, and which had given pain to a great many persons; and on Mr Walpole's saying that that was a very delicate thing to tell Mr Disraeli, he had allowed it to be told him as a message from him (Lord John). Mr Disraeli declared his readiness, provided others would do the same, and declared they had meant no offence.71 We owned that we had been astonished to find them of a sudden all so well bred. We asked what Lord Palmerston had been about during the crisis? Lord John told us in reply that Lord Palmerston had certainly been disposed to join Lord Derby's Government, but always said he could not do so alone; that if eight of them were to join, then they would have the majority in the Cabinet. He also said that he believed Lord Palmerston would have voted for some parts of the Budget and against others. Lord John does not think that that large Party of Lord Derby's will long keep together, that some would vote for the Government, others might try to raise a Protestant cry.
Lord Palmerston looked excessively ill, and had to walk with two sticks from the gout.
Footnote 71: "Mr Disraeli ... with infinite polish and grace asked pardon for the flying words of debate, and drew easy forgiveness from the member (Mr Goulburn), whom a few hours before he had mocked as 'a weird sibyl'; the other member (Sir James Graham), whom he could not say he greatly respected, but whom he greatly regarded; and the third member (Sir C. Wood), whom he bade learn that petulance is not sarcasm, and insolence is not invective. Lord John Russell congratulated him on the ability and the gallantry with which he had conducted the struggle, and so the curtain fell." Morley's Gladstone, Book III. chap. viii.
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
Windsor Castle, 28th December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—Your dear letter of the 24th reached me on Monday, and I thank you warmly for it. The success of our excellent Aberdeen's arduous task and the formation of so brilliant and strong a Cabinet would, I was sure, please you. It is the realisation of the country's and our most ardent wishes, and it deserves success, and will, I think, command great support.... It has been an anxious week, and just on our happy Christmas Eve we were still very uneasy.
As I mean to write again before this year runs out, and I have a long Council with outgoing and incoming Ministers this afternoon, you will excuse my taking leave here. Ever your truly devoted Niece,
Victoria R.
The Princess Hohenlohe to Queen Victoria.
THE SUGGESTED MARRIAGE
Langenburg, 30th December 1852.
My dearest Victoria,—According to your wish and our promise, we send this servant with the most unwelcome news that yesterday morning M. de Jaux arrived here and told Ernest (as you will see by his letter to Albert) that the Count Walewski wishes to have an interview with him to confer on the subject we know of. A quarter of an hour before I received this letter from Uncle Leopold, which I sent in Ernest's letter to Ada, and in which he speaks his opinion that we ought not to say "No" at once, before telling Ada of it. This is very much against my wish and Ernest's, for we both would like to make an end of the affair as soon as possible, but cannot, as we see the truth of what Uncle Leopold says. I send a letter to Mamma to you, and one for Ada. Mamma knows of it, as she wrote to me the other day, and I leave it to you, dearest Victoria, if you or Mamma will tell the poor child of the transaction. She will be in great distress. I wish she may at once say "No," but am not sure of it; and in our letters we have not said anything for the thing, but nothing against also but what naturally is to be said against it. She will not know what to do, and I am sure you and Mamma will not put it to her in too favourable a light, as we are of the same opinion on the subject; but yet there may be some things in its favour too. I wish you would make Charles come to us—if you think it wise to do so—and he not only will try to engage us to it. But there may be so many reasons for or against which in a letter it is not possible to explain all, and which we could not answer in time; besides by him we might learn more accurately what Ada feels: but I leave it quite to your and Albert's judgment, if this would be a good plan. I am in great distress, you well may think, my dearest Victoria. Oh! if we could but say "No" at once!...
Many thanks, my dearest Victoria, for your kind letter of the 22nd. In the papers I have been following with the greatest interest what has been said on the formation of the new Ministry; there is one name though which frightens me—Lord Palmerston. Let me wish you joy of the New Year; may it bring peace not only to the nations, but also to us. Every blessing and happiness to you, dear Albert, and your children, and for me your love and affection, which is a blessing to your devoted Sister,
Feodora.
Ernest also wishes you all possible happiness. If Ada has the wish to see the Emperor before she decides, what is to be done?
Queen Victoria to the King of the Belgians.
NEW YEAR WISHES
Windsor Castle, 31st December 1852.
My dearest Uncle,—On this, the last day of the old year, allow me to offer my most ardent wishes for many and happy returns of the New Year to you and yours. May it be one of peace and prosperity to us all, and may we have the happiness of seeing you again. May we still hope to see you this winter or not?
Our Government is very satisfactorily settled. To have my faithful friend Aberdeen as Prime Minister is a great happiness and comfort for me personally. Lord Palmerston is terribly altered, and all his friends think him breaking. He walks with two sticks, and seemed in great suffering at the Council, I thought. I must now conclude. Ever your devoted Niece,
Victoria R.