Book 4 — Footnotes

1.

II. 11.

2.

Herod. I. 65. Concerning the expression κόσμος, with regard to the constitution of Sparta, see also Clearchus ap. Athen. XV. p. 681 C.

3.

Pausan. III. 16. 5. See above, vol. I. p. 69, note g.

4.

That is, of the Pythagorean philosophy. See below, ch. 9. § 16.

5.

Thucyd. II. 11. cf. I. 70. 71. Athen. XIV. p. 624 C. &c.

6.

Plat. Protag. p. 342 C. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 14, 4. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 252. and particularly Isocrat. Busir. p. 225 A. The Spartans were ἐνδημότατοι, according to Thucyd. I. 70. See below, ch. 11. § 7.

7.

From Thucyd. I. 144. compared with Plutarch's Life of Agis, it may be seen that the ξενηλασία was only practised against tribes of different usages, particularly Athenians and Ionians. See Valer. Max. II. 6. ext. 1. Yet at the Gymnopædia (Plut. Ages. 29. cf. Cimon. 10. Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. I. 2. 61.) and other festivals, Sparta was full of foreigners, Cragius de Rep. Lac. III. p. 213. Poets, such as Thaletas, Terpander, Nymphæus of Cydonia, Theognis (who celebrates his hospitable reception in the ἀγλαὸν ἄστυ, v. 785.); philosophers, such as Pherecydes and Anaximander and Anacharsis the Scythian, were willingly admitted; other classes of persons were excluded. Thus there were regulations concerning persons, and the time of admitting foreigners: and hence the earlier writers, such as Thucydides, Xenophon, and Aristotle, always speak of ξενηλασίαι in the plural number. (Compare Plut. Inst. Lac. 20.) See also Plut. Lyc. 27. who refers to Thuc. II. 24. Aristoph. Av. 1013. and the Scholiast (from Theopompus), and Schol. Pac. 622. Suid. in διειρωνόξενοι and ξενηλατεῖν, who, as usual, has copied from the Scholiast to Aristophanes, that the Xenelasia was introduced ποτὲ ΣΠΟΔΙΑΣ γενομένης, for which we should clearly write ΣΙΤΟΔΕΙΑΣ. Theophil. Instit. I. tit. 2. Comp. de la Nauze Mem. de l'Acad. des Inscript. tom. XII. p. 159. It may be added that the numerous ξενίαι and προξενίαι, the hospitable connexions of states and individuals, served to alleviate the harshness of the institution. Thus the Lacedæmonians were connected with the Pisistratidæ (vol. I. p. 188, note c), and with the family of Callias (Xen. Symp. 8. 39); Endius with Clinias, the father of Alcibiades (Thuc. VIII. 6); king Archidamus with Pericles (ib. II. 13); Xenias the Elean with king Agis, the son of Archidamus, and the state of Sparta. (Paus. III. 8. 2.) See B. III. ch. 6. § 7, and vol. I. p. 209, n. z. The exchange of names, occasioned by προξενίαι, might be made the subject of a distinct investigation. See the note last cited, and Paus. III. 6. 41. Moreover the Spartans sometimes gave freedom from custom duties, and the privilege of occupying a seat of honour at the games at Sparta, to strangers, even of Athenian race; for example, to the Deceleans, according to Herod. IX. 73.

8.

p. 100. ed. Frank.

9.

See Naeke's Chœrilus, p. 74.

10.

Archiloch. p. 226. Liebel. Lycoph. 1385. and Tzetzes, Etym. in ἀσελγαίνειν and Ἐλεγηΐς. Concerning the effeminacy of the Codridæ, see Heraclid. Pont. I.

11.

ἄριστοι, ἀριστεῖς, ἄνακτες, βασιλεῖς, ἐπικρατέοντες, κοιρανέοντες.

12.

On the Gerontes, see below, ch. 6. § 1-4.

13.

We should particularly observe the assembly in the second book of the Odyssey, in which, however, Mentor (v. 239.) wishes to bring about a declaration of the people not strictly constitutional. But that the Homeric Ἀγορὰ independently exercised the rights of government, I cannot allow to Platner, De Notione Juris apud Homerum, p. 108. and Tittmann Griechischen Staatsverfassungen, p. 63. It was a species of Wittenagemote, in which none but the thanes had the right of voting, as among the Saxons in England. The people composed a concio, but no comitia. My opinion more nearly coincides with that of Wachsmuth, Jus Gentium apud Græcos, p. 18, sq.

14.

Æginetica, p. 133.

15.

Χρήματα χρήματ᾽ ἀνὴρ, Pindar. Isth. II. 11. See Dissen Explic. p. 493. Alcæus ap. Schol. et Zeeob. Prov.

16.

V. 190.

17.

Ap. Aristot. Pol. IV. 8. 7, 10.

18.

See Hüllmann, Staatsrecht, p. 103.

19.

Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 32. The emendation Πλοῦτις is confirmed by the comparison of Athenæus XII. p. 524 A.B.

20.

See book I. ch. 8.

21.

See Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4. Panætius of Leontini was a demagogue in a previously oligarchical state, of which the constitution was similar to that of the Hippobotæ. See Polyænus V. 47.

22.

Herod. VI. 43.—Pindar (Pyth. II. 87.) supposes three constitutions, Tyranny, Dominion of the unrestrained Multitude, and Government of the Wise.

23.

Aristot. Pol. V. 4.

24.

Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. V. 3. 6. with Schneider's notes.

25.

VI. 46.

26.

Plut. Comp. Lycurg. 4. According to Livy XXXVIII. 34. 700 years up to 190 B.C. Cicero pro Flacco 26. also reckons 700 years, but to a different period.

27.

Isocrat. Panath. p. 285 C.

28.

Thus Schiller severely censures this lawgiver, for having so selfishly for ever destined his people to that course, which appeared to his own narrow and prejudiced mind to be the best.

29.

Θεοδμάτῳ σὺν ἐλευθερίᾳ Ὕλλίδος στάθμας Ἱέρων ἐν νόμοις ἔκτισσ᾽; ἐθέλοντι δὲ Παμφύλου καὶ μὰν Ἡρακλειδᾶν ἔκγονοι ὄχθαις ὕπο Ταυγέτου ναίοντες αἰεὶ μένειν τεθμοῖσιν ἐν Αἰγιμίου Δωρίοις. Pyth. I. 61. see Boeckh's Explic.

30.

Plutarch. Comp. Timol. 2. Dion. 53. Λακωνικὸν σχῆμα—κοσμεῖν. He was himself a citizen of Sparta, Plut. Dion. 17. 49.

31.

Yet Herodotus cannot have been acquainted with his work, since he considered himself as the first writer on the subject, Herod. VI. 55.

32.

Strabo VIII. p. 366. On the other hand, Ephorus is probably alluded to by Heraclides Ponticus 2. when he says τὴν Λακεδαιμονίων πολίτειαν ΤΙΝΕΣ Λυκούργῳ προσάπτουσι πᾶσαν.

33.

I. 65. Aristotle Pol. V. 10. 3. also calls the kings of Sparta before Lycurgus tyrants. On the other hand, Strabo VIII. p. 365. states, that “the conquerors of Laconia were from the beginning a nation subject to legal and moral restraints; but when they had intrusted the regulation of their government to Lycurgus, they so far excelled all others, that alone among the Greeks they ruled by land and sea.” That this is the meaning of the passage, is proved by the word καὶ in the clause καὶ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἐσωφρόνουν. Isocrates de Pace, p. 178 C. also contradicts indirectly the supposed anarchy of the Spartans. But in Panath. p. 270 A. he follows Thucydides I. 18. στασιάσαι φασὶν αὐτοὺς οἱ τὰ ἐκείνων ἀκριβοῦντες ὡς οὐδένας ἄλλους τῶν Ἑλλήνων.

34.

B. I. ch. 7 § 3, 5.

35.

Herod. I. 65 Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 366. Plut. Lycurg. 31. Nicol. Damasc. p. 449.

36.

B. I. ch. 1. § 9. Comp. b. II. ch. 2. § 2.

37.

According to Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 1. The meaning of this writer appears to be, that the Dorians had received these laws from the early inhabitants, as the Periœci had retained them most truly; but from the account given in the text, we must reject that idea.

38.

Plat. Leg. III. p. 685.

39.

This statement appears more correct than of Gortyna or Cnosus. Comp. Meursius, Creta, IV. 12.

40.

See Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 5. Ælian. V. H. XII. 50. Diog. Laërt. I. 38. Plut. Lyc. 3. Philos. cum princ. 4. p. 88. Pausan. I. 14. 3. Philod. de Mus. Col. 18, 19. Boeth. de Mus. I. 1. p. 174. Sext. Empir. adv. Math. p. 68 B. Suid. vol. II. p. 163. Compare b. II. ch. 8. § 11.

41.

Xenoph. Rep. Laced. 8. 5. According to whom Lycurgus asked the god, εἰ λῷον καὶ ἄμεινον εἴη τῇ Σπάρτῃ—doubtless a regular formula. This coincides with the dictum of the Pythian priestess in Plut. Quæst. Rom. 28. p. 329.

42.

See below, ch. 5. § 8.

43.

B. II. ch. 7. § 4. Later historians, from a mistaken explanation, suppose that the whole correspondence was a delusion, or a fraud of Lycurgus, Polyæn. I. 16. 1. Justin. III. 3.

44.

Called in the Lacedæmonian dialect Ποίθιοι, Photius in v.

45.

That this could not always be said of the θεοπρόποι, may be seen from Theognis, v. 783.

46.

This, I infer, nearly agreeing with Cragius, from Cicero de Div. I. 13. Conf. Herod. VI. 57. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15.

47.

See particularly Timæus Lex. Plat. in v. ἐξηγηταὶ Πυθόχρηστοι.

48.

See Æginetica, p. 135. Compare Dissen Expl. Pind. Nem. III. p. 376. In the Thearion at Trœzen there were expiatory sacrifices, book II. ch. 2. § 8. In Thasos they were called Θεῦροι, Inscript. ap. Choiseul. Gouff. Voyage pittoresque, I. 2. p. 156. Here also they were in connexion with the temple of the Pythian Apollo.

49.

See Thuc. I. 84. Plat. Alcib. I. c. 38.

50.

VII. 2. 5. Engel de Rep. mil. Spart., a Göttingen prize Essay for 1790., where Cossacks, Spartans, and Cretans are classed together. Compare Heyne de Spartan. Rep. Comment. Götting. tom. IX. p. 8. It appears, indeed, from Aristotle Pol. VII. 14 (13) to have been the opinion of the writers who treated of the constitution of Sparta during the predominance of that state, that “the Lacedæmonians owed their external dominion to their constitution, according to which they had been trained to dangers and exertions from their youth (ὅτι διὰ τὸ γεγυμνάσθαι πρὸς τοῦς κινδύνους πολλῶν ἦρχον.)” But the intended effect of these institutions cannot be safely inferred from their actual consequences.

51.

IV. 126.

52.

Pausan. IV. 3. 3. συγχωροῦσιν ἈΝΑΔΑΣΑΣΘΑΙ πρὸς τοὺς Δωριέας τὴν γῆν. Pausanias, however, very frequently makes use of this expression, and often perhaps without any historical ground.

53.

Why I take no further notice of the account of Ephorus is explained in book I. ch 5. § 13.

54.

Pausan. III. 22. 7.

55.

Polyb. XX. 12. 2. with Schweighæuser's note, Liv. XXXIV. 29. XXXVIII. 30.

56.

αὐτόνομοι, Pausan. III. 21. 6.

57.

III. 21. 6. cf. 26. 6. The other six were at the time of Pausanias either again comprised in Messenia, as Pharæ, which Augustus had annexed to Laconia, Paus. IV. 30. 2. after it had at an earlier period been separated with Thuria and Abea from Messenia, Polyb. XXV, 1. 1, or they had fallen to decay, and were then uninhabited, as Pephnos, Helos, Cyphanta, and Leucæ. Whether Abea was included by Augustus in Laconia is doubtful, but it is probable from the situation of the place. This, with the other five mentioned above, would therefore make the number twenty-four complete. As proofs of the late independence of these towns we may mention decrees of Abea, Geronthræ, Gytheium, Œtylus, and Tænarus (Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1307, 1334, 1325, 1336, 1391, 1392, 1323, 1321, 1322, 1393, 1394). There are also inscriptions of the Eleutherolacones jointly, τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Ἑλευθερολακώνων (ib. 1389). Likewise, according to Eckhel, there are genuine coins, belonging to this and the Roman period, of Asine, Asopus, Bœæ, Gytheium, and Las; those of Taletum and Cythera are doubtful.

58.

Pausan. III. 26. 5. Sparta must, however, have retained some outlet to the sea. The Lacedæmonian coast is also called the territory of the Periœci in Thucyd. III. 16.

59.

Thucyd. I. 101. The Θουριᾶται of Thuria, near Calamæ. Welcker (Alcmanis Fragment, p. 87.) proposes Αἰθαίῳ for Ληθαίῳ in Theognis v. 1216. Bekker.

60.

Androtion ap. Steph. Byz. in v.

61.

See also in Αἰτωλία. They are also mentioned by Strabo, VIII. p. 362. (Eustath. ad Il. B. p. 293, 19. ad Dion. Perieg. 418). They had not however any connexion with the Hecatombæa; for Argos had the same festival.

62.

See book I. ch. 7. § 16. Lysias ap. Harpocrat. also calls Anthana a Lacedæmonian city. See Æginetica, p. 46, note q, p. 185. note v. Siebelis ad Pausan. II. 38. 6.

63.

Book I. ch. 5. § 10.

64.

See Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 93. Tittmann, vol. I. p. 89. That even the Lacedæmonian πλῆθος did not comprise the Periœci, is shown, e.g., by Polybius IV. 34. 7, where it rejects the alliance of the Ætolians, chiefly on account of the fear that they would ἐξανδραποδίζεσθαι τοὺς Περιοίκους. The name Λακεδαιμόνιοι, which signifies all, Periœci and Spartans, and frequently the former, as the early inhabitants, in opposition to the latter, is no more a proof of political equality than the appellation Θεσσαλοὶ of the freedom of the Penestæ.

65.

Χωρίτης, as the Lacedæmonians are often called, is probably identical with περίοικος, Ælian. V. H. IX. 27. Compare χωριτίδες Βάκχαι, in Hesychius. Οἱ ἀπὸ τῆς χώρας in Athen. XV. p. 674 A. from Sosibius are opposed τοῖς ἐκ τῆς ἀγωγῆς παισὶν (those educated in Sparta), and see Casaubon's note. The education of the Periœci was therefore entirely different from that of the Spartans.

66.

Isocrates Panath. p. 271 A. speaking of the Lacedæmonians having compelled the Periœci κατ᾽ ἄνδρα συμπαρατάττεσθαι σφίσιν αὐτοῖς, confounds the Periœci with the Helots, as also in what follows.

67.

In later times very different proportions occur, e.g., a very small number of Spartans in the army, when the city stood in need of its own citizens, and could not send them to a distance, or from other causes.

68.

Herod. VII. 234.

69.

No disobedience of the Periœci can be inferred from Thucyd. IV. 8. Some Periœci deserted to Epaminondas, Xenoph. Hell. VI. 5. 25. 23. Xenophon expresses himself more strongly, Hellen. VII. 2. 2.

70.

Xenoph. Hell. V. 3. 9.

71.

Thuc. IV. 53. cf. VII. 57.

72.

See Plin. H. N. IX. 36, 60. 21, 8. 36, 5. Comp. Meurs. Misc. Lac. II. 19. Mitscherlisch ad Hor. Carm. II. 18. 7.

73.

Plutarch, Lyc. 4. Ælian, V. H. VI. 6. Nicolaus Damascenus, and others.

74.

Herod. II. 167. cf. Cic. de Rep. II. 4. Corinthum pervertit aliquando—hic error ac dissipatio civium, quod mercandi cupiditate et navigandi, et agrorum et armorum cultum reliquerant. Compare Hüllmann Staatsrecht, p. 128.

75.

Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 13.

76.

This follows from Xenoph. Rep. Lac. II. 2. καὶ ἱππεῦσι καὶ ὁπλίταις, ἔπειτα δὲ καὶ τοῖς χειροτέχναις.

77.

Critias Λακεδ. πολιτ. ap. Athen. XI. p. 483 B. and Plutarch, Lycurg. 9. Pollux, VI. 46, 97. Hesych. Suid. Xenoph. Cyrop. I. 2. 8.

78.

Athen. V. 198 D. 199 E.

79.

κύλιξ Λάκαινα, Hesych. in χῖον.

80.

Plut. Lyc. ubi sup.

81.

Meurs. II. 17.

82.

Theoph. Hist. Plant. III. 17. 3.

83.

Daimachus ap. Steph. Byz. in Λακεδ. and from him Eustath. II. p. 294, 5. Rom.

84.

Salmas. Exer. Plin. p. 653 B. Moser in Creuzer's Init. Philos. vol. II. p. 152. Compare also Liban. Or. p. 87. e cod. August. ed. Reiske.

85.

Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 7. Plin. H. N. VII. 56. ξυήλη Λακωνικὴ Pollux, I. 10, 137. concerning which see Phot. and Suid. in v., who refer to Xen. Anab. IV. 8. 25. ἐγχειρίδιον, I. 10, 149. ferrei annuli, Plin. XXXIII. 4. μάστιγες, Steph. Eust. ubi sup.

86.

Theocrit. X. 35. et Schol. Athen. XI. p. 483 B. V. p. 215 C. Steph. ubi sup. Hesych. in ἀμυκλαΐδες λακωνικὰ ὑποδήματα, cf. in ἐννήυσκλοι. Compare the shoes of the Amyclæan priestesses upon the monument of Amyclæ in Walpole's Memoirs, p. 454. Lacedæmonian men's shoes (ἁπλαῖ) are often mentioned elsewhere, Aristoph. Thesm. and Wasps. Schol. and Suidas, Critias ubi sup. Pollux, VII. 22, 80. cf. Meurs. I. 18.

87.

Λάκωνες ἐΰπεπλοι Epig. ap. Suid. in Λακωνικαί. Athen. V. 198. XI. 483 C. Compare book IV. ch. 2. § 3.

88.

These mines are not indeed anywhere expressly mentioned, but we must infer their existence from the number of iron fabrics, and the cheapness of iron. See below, ch. 10. § 9. and book I. ch. 4. § 3.

89.

The stone quarries upon mount Taygetus were, however, according to Strabo VIII. p. 367, first opened by the Romans. Compare Xenoph. ubi sup. Pollux, VII. 23, 100. Interp. Juven. XI. 173. Meurs. II. 18. Pliny also mentions Lacedæmonian cotes and smaragdi.

90.

Compare Thiersch, Ueber die Kunstepochen, Abhandlung II. p. 51.

91.

My opinion is, that in the oracle (Diog. Laërt. I. 106. Comp. Casaubon and Menage) Ἠτεῖος was the correct reading, for which Οἰταῖος was long ago substituted from ignorance.—The point was doubted at an early period in antiquity; even Plato, Protag. p. 343, appears not to consider Myson as a Lacedæmonian. See also Diod. de Virt. et Vit. p. 551. Paus. X. 24. 1. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 299. Sylb. Steph. Byz. in Χὴν and Ἠτία. There is a story in Plutarch, Quæst. Rom. 84, of Myson making in winter a fork for tossing the corn, and, when Chilon wondered at it, of his justifying himself by an apposite answer; where Myson is opposed, as a Periœcian farmer, to the noble Spartan.

92.

Paus. III. 22. 4.

93.

In a very rhetorical passage, Panathen. p. 270 D.

94.

Thuc. IV. 53. 54. Hesych. in Κυθηροδίκης.

95.

Thuc. VIII. 22. Manso, Sparta, vol. II. p. 516. It does not indeed follow that this Periœcus had authority over Lacedæmonians; but Sparta must have sent him out as a commander to the Chians.

96.

Herod. VI. 60. οὐ κατὰ λαμπροφωνίην (in the ἀγῶνες κηρύκων, comp. Faber Agonist. II. 15. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 359.) ἐπιτιθέμενοι ἄλλοι σφέας παρακληίουσιν ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἐπιτελέουσι.

97.

Herod. VII. 134. τοῖσιν αἱ κηρυκηίαι αἱ ἐκ Σπάρτης πᾶσαι γέρας δίδονται.

98.

Θεοκήρυκες γένος τὸ ἀπὸ Ταλθυβίου παρὰ ΕΛΕΥΘΕΡΙΟΙΣ. Hesych. Perhaps Ἐλευθερολάκωσι. Hemsterhuis supposes that Eleutherna in Crete is alluded to. The common name of the herald in Sparta was Μούσαξ. See Valck. ad Adoniaz. p. 379.

99.

Pausan. III. 12. 6, 7. III. 23. 7.

100.

Herod. ubi sup.

101.

Herod. VII. 137.

102.

VI. 60. Concerning the ὀψοποιοὶ see Agatharch. ap. Athen. XII. p. 550 C. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.

103.

Compare Athen. II. 39 C. with IV. 173 F.

104.

The Periœci also took part in the colonies of Sparta, e.g., of Heraclea Trachinia, where they probably belonged to the πολλοί; Thuc. III. 92, 93.

105.

Concerning the condition of the Helots, see, besides the more well-known books, Caperonnier, Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscript. tom. XXIII. p. 271. Schlaeger, Dissert. Helmst. 1730.

106.

Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 365, according to Valckenær's emendation, Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p. 272. Even Hellanicus in Harpocration uses the word εἱλωτεύειν p. 15. Fragm. 54. ed. Sturz.; it is, however, uncertain whether the etymology there given is from Hellanicus. Cf. Steph. Byz.

107.

This derivation was known in ancient times, e.g., Schol. Plat. Alcib. I. p. 78. Apostol. VII. 62. Εἵλωτες οἱ ἐξ αἰχμαλωτῶν δοῦλοι. So also Δμῶς comes from δαμάω (ΔΕΜΩ). For the δμῶες, of whom there were large numbers (μάλα μύριοι, Od. XVII. 422. XIX. 78.) in the house of every prince (I. 397. VII. 225. Il. XIX. 333.), and who chiefly cultivated the land, cannot have been bought slaves (for the single examples to the contrary are rather exceptions), as this would suppose a very extensive traffic in slaves; nor could they have been persons taken accidentally in expeditions of plunder and war, as in that case there could not have been so large a number in every house; but they are probably persons who were taken at the original conquest of the soil. The passage, Od. I. 298. οὔς μοι ληίσσατο may be variously applied.—Concerning the etymology of Εἵλως, compare Lennep, Etymol. p. 257.

108.

Ap. Athen. VI. p. 265.

109.

See book I. ch. 4. § 7.

110.

Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 365. So also Pausanias III. 20. 6. calls the Helots δοῦλοι τοῦ κοινοῦ. Comp. Herod. VI. 70. where the θεράποντες are Helots.

111.

Ephorus ubi sup. Ilotæ sunt jam inde antiquitus castellani, agreste genus. Liv. XXXIV. 27.

112.

Plut. Instit. Lac. p. 255. where μισθῶσαι is an inaccurate expression.

113.

See book I. ch. 4. § 3. comp. particularly Polyb. V. 19.—Hesiod the poet of the Helots, according to the saying of the Spartan.

114.

Herod. IX. 80.

115.

Plutarch, Cleomen. 23. Manso, vol. I. p. 134.

116.

Plut. Lyc. 8. seventy for the master, twelve for the mistress of the house: compare ib. 24.

117.

ὡσπερ ὄνοι μεγάλοις ἄχθεσι τειρόμενοι, δεσποσύνοισι φέροντες ἀναγκαίης ὑπὸ λυγρῆς ἥμισυ πᾶν, ὅσσον καρπὸν ἄρουρα φέρει. Fragm. 6. Gaisford. The passage is given in prose by Ælian V. II. VI. 1.

118.

Of the two lines of Tyrtæus afterwards cited by Pausanias, δεσπότας οἰμώζοντες, ὁμῶς ἄλοχοί τε καὶ αὐτοὶ, εὖτέ τιν᾽ οὐλομένη μοῖρα κίχοι θανάτου, it may be observed, that this duty of lamenting the king is attributed to the Periœci as well as the Helots in Herod. VI. 58.

119.

See Boeckh's Public Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 109. eighty-two is about the fifth of four hundred. In Athens the θῆτες, πελάται, paid a sixth of the produce to the Eupatridæ. (This is without a doubt the corrupt supposition.) See Plutarch, Solon. 13. comp. Hemsterh. ad Hesych. in ἐπίμορτος.

120.

Athen. IV. 141 D. from Molpis on the Lacedæmonian state.

121.

Sphærus, ibid. p. 141 C. Compare also Myron ap. Athen. XIV. p. 657. παραδόντες αὐτοῖς τὴν χῶραν ἔταξαν ΜΟΙΡΑΝ ἣν αὐτοῖς ἀνοίσουσιν ἀεὶ, and Hesychius, γαβεργὸς (i.e. ΓΑϜΡΓΟΣ, γεωργὸς) ἔργου μισθωτὸς (which must be understood as in the passage quoted above, p. 32, note h. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “very early period,” starting “Plut. Instit. Lac.”]) Λάκωνες.

122.

In the time of Xenophon, however, Spartans resided upon the κλῆροι; see Hell. III. 3. 5. In the time of Aristotle (Polit. II. 2. 11.) individuals had already begun to attend to agriculture; Maxim. Tyr. Diss. XIII. p. 139, calls the Spartans and Cretans in general γεωργοί.

123.

Plutarch, Comp. Num. 2. Nepos, Paus. 3.

124.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 6. 3. Arist. Pol. II. 2. 5. Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252.

125.

Compare Thuc. VII. 19. with IV. 80. and V. 34.

126.

Herod. IX. 10. 28.

127.

Herod. IX. 28. Thuc. III. 8.

128.

I. q. ἀμφιστάντες Hesych. in v. cf. Voss. Valcken. Adoniaz, p. 289.

129.

Herod. VII. 229. compare the passages quoted by Sturz. Lex. Xenoph. in Θεράπων.

130.

Θεραπων δοῦλον ὁπλοφόρον δηλοῖ κατὰ τὴν Κρητῶν γλῶτταν. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1240, 32. Bas. ad Dion. Perieg. 533. Eustathius frequently mentions this peculiarity of the Cretan idiom, and the names of slaves in general; also the Glossary in Iriarte, Reg. Bibl. Matritensis cod. Gr. p. I. p. 146, states that the expression θεράπων for δοῦλος is Cretan.

131.

Athen. p. 271 F, from Myron. These are the persons of whom Xenophon says (Hell. IV. 5. 14.) τούτους ἐκέλευον τοὺς ὑπασπιστὰς ἀραμένους ἀποφέρειν.

132.

Herod. VI. 80, 81. cf. 75.

133.

Xenoph. Hell. VII. 1. 12.

134.

Timæus ap. Polyb. XII. 6. 7. frag. 17. p. 224. ed. Goetter. Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p. 265. compare Orchomenos, p. 242.

135.

The wives and children of Helots are often mentioned, e.g. in Thucyd. I. 103. At Athens the marriage of slaves was an uncommon event, and is usually found among the χωρὶς οἰκοῦντες. It was cheaper to purchase than to bring up slaves. (See Hume on the Populousness of Ancient Nations, Works, vol. III. p. 431-440. See p. 438, on the marriages of the Helots.)

136.

See Heraclides Ponticus.

137.

Welcker Alcman, Fragm. p. 6.

138.

Ap. Athen. XIV. p. 657 D. The κυνῆ is also probably signified as belonging to the dress of the Helots, in the account of the signal for conspiracy given by Antiochus of Phalanthus (Strab. VI. p. 278), although other writers (Æneas Poliorc. II.) mention a πῖλος in its stead.

139.

Κυνῆ Ἀρκὰς, Sophocl. Inachus ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1203. Valcken. ad Theocrit. Adoniaz. p. 345. the same as the πῖλος Ἀρκὰς in Polyæn. IV. 14. galerus Arcadicus, Stat. Theb. IV. 299. VII. 39. Κυνῆ Βοιωτία as the country-dress, Hesychius. The Arcadians went into the fields in goats' and sheep-skins, Pausan. IV. 11. 1.

140.

Od. XXIV. 230.

141.

Pollux, VII. 4. 68. Compare Hesychius, Moeris, and Suidas in κατωνάκη. Theopompus and Menæchmus ἐν τοῖς Σικυωνιακοῖς ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 D. (cf. Schweigh.) call the Κατωνακοφόροι Sicyonian bondsmen. Comp. Ruhnken. ad Tim. p. 212.

142.

Aristoph. Lysistr. 1157. cf. Palmer. Exercit. p. 506.

143.

V. 53. Bekker.

144.

De rep. Ath. I. 10.

145.

Lycurg. 28. and elsewhere.

146.

Duris ap. Plutarch. Ages. 3.

147.

Theopomp. ap. Athen. XIV, p. 657 C.

148.

Plutarch, ubi sup.

149.

μόθων φορτικὸν ὄρχημα, Pollux, IV. 14. 101.

150.

Plutarch. c. 28. Comp. Num. I. Concerning the Crypteia, see Manso, vol. I. part 2. p. 141. Heyne, Comment. Gotting. vol. IX. p. 30.

151.

Panathen. p. 271 A. See above, p. 22. note q. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “troops of the line,” starting “Isocrates Panath. p. 271 A.”]

152.

Ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 28. Heraclid. Pont. 2.

153.

I. p. 633 C. Justin says of the same thing, III. 3. pueros puberes non in forum, sed in agrum deduci præcepit, ut primos annos non in luxuria, sed in opere et laboribus agerent,—neque prius in urbem redire quam viri facti essent. The same, with a few deviations, is stated in Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 225. Ruhn.

154.

VI. p. 763 B. Compare Barthélemy, Anacharsis, tom. IV. p. 461.

155.

Damoteles a Spartan, ἐπὶ τῆς κρυπτείας τεταγμένος, Plut. Cleomen. 28.

156.

IV. 80.

157.

Leg. VI. p. 776. cited by Athen. VI. p. 264. Comp. Plutarch, Lycurg. 28. See Philological Museum, vol. II. p. 68. note 40. Critias the Athenian also said, with more wit than truth, that in Sparta the free were most free (cf. Diogen. Prov. IV. 87. Apostol. VIII. 12.); and that the slaves were most slaves, ap. Liban. Or. XXIV. vol. II. p. 85. Reisk.

158.

Thuc. I. 118. V. 14, 23. Cf. Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 2.

159.

Although it is denied by Dio Chrys. Or. XXXVI. p. 448 B. Compare Manso I. 2. p. 153. and I. 1. p. 234.

160.

Hesych. in v.

161.

Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 349. transl.

162.

Thuc. V. 34. cf. IV. 80.

163.

VII. 58. δύναται δὲ τὸ νεοδαμώδες ἐλεύθερον ἤδη εἶναι. The opposite is δαμώσεις (Steph. ΔΑΜΩΔΕΙΣ) δημόται ἢ οἱ ἐντελεῖς παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίους, Hesychius.

164.

Cf. Plut. Ages. 6.

165.

Athen. VI. 271 E. Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 279. Harpocration, Hesychius. The derivation from the town Mothone is like that of the name of the Helots from Helos. The Τρόφιμοι became Spartans from aliens by education, Xenoph. Hell. V. 3. 9. To these the confused account in Plut. Lacon. Inst. p. 252. probably refers.

166.

In Athenæus they are called free, in reference to their future, not their past condition. See Hemsterhuis ap Lennep. Etymol. vol. I. p. 575.

167.

Athen. ubi sup. Ælian, V. H. XII. 43. Two σύντροφοι or μόθακες of Cleomenes III. in Plut. Cleom. 8. These were, like Lysander, Heraclide Mothaces.

168.

Ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 D. where the comparison with the κατωνακοφόροι does not appear to have sufficient ground. See Casaub. ad Athen. VI. 20. Interp. Hesych. in v. ἐνευνακταί. Diodorus, Exc. Vat. VII.—X. n. 12., calls the Parthenians who had been sent under Phalanthus to Tarentum, sometimes Epeunacti, sometimes Parthenians. Since they are considered as young men (for Phalanthus has an ἐραστὴς named Agathiadas), they appear to have been, not Helots who had begotten children with Spartan women, but the male offspring of such unions. As the term is used by Theopompus, these would be called the sons of Epeunacti. Hesychius likewise makes the ἐπεύνακτοι equivalent to the παρθενίαι.

169.

According to the epitaph in Herod. VII. 228. 4000 men were buried at Thermopylæ, i.e., 300 Spartans, 700 Thespian Hoplitæ, and 3000 Ψιλοὶ, of whom 2100 were perhaps Helots. See below, ch. 12. § 6.

170.

VIII. 40.

171.

Polyb. VI. 45.

172.

According to the most probable statement in Plut. Lyc. 8, viz., that Lycurgus made 4500 lots, and Polydorus the same number.

173.

Plut. Alcib. I. p. 122 D. Tyrtæus ap. Schol. p. 78. Ruhnk. and ad Leg. I. p. 220. See book I. ch. 4. § 3. The valley of the Pamisus in many places gives a return of thirty times the seed, and is sown twice in the year. Sibthorp in Walpole's Memoirs, p. 60.

174.

Pausan. IV. 24. 2. τὴν μὲν ἄλλην πλὴν τῆς Ἀσιναίων αὐτοὶ διελάγχανον. Cf. III. 20. 6. Zenob. III. 39. Apostol. VII. 33. δουλότερος Μεσσηνίων: cf. Etymol. in Εἵλωτες. Etym. Gudian. p. 167, 32.

175.

Thuc. I. 100. πλεῖστοι δὲ τῶν Εἵλώτων ἐγένοντο οἱ τῶν παλαιῶν Μεσσηνίων τότε δουλωθέντων ἀπόγονοι. Plutarch, Cimon, 16. Lyc. 28, and Diodorus XI. 53, sqq. incorrectly distinguish the Helots from the Messenians. Compare book I. ch. 9. § 10.

176.

Compare Xen. Hell. VII. 2. 2. with VI. 5. 27.

177.

Polyb. VII. 10. 1. cf. IV. 32. 1, and Manso's Excursus on the restoration of Messenia, vol. III. part 2. p. 80.

178.

Plut. Agis. 8. The word Μαλέαν is perhaps corrupt.

179.

Xen. Hell. IV. 5. 11.

180.

Thuc. IV. 8. οἱ ἐγγύτατα τῶν περιοίκων.

181.

See above ch. 2. § 1.

182.

ἐπ᾽ ἀγρῷ, ἐν τοῖς χωρίοις. Compare above, p. 34. note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “a few days,” starting “In the time of Xenophon.”]

183.

Steph. Byz. Μεσόα τόπος Λακωνικῆς. Φυλὴ Λακωνική. Hesychius, Κυνόσουρα φυλὴ Λακωνική. Herodian περί μον λέξεως p. 13. 23. Dindorf. τὸ Κυνόσουρα ἐπὶ τῇ Λακωνικῇ φυλῇ. Cf. Schol. Callim. Dian. 94. Hesych. ἡ Πιτάνη φυλὴ.

184.

III. 16. 6.

185.

Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. No. 1338.

186.

Boeckh, ibid. No. 1347, where it is written ΑΠΟ ΦΥΛΗΣ ΚΥΝΟΣΟΥΡΕΩΝ. Concerning which see Boeckh, p. 609. In Inscript. 1241. a διαβετης Λιμναιων (perhaps διοικητὴς Λιμνατῶν) occurs. See Boeckh, ib. p. 611.

187.

Thrasybulus also (Epigr. Plut. Apophth, Lac. p. 242. Anthol. Palat. VII. 229.) was evidently a Spartan, brought back to Pitana, and so also is Archias, the Pitanatan, in Herod. III. 55. See Strabo, V. p. 250.

188.

Suid. Fragm. 2. Welcker.

189.

IX. 35. At the same time, Heraclides Ponticus says of Alcman merely, ἠλευθερώθη.

190.

Pindar. Olymp. VI. 28. Eurip. Troad. 1116. Μενέλαος Πιτανάτης in Hesychius.

191.

Hesych. in Πιτανάτης.

192.

Herod. IX. 53. Thuc. I. 20. does not admit its existence. But Caracalla, in imitation of antiquity, composed a λόχος Πιτανάτης of Spartans, Herodian. IV. 8. The Tarentines (who retained the memory of the mother-city more in their names of places than in their customs) had a division of their army which was called Pitanates; the περίπολοι Πιτανᾶται are mentioned upon a coin of Tarentum: Millingen's Ancient Coins, pl. 1. n. 19.

193.

III. 55.

194.

Polyæn. II. 1. 14. cf. Plut. Ages. 32.

195.

Pausan. III. 14. 2.—Œnus was situated in the vicinity according to Athen. I. p. 31 C. and this also was near the city, Plut. Lyc. 6. See the map of Peloponnesus.

196.

Also according to Plut. de Exil. 6.

197.

VIII. p. 363 A. Doubtless the marshy grounds upon the Eurotas, which in this part frequently overflowed its banks. Compare book I. ch. 4. § 6.

198.

P. 364 A. comp. Tzschucke, p. 184.

199.

VII. 20. 4.

200.

I. 10. Pitana is called a κώμη in Schol. Thucyd. I. 20. and Limnæ is called the Λιμναῖον χωρίον in Pausan. III. 16. 6.

201.

II. 6. 3. Concerning the slaves of Crete, see Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part 2. p. 105. Ste Croix, Sur la Législation de Crète, p. 373. has confused the whole subject.

202.

Similarly the Lacedæmonians, according to Cicero de Rep. III. 9. (cf. Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 179, 201.) said proverbially, suos omnes agros, quos spiculo possent attingere.

203.

Athen. VI. p. 263 E. Hesychius, Eustath. ad Il. XV. p. 1024 Rom. Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 283. Concerning ἀφαμία or ἀφημία, see Schneider's Lexicon in ἀφαμιῶται. Hoeck's Kreta, vol. III. p. 36.

204.

Strabo XV. p. 701. Etym. Magn. in πενέσται, Photius in κλαρῶται and πενέσται. Lex. seguer. I. p. 292. emended by Meineke Euphor. p. 142.

205.

Polit. II. 7. 3. cf. II. 2. 13.

206.

So also in Strab. XII. p. 542 C. it is said that the slaves of the Heracleotes served upon the same conditions as ἡ Μνῴα σύνοδος ἐθήτευεν. Comp. Hermon ap. Athen. VI. p. 267 B. where Eustathius ad II. XV. p. 1024. Rom. μνῷται οἱ ἐλλενεῖς οἰκέται (those born in the country as opposed to purchased slaves) appears to have preserved the right reading. cf. ad II. XIII. p. 954. Hesych. vol. II. p. 611. Pollux III. 8. 23. κλαρῶται καὶ μνωΐται. Steph. Byz. (from the same source as Pollux) οὗτοι δὲ πρῶτοι ἐχρήσαντο θεράπουσιν ὡς Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοῖς εἵλωσι καὶ Ἀργεῖοι τοῖς γυμνησίοις καὶ Σικυώνιοι τοῖς κορυνηφόροις καὶ Ἰταλιῶται τοῖς Πελασγοῖς, καὶ Κρῆτες δμωΐταις. Write μνωΐταις in the more extensive signification of the word. In the same manner Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 533, who has been already corrected by Meineke ubi sup.

207.

Aristot, Polit. II. 7. 3. ἀπὸ πάντων τῶν γιγνομένων καρπῶν τε καὶ βοσκημάτων ἐκ τῶν δημοσίων καὶ φόρων οὓς φέρουσιν οἱ περίοικοι, τέτακται μέρος, i.e. “Of all the products of the soil and all the cattle which come from the public lands, a part is appointed.” The arrangement of the words is not more careless than in other passages.

208.

Ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A.

209.

See below, ch. 10. § 7.

210.

At the Hermæa, however, the slaves feasted in public, and they were waited on by their masters, as at Trœzen in the month Geræstion; Carystius ap. Athen. XIV. p. 639 B. cf. VI. p. 263 F. In Sparta, during the Hyacinthia, the masters invited the slaves to be their guests, Polycrates ap. Athen. IV. p. 139 B.

211.

Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 1.

212.

Polit. II. 8. 5.

213.

Hesychius, Pollux and Stephanus as before.

214.

VI. 83.

215.

VII. 148. In this passage the battle, contrary to the calculation before given (book I. ch. 8. § 6.) upon the authority of Pausanias, is brought down to the time immediately preceding the Persian war, as is evident not only from the word νεωστὶ, but also from the circumstance that the Argives desired a thirty years' peace, to enable the children of the persons who had been slain to arrive at manhood. From this, then, it follows that the Gymnesii, expelled from Argos, did not obtain possession of Tiryns till after the Persian war (for that they were not there during this war may be inferred from Herod. IX. 28.), and the final victory over them would then coincide with the conquest of Tiryns (book I. ch. 8. § 7). If the oracle in Herod. VI. 19. had been accurately (και ΤΟΤΕ) fulfilled, the battle must fall in Olymp. 70. 3. 498 B.C., but no calculation can be founded on this datum.

216.

The same argument applies here as in the case of the slaves who made themselves masters of Volsinii. See Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. I. p. 101. sq. ed. 2. English Transl.

217.

The liberation of Argive slaves is alluded to in a passage of Hesychius in ἐλεύθερον ὕδωρ: ἐν Ἄργει ἀπὸ τῆς Συναγείας (perhaps ΦΥΣΑΔΕΙΑΣ, cf. Callim. Lav. Pall. 47. Euphorion Fragm. 19. Meineke) πίνουσι κρήνης ἐλευθερούμενοι τῶν οἰκετῶν.

218.

Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 8.

219.

Book I. ch. 7. § 16.

220.

Not the Gymnesii. See vol. I. p. 191, note p.

221.

Panathen. p. 270 A. B. cf. 286 A. I am also of opinion that Pausanias was in error when (II. 19.) he states that the Argives had from an early period been distinguished for their love of equality and freedom.

222.

See Thuc. V. 67, 72. Diod. XII. 80. Plutarch, Alcib. 15. Pausan. II. 20. 1. where the leader of the 1000 λογάδες is called Bryas, and particularly Aristot. Pol. V. 4. Comp. Manso, vol. II. p. 432. with the remarks of Tittmann, p. 602.

223.

The Elean Περιοικὶς may serve for a comparison. This was the name of all the territory which the Eleans had conquered in addition to their original land, the Κοίλη Ἦλις. (Thuc. II. 25. Xen. Hell. III. 2. 23.) It was, however, divided into tribes, which increased or diminished with the loss or accession of territory. The number of the Hellanodicæ was arranged according to that of the tribes. The ancient territory of the Eleans, Κοίλη Ἦλις, included four tribes; Pisatis was divided into an equal number; and if the whole of Triphylia obeyed the Eleans, four more were added. (See Paus. V. 9. 5.) Compare Aristodemus of Elis in Harpocration in v. Ἑλλανοδίκης, Etym. Mag. p. 331, 20. For further details see a paper by the author in Welcker's and Naeke's Rheinisches Museum, vol. II. p. 167.

224.

Plutarch, Quæst. Græc. I. Hesychius.

225.

Below, ch. 5. § 2.

226.

Πάντα ὀκτὼ, Photius in v. Suidas (in Schott's Prov. XI. 64.) Apostol. XV. 67.

227.

Hesychius. According to Isaac Vossius Κυνόφυλοι. The Corinthian κυνῆ, Herod. IV. 180. was perhaps at an early period the peculiar dress of this class. See above, ch. 3. § 3.

228.

Thus the harbour Lechæum was a place of refuge for maltreated slaves as well as Munychia, Hesych. in Λέχαιον.

229.

Steph. Byz. in Χίος, Pollux ubi sup. Etym. Gud. p. 165. 53. where θῆτες, γυμνῆτες (for γυμνήσιοι), πενέσται, πελάται (erroneously for κλαρῶται), κορυνηφόροι, and καλλικύριοι are classed together.

230.

See above, p. 38, note o. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “lining of fur,” starting “Pollux, VII. 4. 68.”]

231.

Herod. V. 68. where, however, it is difficult to believe that this fourth tribe was not established until after the time of Cleisthenes. The tribe which in Sicyon was called Λιγιαλεῖς was perhaps in Phlius known by the title of Χθονοφυλὴ, the mythical name of the daughter of Sicyon, and the mother or wife of Phlias, Pausan. II. 63. 12. 6. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 45.

232.

The able historian Thirlwall thinks it more probable that Cleisthenes united the three Doric tribes in a single tribe, and that the Hyatæ, Oneatæ, and Chœreatæ, were the three country tribes, tribus rusticæ, which Cleisthenes had admitted into the dominant community. But a measure of this kind appears to be unexampled in the history of the Greek constitutions, and could hardly have been confounded by Herodotus with a mere change of names. It may be here mentioned that the temple of Zeus the Enumerator, in Sicyon, was referred to the establishment of the tribes, Bekker's Anecd. Gr. vol. II. p. 790. Σικυώνιοι κατὰ φυλὰς ἑαυτοὺς τάξαντες καὶ ἀριθμήσαντες Διὸς Στοιχέως ἱερὸν ἱδρύσαντο.

233.

See, e.g., concerning the κληροδοσία of Cnidos, Diodor. V. 53. That the lots were even apportioned in the mother-country may be seen from what occurred at the founding of Syracuse, book I. ch. 6. § 7. Compare the account of the colonization of Epidamnus, Thucyd. I. 27.

234.

This, e.g., was the case in the Corinthian Apollonia, Herod. IX. 93. Aristot. Pol. IV. 3. 8. So also in Thera, Orchomenos, p. 337.

235.

Thucyd. VI. 17. of the cities of Sicily, ὄχλοις τε γὰρ ξυμμίκτοις πολυανδροῦσιν, &c.

236.

The clearest instance, although not of a Doric city, is in Thucyd. V. 4. The Leontini had created a large number of new citizens, who, partly forming the popular party, pressed for a redivision of the lands (ἀναδασμός). Upon this, the nobles entirely expelled the commons. See below, ch. 9. § 15.

237.

Herod. VII. 155. Aristot. Polit. Syrac. ap. Phot. in v. Dionys. Hal. VI. 62. p. 388. 35. Marmor. Par. l. 52. Hesychius γάμοροι—ἢ οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐγγείων τιμημάτων (à censu agrorum) τὰ κοινὰ διέποντες. Ἐγγείων κτημάτων, the correction of Ruhnken ad Tim. Lex. in v. γεωμόροι, is not needed. The expression ἀπὸ τιμημάτων ἄρχειν, διοικεῖν, &c., occurs. See Wesseling ad Diod. XVIII. 18.

238.

Hesychius (cf. Interp. vol. II. p 260.), Photius, Suidas, and Phavorinus in Καλλικύριοι, Etym. Gud. p. 165. Zenob. IV. 54. Καλλικίριοι ἐν Συρακούσαις ἐκλήθησαν οἱ ὑπεισελθόντες ΓΕΩΜΟΡΟΙΣ, as it should be written (see below, ch. 9. § 7.), Plut. Prov. Alex. 10. p. 588. Eustathius ad Il. p. 295. Rom. Κιλλικύριοι δὲ ἐν Κρήτη, Μαριανδυνοὶ δὲ ἐν Ἡρακλείᾳ τῇ Ποντικῇ καὶ Ἀροτται ἐν Συρακούσαις should be written Κιλλικύριοι δὲ ἐν Συρακούσαις—ΚΛΑΡΟΤΑΙΔΕ ἐν Κρήτῃ. Dionysius ubi sup. calls them πελάται. Καλλικύριοι seems to be a mere corruption of foreigners, who tried to make a Greek word of it.

239.

Phylarch, ap. Athen. VI. p. 271 C. The μισθωτοὶ were called προύνικοι in Byzantium, according to Pollux VII. 29. 132.

240.

Strab. XII. p. 542 C.

241.

Euphorion (Fragm. 73. Mein.) and Callistratus ὁ Ἀριστοφάνειος ap. Athen. VI. p. 263 D. E. Hesychius in δωροφόροι. The masters are called by Euphorion ἄνακτες, according to the Homeric idiom.

242.

Aristot. Pol. VII. 5. 7. where the Periœci of Heraclea, who served in the fleet, are probably the Mariandyni. In this passage Heraclea Pontica is meant, whereas in V. 4. 2. (μετὰ τὸν ἀποικισμὸν εὐθὺς) Heraclea Trachinia is evidently intended—compare Schlosser; and the same town is probably signified in the other passages.

243.

See above, p. 60, note l. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “strictly so called,” starting “This, e.g., was the case.”]

244.

The oracle in Herod. IV. 159. ὅς δὲ κεν ἐς Λιβύαν πολυήρατον ὕστερον ἔλθῃ γᾶς ἀναδαιομένας, μετὰ οἳ ποκά φαμι μελήσειν. Compare ὑστερεῖν τῆς κληροδοσίας, Diod. V. 53.

245.

Herod. IV. 161. The most probable explanation of this passage seems to be that given in the text, viz., that Demonax left to the first conquerors the possession of their subjects, and did not divide them equally among the new colonists; and this is approved by Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, p. 148. Niebuhr, however, History of Rome, vol. I. note 708. ed. 2, understands it to mean that the Periœci were the original subjects of the Theræans in their island, who in the colony stood on an equal footing with their former masters: an equality which is not necessarily implied by an union in the same tribe.

246.

Concerning the Achæans, Thuc. VIII. 3. cf. Liv. XXXIII. 34. Of the Magnetes and others, Thuc. II. 101. Demosth. Philipp. II. p. 71. Olynth. II. p. 20. Concerning the Perrhæbi, Thuc. IV. 78. Strab. IX. p. 440.—Compare Orchomenos, p. 252.

247.

Tittmann. Amphictyonen bund, p. 35. see particularly Herod. VII. 132.

248.

Xen. Hell. VI. 1. 7. where the περίοικοι must not be confounded with the Penestæ; see Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 9.

249.

According to Thucyd. IV. 78.

250.

VII. 176.

251.

There were also Penestæ among the Macedonians, according to Eustathius ad Dionys. Perieg. 533. But with those mentioned in Livy XLIII. 20. sqq. we have here no concern.

252.

Euboica ap. Athen. VI. p. 264 B. cf. Eustath. Il. XIII. p. 954, 38. Rom. Phot. Lex. in v. πενέσται, where read, ἀπὸ τῶν ὑπὸ Αἵμονος ἐν ἈΡΝΗΙ νικηθέντων Βοιωτῶν (see Orchomenos, p. 378.) as in Suidas.

253.

Athen. VI. p. 265 C.

254.

According to Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 3. the Penestæ revolted from the Thessalians when the latter were waging war with the Achæans, Perrhæbians, and Magnetes.

255.

Archem. ubi sup. Strab. XII. p. 542 C. Eustath. p. 954. Photius, ἐπὶ τῷ μήτε παθεῖν τι ἐργαζόμενοι, μήτε ἐκβληθῆναι.

256.

Pollux III. 83.

257.

Theopompus ap. Schol. Theocrit. XVI. 35. Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 13. Staphylus περὶ θετταλῶν ap. Harpocrat. Ammonius, Photius, Hesychius, Etym. in v.

258.

Heraclid. Pont. 2. In Eustathius ad Il. II. p. 295, Photius (ubi sup.), and Hesychius, they are called οἱ μὴ γόνῳ δοῦλοι, a very obscure expression. The explanation of another writer, ἐλεύθεροι μίσθῳ δουλεύοντες, is entirely false.

259.

Euripid. Phrix. ap. Athen. p. 264 C. Λάτρις πενέστης (hence Hesychius πενέσται λάτρεις) ἀμὸς ἀρχαίων δόμων.

260.

In the Θεσσαλικὰ of Philocrates (εἰ γνήσια) ap. Athen. p. 264 A. Staphylus ubi sup. Photius, in πενέσται.

261.

Theocrit. XVI. 35. (see Meineke Comment. Miscell. I. p. 53.) But when Theocritus says that “they received provision for a month measured out,” he evidently confounds them with common slaves.—Menon brought 200 Penestæ of his own to the Athenians, Pseudo-Demosth, περί συντάξ. p. 113. 6. or 300, according to the speech in Aristocrat, p. 687. 2.

262.

Athen. p. 264 B. Hesych. in πενέστης.

263.

Timæus in V. πενεστικὸν, Eustath. Il. XIII. p. 954, &c.

264.

Archemachus and Eustathius as above—although the name is evidently derived from πένης.

265.

Demosth. in Aristocrat, p. 687. 1.

266.

Aristoph. Vesp. 1263.

267.

All three together in Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 9. cf. Thuc. IV. 78. At the time of Alexander of Pheræ it is probable that there were tyrants in Thessaly who had risen from demagogues, and were therefore hostile to the Aleuadæ, Diodor. XVI. 1.

268.

The statement of Aristotle ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 397. concerning an ancient expulsion of the Barbarians from Arcadia, was merely made for the purpose of explaining the name Προσέληνοι.

269.

In Athen. VI. p. 271 D. and X. p. 443 B. Casaubon reads Ἀρδιαίους and Ἀρδιαῖοι for Ἀρκαδίους and Ἀριαῖοι. See Clinton Fast. Hellen. vol. II. p. 420. note p. ed. 2. Wachsmuth, Hellenische Alterthumskunde, vol. I. p. 323. Boeckh Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p. ult. The Greek name for the Arcadians is not Ἀρκάδιοι but Ἄρκαδες.

270.

See above, § 2.

271.

See above, ch. 3. § 3. What connexion there was between this measure and the union of Megara with four hamlets (book I. ch. 5. § 10.) I have not been able to satisfy myself.

272.

This enables us to reconcile Xen. Hell. V. 2. 7. (cf. VI. 4. 18. ἐκ τῶν κωμῶν—ἀριστοκρατούμενοι, and VI. 5. 3.) with Ephorus ap. Strab, VIII. p. 337. Harpocration in v. Μαντινέων διοικισμὸς, and Isocrat. περὶ εἰρήνης in Harpocration. Cf. Diod. XV. 5. 12. Polyb. IV. 27. 6. Pausan. VIII. 8.

273.

Therefore before Caryæ fell under the power of Lacedæmon; for it is evident that the Arcadian Caryæ, close to Laconia, and belonging to the territory of Tegea, and the Lacedæmonian Caryæ, are the same place. Photius in v. τὰς Καρύας Ἀρκάδων οὔσας ἀπετέμνοντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι. Compare Meineke Euphorion, p. 96. That this had taken place before the second Messenian war, I can hardly believe from the narrative in Pausan. IV. 16. 5.

274.

See Pausan. VIII. 45. 1. Comp. Strabo VIII. p. 337. and Aristot. Pol. II. 1. 5.

275.

Hence Homer calls it the “fertile demus,” πίονα δῆμον.

276.

Od. XXIV. 414. κατὰ πτόλιν.

277.

Od. XI. 187.

278.

Pausan. VII. 18. 3.

279.

According to Steph. Byz. in v. the district was originally called Δύμη, and the city Στράτος.

280.

Strab. ubi sup. cf. VIII. p. 386. οἱ μὲν οὖν Ἴωνες κωμηδὸν ᾤκουν (the cities were unwalled, Thuc. III. 33.), οἱ δ᾽ Ἀχαιοὶ πόλεις ἔκτισαν. Concerning the συνοικισμὸς of Patræ, Dyme and Ægium. See Strabo VIII. p. 337.

281.

Εὐπατρίδαι οἱ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄστυ οἰκοῦντες, Bekk. Anecd. p. 257. Etym. M. in v.

282.

Κυδαθήναιον δῆμοσ ἐν ἄστει Hesychius. Schol. Plat. Symp. p. 43. Ruhnken.

283.

Κυδαθηναῖος ἔνδοξος Ἀθηναῖος, Hesychius.

284.

Leg. I. p. 626 C.

285.

In Homer there is no trace of a δῆμος as a political power opposed to another. The passage in Il. II. 546., in which the δῆμος of Athens is mentioned, is as late at least as the age of Solon.

286.

V. 948. Thus Æschyl. Suppl. 375. concerning the monarch, σύ τοι πόλις, σὺ δὲ τὸ δήμιον, πρύτανις ἄκϝιτος ὤν.

287.

See particularly such passages as that in Chishull's Ant. Asiat. p. 113. Συβριτιων ἁ πολις και οἱ κοσμοι Τηιων τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ χαιρειν, p. 137. Αλλαριωταν οἱ κοσμοι και ἁ πολις Παριων τᾳ πολει και τῳ δαμῳ. Sometimes, however, especially in inscriptions of late date, δῆμος also occurs, as in Pococke IV. 2. p. 43. n. 2. which should be restored nearly as follows: αγαθᾳ τυχᾳ. εδοξε τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ Κλεισθενεα.... Σινωπεα. Αντιοχον και Αγαθοκλην Σωσιγενεος Ἱεροπολιτας προξενος ημεν αυτος και εγγονα, ὑπαρχεν δε αυτοις και ισοπολιτειαν και γας και οικιας εγκτησιν και ατελειαν, &c.

288.

See the Rhetra cited below, ch. 5. § 8. The citizens of Sparta were called δαμώδεις (above, p. 43, note n [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Neodamodes,” starting “VIII. 58.”]); νεοδαμώδεις, i.e., “new Spartans,” answers to the Syracusan νεοπολῖται, Diod. XIV. 7. δαμοσία, the train of the king in war; below, ch. 12. § 5. A measure ratified by the community was called δαμώσικτος; below, ch. 5. § 11.

289.

Ch. 3. § 3. On Periander, see Diog. Laërt. I. 98. from Ephorus and Aristotle, Nicolaus Damascenus, Heracl. Pont. 5. on the Pisistratidæ, above p. 38, note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “very same measure,” starting “Aristoph. Lysistr. 1157.”] Meurs. Pisistrat. 7. cf. Maxim. Tyr. XIII. 140. Dav. Concerning Gelo, Plutarch. Apophth. Reg. p. 89. the Thirty, Xenoph. Hell. II. 4. 1. a Cephallenian tyrant, Heraclid. Pont. 31. See in general Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 7. and the excellent note of Meier de bonis damnat. p. 185.

290.

See also Diod. XIV. 10.

291.

Polyb. IV. 73. 6. οἱ πολιτευόμενοι—οἱ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας κατοικοῦντες. Oxylus also, according to Pausan. V. 4. 1. incorporated a number of hamlets with the city.

292.

Aristot. Pol. III. 3, where the πολίτου ἀρετὴ is restricted to those ὅσοι τῶν ἔργων εἰσὶν ἀφειμένοι τῶν ἀνανκαίων.

293.

The instances of admission of foreigners to the rights of Spartan citizens (of which some are very uncertain), collected by Tittmann, p. 641. prove nothing against Herodotus, IX. 35. Ephorus ap. Strab. VIII. p. 364. speaks of the reception of aliens as Periœci. Concerning the strictness of the Megarians as to this point, see Plutarch, de Monarchia 2. p. 204.

294.

Book I. ch. 1. § 8. Andron (ap. Strab. X. p. 475.) explains it from the Tripolis near mount Parnassus.

295.

V. 68. cf. Steph. Byz. in Ὕλλεῖς, Δυμᾶν. Hemsterh. ad Aristoph. Plut. 385.

296.

Pyth. I. 61. V. 71. and in the fragment of the Ἰσθμιονῖκαι, Ὕλλου τε καὶ Αἰγιμίου Δωριεὺς στρατός.

297.

Ubi sup. cf. Schol. Pyth. I. 121.

298.

Hesychius Δύμη ἐν Σπάρτῃ φυλὴ καὶ τόπος, which is not indeed a decisive testimony.

299.

V. 68. All the three tribes occur in Argive inscriptions of late date; see Boeckh ad Inscript. 1123. the Πάμφυλοι however are introduced on conjecture. Ὕλλις ἀπὸ Ἀργείας μιᾶς τῶν νυμφῶν, Callimachus ap. Steph. in Ὕλλεῖς, unless it should be written Αἰγαίας, or some such word. See Introduction, § 9.

300.

Plutarch. Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269.

301.

Pindar, ubi sup.

302.

Hesych. in Ὕλλέες. Compare Æginetica, p. 140.

303.

Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 404.

304.

Gruter p. 401. Castelli Inscript. Sic. p. 79.

305.

Il. II. 668. book I. ch. 6. § 3.

306.

Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1073. and see his Explic. ad Pind. Pyth. I. p. 234.

307.

Charaxap. Steph. in Ὕλλεῖς.

308.

Book I. ch. 6. § 1.

309.

Æginetica, pp. 40. and 140. note x. Steph. Byz. Δυμᾶν, φῦλον Δωριέων, ἦσαν δὲ τρεῖς, Ὕλλεῖς καὶ Πάμφυλοι καὶ Δυμᾶνες, ἐξ Ἡρακλέους, καὶ προσετέθη ἡ Ὑρνηθία, ὡς Ἔφορος ά: which passage should be understood thus: “There were originally three tribes, Hylleans, Pamphylians, and Dymanes, which go back to the time of Hercules; and to these the Hyrnathian tribe was afterwards added,” viz., at Argos, where it occurs in inscriptions, Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1130, 1131. The name is obscure, and particularly its connexion with the heroine Hyrnetho, the daughter of Temenus. See Paus. II. 26. Steph. Byz. in Ὕρνίθιον.

310.

Ibid. p. 140.

311.

See above, p. 58, note c. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “dwelt in the city,” starting “Πάντα ὀκτὼ.”]

312.

See Orchomenos, p. 329. Tribes with patronymic terminations occur, however, elsewhere, as in the great Tenian inscription in the British Museum the tribes of the Heraclidæ, the Thestiadæ, and these, together with several others also, as divisions of the country. The name of the Heraclidæ in the Ionian island of Tenos is not easily accounted for; on the presence of Hercules there, see, however, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1304. from the Τηνιακὰ of Ænesidemus.

313.

Athen. IV. p. 141 F. from Demetrius Scepsius, comp. Orchomenos, p. 328. Hesychius incorrectly interprets ὠβάτης as φυλέτης. The name ὠβὰ was retained till the Roman time, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1272, 1273, 1274.

314.

The γένη of the mechanics and peasants in Athens often had a patronymic name from their occupations. Compare Buttmann on the meaning of the word phratria, in the Berlin Transactions for 1818 19. p. 12.

315.

The five divisions of the city are the four κῶμαι, Pitana, Mesoa, Cynosura, and Limnæ (see above, ch. 3. § 7); and, fifthly, the πόλις itself, the hill on which the temple of Athene Chalciœcus stood.

316.

Hesychius and Etym. in Ἀγιάδαι, where, however, Laconia is put for Sparta. Probably in Pitana. See Pausanias III. 14. 2. where ἐν Ἀγιαδῶν has been correctly edited by Bekker, after Heeringa and Porson.

317.

Below, § 8.

318.

Diod. XI. 50. See also Plut. Lys. 24.

319.

Plut. Solon. 12.

320.

Herod. V. 72.

321.

See the Sigean inscription in Clarke's Travels, vol. II. sect. 1. p. 162. Compare Walpole's Memoirs, p. 103. Epigr. Hom. 14. In Byzantium also there were patrias, probably the same as phratrias, as Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3. mentions πατριωτικὰ χρήματα in that town.

322.

See Ignarra de Phratriis. Comp. Buttmann, p. 36.

323.

Ælius Dionysius ap. Eustath. Il. II. p. 363. Orus ap. Etym. Mag. Buttmann indeed denies the truth of this remark, but it must not be given up hastily. For, in the first place, the Ionic festival Ἀπατούρια is manifestly an union of the πάτραι, yet it is always represented as a festival of the phratrias; and secondly, in the Thasian decree in Choiseul Gouffier I. 2. p. 156. it is permitted to newly-created citizens to be admitted into a πάτρη; but we never find that new citizens were elected into ancient γένη. It is also confirmed by the words in the Tenian Inscription from Choiseul's collection (in the Louvre, No. 566.), καὶ [εἰς] φυλὴν καὶ φρατρίαν προσγρά [ψασθ] αι [ἣν ἂν βούλωνται], and the same in the inscription quoted in p. 81. note g. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Asiatic colonies,” starting “See the Sigean inscription.”]

324.

The names of the larger division or tribe were the same at Sparta and Athens, viz., φυλὴ; but the Spartan ὠβὰ corresponded with the Athenian φρατρία, the Doric πάτρα with the Athenian γένος. See Schneider's Lexicon in v. πάτρα, Boeckh Not. Crit. ad Pind. Nem. IV. 77. and Dissen Expl. Nem. VIII. p. 450. Æginetica, p. 139.

325.

I. 65.

326.

Pollux VIII. 111. Hesych. in ἀτριάκαστοι. But in Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 101. τριακὰς is a division of a borough. See Boeckh, vol. I. p. 900.—Whether the τριακάδες of Epicharmus (Hesych. in Σκωρνυφίων) are families, is uncertain.

327.

Perhaps the persons ἀπὸ γένους, whom Leonidas wished to send back from Thermopylæ (Plut. Herod. Mal. 52.), were the only surviving members of their families.

328.

Yet they had not any essential privilege in Sparta, Plut. Lys. 24.

329.

οἱ πρῶτοι ἄνδρες Thucyd. IV. 108. V. 15. ἄριστοι Plut. Lys. 30. The καλοὶ κἀγαθοὶ in Aristot. Poll. II. 9. are in general persons of distinction; there may undoubtedly have been persons of this description among the Periœci (Xen. Hell. V. 3. 9.), but in this passage of Aristotle these do not come into consideration.

330.

In Leptin. p. 489. cf. Wolf.

331.

Rep. Laced. 10. 7.

332.

Xen. Hell. III. 3. 5. cf. Aristot. Pol. V. 7. From this it is probable, that in Xenophon Σπαρτιᾶται is used in a limited sense for Ὅμοιοι. cf. Schneider. ad loc. et ad V. 3. 9.

333.

Rep. Laced. 13. 1.

334.

Anab. IV. 6. 14. Xenophon, who imitates the Lacedæmonian spirit in so many different manners in the Cyropædia, here also mentions ὅμοιοι and ὁμότιμοι, I. 5. 5. II. 1, 2.

335.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 7. cf. 33. and see B. IV. ch. 5. § 1.

336.

Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21. according to the reading μὴ μετέχειν αὐτῆς, i.e., τῆς πολιτείας. See B. IV. ch. 3. § 3. Concerning the grounds of the distinction of the Equals, see C. F. Hermann De Conditione atque Origine eorum qui Homoei apud Laced. appellati sunt. 1832.

337.

See above, note u. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “education of an Equal,” starting “Anab. IV. 6. 14.”]

338.

Aristotle says, probably without any reference to the more definite expression, that the Parthenians were ἐκ τῶν ὁμοίων, Polit. V. 6. 1. See also Manso, vol. I. part 1. p. 231, 238. vol. III. part 1. p. 217.

339.

See book I. ch. 7. § 4. above, ch. 1. § 9.

340.

Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. Διὸς Ἑλλανίου καὶ Ἀθηνᾶς Ἑλλανίας ἱερὸν ἱδρυσάμενον, φυλὰς φυλάξαντα καὶ ὠβὰς ὠβάξαντα τριάκοντα, γερουσίαν σὺν ἀρχαγέταις καταστήσαντα, ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας ἀπελλάζειν μεταξὺ Βαβύκας τε καὶ Κνακίωνος, οὒτως εἰσφέρειν τε καὶ ἀφίστασθαι. δάμῳ δὲ κυρίαν ἦμεν καὶ κράτος. Ἀπελλάζειν means “to summon the people to an assembly,” “in concionem vocare.” See Hesychius in v. Valcken. ad Theocrit. Adon. p. 209. Lennep Etymol. vol. I. p. 152. Plutarch evidently derives the word from Ἀπέλλων, Apollo. The words ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας are nearly inexplicable, and Mazochi's alteration, Tab. Herac. vol. I. p. 149, ὠβὰς (or ὠβὰν) does not much diminish the difficulty. The best explanation of ὤρας ἐξ ὤρας seems to be, “one month after another,” i.e. monthly. Towards the end, κυρίαν ἦμεν seems to be the best reading; one MS. has γυριανήμην. Valckenaer, ib. p. 291. proposes δάμῳ δ᾽ ἀνωγὰν ἦμεν.

341.

Ib. αἰ δὲ σκολιὰν ὁ δᾶμος ἕλοιτο, τοὺς πρεσβυγενέας καὶ ἀρχαγέτας ἀποστατῆρασ ἦμεν. Compare Plutarch. An Seni sit ger. Resp. 10.

342.

For εὐθείαις ῥήτραις, which is read both in Plutarch and Diodorus, Frank, p. 173. 199, corrects εὐθείαις γνώμαις, and explains it to mean the proposal made to the people. But both the context and syntax require, not that to which they answer, but that which they answer; i.e., they simply approve or reject the proposed law. Both νόμος and ῥήτρα are used for a decree in its imperfect stage (below, ch. 9. § 11. Plutarch Agis 8.); nor is ῥήτρα applied only to the laws of Lycurgus.

343.

Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. Diod. Vat. Excerpt. VII—X. 3. p. 3. Mai. Instead of the two first verses Diodorus has Δὴ γὰρ ἀργυρότοξος ἄναξ ἑκάεργος Ἀπόλλων χρυσοκόμης ἔχρη πίονος ἐξ ἀδύτου, but these do not connect with what follows so well as those in Plutarch. In the fifth line Plutarch has πρεσβύτας, Diodorus πρεσβυγενεῖς: which is the word in the law cited in the last note but one. The last verse, which agrees with the final sentence of the original rhetra, is preserved in Diodorus, who has three more.

344.

VII. 134.

345.

Demosth. de Corona, p. 255.

346.

Castelli Inscript. Sic. p. 79, 84. Gruter, p. 401.

347.

Dodwell's Travels, vol. II. p. 503. Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 403. sqq.

348.

Ἁλία κατάκλητος (compare Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 291.) Tab. Heracl. p. 154, 260. ed. Mazoc. cf. Iud. p. 281.

349.

Hesychius.

350.

Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.

351.

Hesychius. The Athenian ἡλιαία is the same word. Compare below, ch. 11. § 2. and, in general, Dorville ad Charit. p. 70. Taylor ad Demosth. p. 227. Reisk. In Aristoph. Lysist. 93. συναλιάζω is the word used by the Lacedæm. woman for to convene, to assemble.

352.

Bekker Anecd. p. 210. Ἐκκλησία is however the word always used in the Inscriptions published by Chishull.

353.

The εἰωθὼς ξύλλογος in Thucyd. I. 67. transacts business with the ξυμμάχοι, as the ἐκκλησία or ἔκκληχοι in Xen. Hell. V. 2. Il. VI. 3. 3. Compare Cragius de Rep. Lac. IV. 17. Morus Ind. Xenoph. and Sturz. Lex. Xen. in v. ἐκκλησία.

354.

Ἔσκλητος in Syracuse occurs in Hesychius. The same grammarian has, ἀνεκκλητειν ἐξαίρεσιν ποιεῖσθαι παρὰ Ῥοδίοις.

355.

Xen. Hell. III. 3. 8.

356.

As Tittmann, p. 100. supposes, who also states that by ἔκκλητοι and ἐκκλησία (which are evidently synonyms) the small assembly is often (but query when?) meant, as τέλη are mentioned instead, Xen. Hell. II. 2. 23.—Thus in an ἐκκλησία in Thuc. VI. 88. the ephors and τέλη are alone mentioned as deliberating. Thus in Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 2. Cleombrotus sends from the army to ask the τέλη in Sparta, and the ἐκκλησία answers. The peace after the battle of Ægospotamos was concluded by the ἐκκλησία and the confederate assembly at Sparta, Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19. sqq.; and yet in the document in Plut. Lys. 14. the τέλη alone are named. In innumerable instances the τέλη do what on other occasions the whole πόλις performs, Xen. V. 3. 23, 25. see below, ch. 7. § 5, 8. The simple solution of this difficulty is, according to my view, given in § 10.

357.

Plut. Lyc. 25. cf. Liban. Or. Archid. vol. IV. p. 420. ἡβωντες also were prohibited from filling any public situation out of the country, Thucyd. IV. 132. The Parthenians, according to Justin. III. 4. quit their country at the age of thirty, because their civic rights begin at that time. See also Clinton F. II. vol. II. p. 386.

358.

Cf. Plut. Pelop. 17. Schol. Lycoph. 550. The strict meaning is the “Saffron river.”

359.

See above, ch. 3. § 7.

360.

Not till late times in the Scias. Paus. III. 12. 8.

361.

Schol. Thucyd. I. 67. where it should be observed that εἰωθότα does not refer to time.

362.

Herod. VII. 134.

363.

Herod. VII 149. οἱ πλεῦνες. Thucyd. I. 67, 72. ξύλλογος εἰωθὼς or τὸ πλῆθος V. 77. δοκεῖ τᾷ ἐκκλησίᾳ; cf. VI. 88. Xen. Hell. IV. 6. 3. ἔδοξε τοῖς ἐφόροις καὶ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ; cf. VI. 88. Xen. Hell. IV. 6. 3. ἔδοξε τοῖς ἐφόροις καὶ τῇ ἐκκλησίᾳ ανανκαῖον ειναι στρατευεσθαι

364.

Plut. Lyc. 26. Justin. III. 3, &c.

365.

A litigation generally preceded (Herod. VI. 65. Plut. Agid. 11.), and after its termination the people passed their decree, Plut. cf. Xen. Hell. III. 3. 3. also Polyb. IV. 35. 9.

366.

Plut. Ag. 9. (compare Tittmann, p. 94. note 25.) Lye. 29.

367.

Thucyd. V. 34.

368.

Libanius ubi sup.

369.

Thucyd. I. 80. Xen. Hell, III. 3. 8. Plut. Ag. 9, &c.

370.

Thuc. I. 67. and frequently.

371.

The story in Æschin. in Timarch. p. 25, 33. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 239. præc. Reip. 4. p. 144. and Gellius N. A. XVIII. 3. that the people once wishing to accede to the opinion of an immoral person, a councillor proposed that if it was brought forward by a man of blameless character it should then pass, proves nothing, as the account is entirely unconnected, and we do not know by what right the original proposer had spoken. The same story is alluded to by Isiodorus Pelus. Epist. III. 232. Lysandir (Plutarch. 25.) probably spoke in a public capacity.

372.

See above, p. 89. note t. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “magistrates alone,” starting “As Tittman.”]

373.

δαμώσικτον, δεδοκιμασμένον, Hesychius.

374.

Plutarch Lys. 25. Ages. 20.

375.

Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. Κυρία δ᾽ οὐδενός ἐστιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἢ συνεπιψηφίσαι τὰ δόξαντα τοῖς γέρουσι καὶ τοῖς κόσμοις, which must be taken cum grano salis. Aristotle II. 8. says that the ἕτεραι πολιτεῖαι, i.e., Crete and Sparta, differed from Carthage in this respect, that in them only the magistrates spoke, while in the latter state any person could come forward and oppose the public officers; but he makes no difference between Sparta and Crete. See above, § 8.

376.

The Lacedæmonians and Cretans used, according to Hesychius, the form γερωνία (the same grammarian has, however, γερώα also), where Valckenaer appears rightly to read γερωἵα (Epist. ad Roever. p. 323. ad Adoniaz. p. 271. Küster ad Hesych. p. 822.), which by a more guttural sound of the aspirate is called γερωχία in Aristoph. Lys. 980, probably the correct form. Γεροντία is the office of a geron, in Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 1, 3. See Nicolaus Damascenus.

377.

Herod. VII. 148. In the Cretan states, γερουσία was the common form (see also the inscription in Montfaucon Diar. Ital. p. 74.) as well as βουλὴ (βωλὰ Koen ad Gregor. p. 639.) according to Arist. Pol. II. 7. 3. and late inscriptions; the members of which are called γέροντες by Aristotle and Strabo X. p. 484. In Cos βουλὰ occurs in the time of the emperors, Villoison Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscript. tom. XLVII. p. 325. Spon., Misc. Erud. Ant. X. 51. as well as γερουσία, Spon., n. 57, 58.

378.

This appellation may be perceived in the γερούσιος ὅρκος, Il. XXII. 119, γέροντες βουλευταὶ, Il. VI. 113.

379.

Who were also of the number of the gerontes, Od. XXI. 21. see above, ch. 1. § 3.

380.

Which is beautifully expressed by Pindar ap. Plutarch. Lyc. 21. An seni sit ger. Resp. 10. ἔνθα βουλαὶ γερόντων, καὶ νέων ἀνδρῶν ἀριστεύοντιν αἰχμαὶ, καὶ χοροὶ καὶ μοῦσα καὶ ἀγλαΐα. (Fragm. p. 663. Boeckh).

381.

Plut. Lyc. 26. cf. Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 10. 1.

382.

Pol. II. 6. 15. In Leptin. p. 489. cf. Xenoph. ubi sup.

383.

Which was also testified by the presents made by the king, Plut. Ages. 4. the double portion at the syssitia, Plut. Lyc. 26. Concerning the public repasts of Homeric gerontes, see Il. IV. 344. IX. 70.

384.

Ὅμοιοι, καλοὶ καγαθοὶ, see above, ch. 5. § 7.

385.

Aristot. ubi sup. Plutarch. Lyc. 26. Ages. IV. Polyb. VI. 45. 5. Some late inscriptions indeed mention persons who had three and four times filled the office of geron (Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1261. and 1320.); but in that age the whole institution had been changed.

386.

See above, ch. 5. § 3.

387.

Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 18.

388.

IV. 5. 11.

389.

For what follows compare Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 17. II. 7. 6. Plut. Lyc. ubi sup.

390.

Plato Leg. III. p. 692 A. calls it τὴν κατὰ γῆρας σώφρονα δύναμιν.

391.

Plato has perhaps treated this question better than any other ancient writer, ibid. VII. p. 793.

392.

Plutarch. Agid. 11. τοὺς γέροντας, οἷς τὸ κράτος ἦν ἐν τῷ προβουλεύειν. Comp. Demosth. in Leptin. p. 489. 20. δεσπότης ἐστὶ τῶν πολλῶν. Æschin. in Timarch. p. 25. 35. Dion. Hal. Archæol. II. 14. ἡ γερουσία πᾶν εἶχε τῶν κοινῶν τὸ κράτος. Paus. III. 11. 2. Cic. de Senect. 6. amplissimus magistratus.

393.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 10. 2. Aristot. Pol. III. 1. 4, 9. Plut. Lyc. 26. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. see below, ch. 7. § 11. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]

394.

Arbitri et magistri disciplinæ publicæ, Gell. N. A. XVIII. 3. Æschin. ubi sup. Hence σωφροσύνη was in particular required of them.

395.

That the parallel between the Thirty at Athens and the Spartan gerusia fails in many points, has been justly remarked in the Philological Museum, vol. II. p. 54; yet the gerusia must have served as a model for the establishment of this body, since there is nothing similar in the Athenian institutions. The oligarchical faction in Athens, after the battle of Ægospotamos, and before the surrender of the city to Lysander, had also procured the election of five ephors. See Lysias cout. Eratosth. § 43.

396.

Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 484. (p. 171. Marx.); above, ch. 5. § 11.

397.

Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5. It acted also without doubt in a judicial capacity.

398.

Strabo, οἱ τῆς τῶν κόσμων ἀρχῆς ἠξιωμένοι καὶ τὰ ἄλλα δόκιμοι κρινόμενοι. Cf. Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5.

399.

Aristot. ubi sup.

400.

See above, p. 94, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “peace and war,” starting “Herod. VII. 148.”]

401.

Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 8. These remains of the ancient oligarchy at Elis were deprived by Phormio of a part of their power, as Ephialtes weakened the Areopagus at Athens, according to Plutarch Reip. gerend. Præcept. 10. vol. XII. p 155.

402.

Thuc. V. 47. Compare Plutarch Præc. Reip. 10.

403.

The ἱεραὶ γερουσίαι, for example, of Eleusis in later times, we have here no concern with; yet we may notice the following monument, as belonging to the Peloponnesus (Boeckh Inscript. No. 1395). ἡ ἱερὰ ουπησια (Boeckh conjectures γερωσία) Γ. Ἰούλιον Ἐπαφρόδειτον ἀγρετεύσαντα (difficult of explanation) τὸ ΡqΔ ἔτος (according to Visconti Mus. Pio-Clem. II. p. 66. from the liberation of Greece by Flamininus) καὶ δόντα ἑκάστῳ γέροντι νομῆς δηνάρια δέκα, &c. Perhaps this ἱερὰ γερωσία is the Ὀλυμπιακὴ βουλὴ of the Eleans. See Pausan. V. 6. 4. VI. 3. 3. Perizon. ad Æl. V. H. X. 1. See b. I. ch. 7. § 7.

404.

See above, ch. 1. § 3. Platner de Notione Juris, p. 90.

405.

Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 5. V. 9. 1. Dionys. Rom. Archæol. V. 74. says that the Spartan monarchy was ἐπὶ ῥητοῖς τισὶν διοικούμενον, as Thucydides calls the Homeric, I. 13.

406.

Xen. de Rep. Laced. 15. cf. Hell. III. 3. 1. σεμνοτέρα ἢ κατ᾽ ἄνθρωπον ταφή.

407.

According to Herod. VI. 50. for ten days after the king's death there was no assembly of the people or officers of state (ἀγορὰ or ἀρχαιρεσίη); and the nomination of the new king did not take place until this period had expired; the regularity of which public mourning may be inferred from the expression αἱ ἡμέραι in Xenoph. Hell. III. 3. 1. [where L. Dindorf ingeniously reads ἐπεὶ δὲ ὡσιώθησαν αἱ ἡμέραι καὶ ἔδει βασιλέα καθίστασθαι for ὡσ εἰώθεσαν αἱ ἡμ. παρῆλθον, comparing Photius and Suidas ὁσιωθῆναι ἡμέρας λέγουσιν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ τινὸς, οἷον μὴ ἱερὰς ἀλλ᾽ ὁσίας νομιοθῆναι.] Heraclides Ponticus, has, however, only three days.

408.

Herod. VI. 58. ἐκ πάσης δεῖ Λακεδαίμονος (i.e., Λακωνικῆς, as in VII. 220, &c.) χωρὶς Σπαρτιητέων (in addition to the Spartans) ἀριθμῷ τῶν περιοίκων (a fixed number of Periœci; the dative depending on δεῖ; otherwise Werfer Act. Monac. vol. II. p. 241.) ἀναγκαστοὺς ἐς τὸ κῆδος ἰέναι. τούτων ὦν καὶ τῶν εἰλώτων (see above, p. 32, note o. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “entire produce of the land,” starting “Of the two lines of Tyrtæus.”]) καὶ αὐτῶν Σπαρτιητέων, &c. Compare the oracle in VII. 220. πενθήσει βασιλῆ φθίμενον Λακεδαίμονος οὖρος, “the furthest boundaries of Lacedæmon.” The μιαίνεσθαι was the more imposing, as it was strictly interdicted in private mourning, Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252. The generality of this mourning for princes of the Heraclidæ in early times is rendered probable by the fact noticed in vol. I. p. 98, note g.

409.

The εἴδωλα were probably preserved; for they could not have been meant merely to represent the corpse, since the body of the king was almost always brought home even from a great distance, as in the case of Agesilaus. Perhaps it was to the εἴδωλον that the prohibition of Agesilaus referred, μήτε πλαστὰν μήτε μιμηλὰν τινα ποιήσασθαι αὑτοῦ εἰκόνα. Plutarch Ages. 2. Reg. Apophth. p. 129. Lac. Apophth. p. 191.

410.

Concerning the public sacrifices of the king, see Xen. Hell. III. 3. 4.

411.

Herod. VI. 46.

412.

A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor at the first departure (Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 13. 2. see below, ch. 12. § 5.); then on the boundary διαβατήρια to Zeus and Athene. (ibid. cf. Polyæn. I. 10.); also διαβατήρια on other occasions, Plutarch. Ages. 6, where the parallel with Agamemnon is remarkably striking.

413.

See above, ch. 1. § 9.

414.

Plut. Agis 11.

415.

Which point is more fully discussed by Hoeck, Kreta, vol. I. p. 245.

416.

It is a δίκη Plut. Agis 11. νεῖκος Herod. VI. 66. with the preceding κατωμοσία of the accuser VI. 65. which is followed by a decree in the name of the whole community (πόλις Xen. Hell. III. 3. 3. οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι Herod. V. 42.) See above, ch. 5. § 9. Cleonymus also was not declared to have a worse claim than Areus, by a free selection, founded on comparative merit (as it appears from Plutarch. Pyrrh. 26.) but the gerusia merely declared at the ἀμφισβήτησις, that he, as the younger son, came after the heir of the elder son, Pausan. III. 6. 2.

417.

See, e.g., Herod. V. 42. VI. 52. VII. 3. Xen. Hell. III. 3. 2. Nepos Ages. I. 3.

418.

As Lycurgus of Charilaus, Nicomedes of Pleistoanax.

419.

As Demaratus was succeeded by Leutychides, whose right to the throne went back to the eighth ancestor of Theopompus, if with Palmerius we correct Herod. VIII. 131. according to Pausanias' genealogy of the Kings.

420.

Plutarch. Pyrrh. 5.

421.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 7. from whom Nicolaus Damascenus Λακεδ. See an allusion to the oath of the Ephors in Julian. Or. I. p. 14 D.

422.

Thucyd. I. 20. who contradicts the statement of other historians; but probably refers to Hellanicus (see above, ch. 1. § 7.) rather than Herodotus, whose work he could scarcely have read. Herodotus (VI. 57.) however appears to me to have followed the opinion generally received in Greece, of the two votes of each king, although the expression is not quite clear. The notion of the Scholiast to Thucydides, adopted by Larcher, that each king had only one vote, though it had the force of two, is ridiculous. The γερουσία was ἰσόψηφος τὰ μέγιστα with the kings, according to Plat. Leg. III. p. 692. Herodotus is followed by Lucian Harm. 3.

423.

See above, ch. 5. § 3.

424.

Herod, ubi sup. δικάζειν δὲ μούνους τοὺς βασιλῆας τοσάδε μοῦνα. cf. Plut. Lac. Apophth. Agesil. p. 187.

425.

Herod. VI. 57.

426.

Lysias in Evand. p. 176. 22. Pollux. VIII. 89.

427.

Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 20.—An example in Xen. Hell. VI. 5. 4. Agesil. 2. 25.

428.

Herod. VI. 57. καὶ προξείνους ἀποδεικνύναι τούτοισι προσκεῖσθαι τοὺς ἂν ἐθέλωσι τῶν αστῶν. In other places the proxeni were appointed by the states whose proxeni they were: for example, a Theban was proxenus of the Athenians at Thebes: but in Sparta, as the connexion with foreign nations was more restricted, a state, which wished to have a proxenus there, was forced to apply to the king to nominate one. This appears to be the meaning of the above passage of Herodotus.

429.

Aristot. Pol. III, 9. 2. cf. III. 9. 8. Isocrat. Nicocl. p. 31 D.

430.

Herod. VI. 56. who must not be understood to refer to the declaration of war, Xen. Rep. Laced. 13. 10. A case occurs in Thucyd. VIII. 5. ὁ γὰρ Ἄγις ... ἔχων τὴν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτοῦ δύναμιν, κύριος ἦν καὶ ἀποστέλλειν εἴ ποί τινα ἐβούλετο στρατιὰν, καὶ ξυναγείρειν, καὶ χρήματα πράσσειν. cf. V. 60. διὰ τόν νόμον.

431.

Xen. Hell. II. 2. 12. V. 3. 24. cf. Thuc. V. 60. It was however permitted to the king to send ambassadors, e.g., to mediate, according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 10. where I do not perceive the necessity of changing αὖ into οὐ; μέντοι marks the opposition to the preceding purely military duties of the king.

432.

Herod. V. 75. Both kings were rarely out of Sparta, Xen. Hell. V. 3. 10.

433.

Thuc. V. 63, where the words ἐν παρόντι do not prove that they passed the law for only one campaign. See Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part 2. p. 231. vol. II. p. 378. note k. Concerning the Thirty about the king's person, see below, ch. 12. § 5.

434.

See below, ch. 7. § 5.

435.

Od. XI. 184. Il. XII. 312. cf. IX. 578. Pind. Olymp. XIII. 60. βαθὺς κλᾶρος.

436.

This is called δήμια πίνειν in Il. XVII. 250. (cf. σιτεόμενοι τὰ δημόσια Herod. VI. 57.) In Crete foreigners were fed δημόθεν, Od. XIX. 197. cf. Æschyl. Suppl. 964. and Platner, ubi sup. p. 100. The passage in Od. XI. 184. should be thus rendered. “Telemachus enjoys in quiet the royal lands, and feasts on the banquets, which it is proper that a man of judicial dignity should eat, for all invite him.” Concerning the last words, see p. 110.

437.

Xen. Rep. Laced. 15. 2.

438.

Plat. Alcib. I. 39. p. 123 A. οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι is equivalent to περίοικοι.

439.

Thucydid. V. 63. [An Æginetan drachma contains on an average ninety-five English grains of pure silver (see Knight Proleg. Hom. § 56.), according to which its value would be about fourteen pence in our money.]

440.

Plutarch. Ag. 9.

441.

Alc. I. 38. p. 122 E.

442.

Compare Herod. VI. 57. (where the word δεῖπνον also refers to the συσσίτια) with Xen. Rep. Lac. 15. 4. quoted by Schol. Od. IV. 65. In Crete the cosmus on duty (ὁ ἄρχων) had four portions, Heracl. Pont. 3.

443.

Herod. ubi sup. According to Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 14. and Plut. Ages. 17. the king sent to whom he pleased a share of his sacrifices. According to Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 15. 5. he also had a little pig out of every brood for sacrificing.

444.

See p. 109. note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “expense of the community,” starting “This is called δήμια πίνειν.”]

445.

Herod. VI. 57. ἢν θυσίην τις (not a private individual, but a person appointed by the public) δημοτελῆ ποιέηται.

446.

Herod. IX. 81.

447.

According to Phylarchus in Polyb. II. 62. 1. These are the μέγισται λήψεις in Plat. Alcib. I. 39. p. 123 A.

448.

Xen. Ages. 8. Plutarch Ages. 19. (see vol. I. p. 100. note o.) Hell. V. 3. 20. comp. Nepos. Ages. 7. The βοώνητα in Pausanias III. 12. 3. are of a different nature.

449.

As Manso shows, vol. III. 2. p. 330.

450.

De Rep. Lac. 15. 6. According to the same writer (15. 2.) three ὅμοιοι provided in war for all the necessities of the king, who are considered by Raoul-Rochette, Deux Lettres sur l'authenticité des Inscriptions de Fourmont, 1819. p. 136. as a part of the six ἐμπασάντες in a (spurious) inscription of Fourmont's (ἐμπασέντες in Hesychius), Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 68. The point is by no means clear.

451.

Herod. VII. 149. Aristot. Pol. V. 8, 4. See Æginetica, p. 52. Plutarch Lycurg. 7. (comp. Plato Leg. III. p. 692.) states generally that the power of the kings at Argos and Messene had been at first too extensive, and that by the violence of the governors, and disobedience of the governed, it was at last destroyed, without mentioning any time. The words of Diodorus (Fragm. 5, p. 635.) ἡ βασιλεία ἤτοι τοπαρχία τῆς Ἀργείας ἔτη φμθ. (comp. Eusebius, Malelas and Cedrenus), cannot be referred to this: he reckons this number of years from Inachus to Pelops (160-705 Euseb.).—I may be permitted in this note to subjoin the best arrangement of the Argive kings which the scanty accounts of antiquity seem to furnish. 1. Heraclidæ. Temenus, the father of Ceisus, the father of Medon (What Pausanias II. 19. 2. says of the limitations imposed upon this king, must be judged of from what has been seen above, p. 56. note x [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Thus Isocrates,” starting “Panathen. p. 270.”]; according to the Pseudo-Platonic Epistle VIII. p. 485 Bekk. the kings of Argos and Messene were about the time of Lycurgus tyrants). Then about four kings are wanting after the δέκατος ἀπὸ Τημένου of Ephorus, Æginet. p. 60. After the beginning of the Olympiads Eratus (Paus. II. 36. 5. IV. 8. 1.) who was probably succeeded immediately by Phidon, the son of Aristodamidas (according to Satyrus and Diodorus, Æginetica, p. 61.), before and about the 8th Olympiad. At a later period Damocratidas, about the 30th Olympiad (Pausan. IV. 35. 2. cf. 24. 2. This date is too low, according to Clinton F. H. vol. I. p. 190; but not according to my date for the Messenian wars, nor according to that of Pausanias.) Phido II. confounded by Herod. VI. 127. with the earlier king of the same name (Æginetica, p. 60.) father of Λακήδης (in Ionic Λεωκήδης, as in Herodotus,) who wooed the daughter of Cleisthenes (about Olymp. 45. 600 B. C), and when king made himself despised by his effeminacy (Plutarch, de cap. ex hoste util. p. 278. where Λακύδης should be corrected.) His son Meltas (Μέλταν τὸν Λακηδέω, as should be written) was deposed by the people, according to Pausan. II. 19. 2.; but according to Plutarch. Alex. M. virt. 8. p. 269. the family of the Heraclidæ expired. He was succeeded, according to Plutarch, (ubi sup.) and Pyth. Orac. 5. p. 254. II. by Ægon, of another family, about Olymp. 55. 560 B.C. and it was probably the descendants of this king, who still reigned in Argos at the time of the Persian war. According to Schol. Pind. Olymp. VI. 152. Archinus was a king of Argos; but he was a tyrant, Polyæn. III. 8. 1.

452.

See vol. I. p. 90. note n.

453.

Ἐπὶ βασιλέος Πασγάδα, or Πασιάδα, according to Boeckh, Corp. Inscript. No. 1052. of about the time of Alexander.

454.

See b. I. ch. 6. § 1. and ch. 7. § 11. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]

455.

B. I. ch. 6. § 10.

456.

Ib. § 7, 8. According to several writers, Pollis was one of the kings of Syracuse, who by others is called an Argive, from whom the Πόλιος οἶνος is derived, Athen. I. p. 31 B. Pollux VI. 2. 16. from Aristotle, Ælian, V. H. XII. 31. In the Etymologist, the correct reading is probably ὑπὸ Πόλλιδος τοῦ ΣΥΡΑΚΟΣΙΟΥ τυράννου: compare Mazocchi Tab. Heracl. p. 202.

457.

B. I. ch. 7. § 11. A king named Aristophilidas in Herod. III. 136.

458.

Ib. c. 7. § 3. and the passage of Aristides quoted there in § 1. In Halicarnassus an Antheus is mentioned as of a royal family (Parthen. 14.), probably one of the Antheadæ; see ib. § 3.

459.

B. I. ch. 5. § 2.

460.

Herod. IV. 154.

461.

See b. I. ch. 6. § 11.

462.

Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 12. p. 383.

463.

Aristot. Pol. V. 9. I. Cic. de Leg. III. 7. de Rep. II. 33. Plutarch. Lyc. 7, 29. ad princ. I. p. 90. Euseb. ad Olymp. IV. 4. Val. Max. IV. 1. Compare Manso, vol. I. p. 243.

464.

Heraclid. Pont. 4.

465.

They are ἐπώνυμοι in the Theræan Testamentum Epictetæ; ἐπὶ ἐφόρων τῶν σὺν φοιβοτέλει. Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2448.

466.

Polyb. IV. 4. 2. 31. In the cities of the Eleutherolacones, there were also ephors, as at Geronthræ in the decree in Boeckh. Inscript. 1334. and at Tænarum, ib. No. 1321, 1322; and in the time of Gordian, ἡ πόλις τῶν Βειτυλέων i.e., Œtylus, the Βίτυλα of Ptolemy, now Vitulo, ib. 1323. For Cyriacus (ap. Reines. p. 335.) is probably incorrect in stating that the inscription was found in Pylo Messeniaca.

467.

In which city an ephor is as ἐπώνυμος of the πόλις in the Heraclean Tables.

468.

I. 65.

469.

De Rep. Lac. 8. 3. So also Plutarch. Agesil. 5. Pseudo-Plat. Epist. 8. p. 354 B. Suidas in Λυκοῦργος, also Satyrus ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 3. 1. According to others, it was introduced by Cheilon, who, according to Pamphila and Sosicrates, was ephorus ἐπώνυμος in Olymp. 56. 1. 556 B.C. (according to Eusebius Olymp. 55. 4. 557 B.C.) Compare Manso, vol. III. 2. p. 332. The passage of Diog. Laërt. I. 3. 1. (68) creates no difficulty according to the reading of Casaubon; γέγονε δὲ ἔφορος κατὰ τὴν πεντηκοστὴν πέμπτην Ὀλυμπιάδα. Παμφίλη δέ φησι κατὰ τὴν ἕκτην. καὶ πρῶτον ἔφορον γενέσθαι ἐπὶ Εὐθυδήμου (Olymp. 56. 1.), ὥς φησι Σωσικράτης. καὶ πρῶτος εἰσηγήσατο ἐφόρους τοῖς βασιλεῦσι παραζευγνύμαι; Σάτυρος δὲ Λυκοῦργον. The first πρῶτον refers to the office of the ephor eponymus; and hence appears to have originated the mistake which is contained in the words καὶ πρῶτος εἰσηγήσατο, &c., viz., that Chilon first introduced the practice of associating ephors with the kings. Manso, ubi sup., has taken the same view of the passage.

470.

Cic. de Leg. and de Rep. ubi sup. Valer. Max. IV. 1.

471.

Compare Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. I. p. 436. ed. 1. Engl. Transl. with whose opinions on the ephors, as well as on the government of Sparta in general, the views taken in this work generally disagree.

472.

Polit. III. 1. 7. according to which passage the ephors allotted themselves to different branches of the δίκαι τῶν συμβολαίων.

473.

Compare Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 196. Anaxandridas. ἐρωτῶντος δὲ τινος αὐτὸν, διὰ τί τὰς περὶ τοῦ θανάτου δίκας πλείοσιν ἡμέραις οἱ γέροντες κρίνουσι, and p. 207. Eurycratidas—πυθομένου τινὸς, διὰ τί περὶ τὰ τῶν συμβολαίων δίκαια ἑκάστης ἡμέρας κρίνουσιν οἱ ἔφοροι. Here, however, δίκαι ἀπὸ συμβόλων appear to be meant, as the answer shows; which is doubtless a mistake.

474.

Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 4. III. 1. 7. says, as it appears to me, most clearly, that while in Carthage a certain board or court of public officers decided all law-suits, in Sparta the public officers indeed alone acted as judges, but decided only those cases which belonged to their respective departments. Cf. Justin. III. 3.

475.

According to the Etymol. Gudian. ἔφοροι are οἱ τὰ τῶν πόλεων ὤνια ἐπισκεπτόμενοι.

476.

Cf. Herod. I. 153.

477.

Thucyd. V. 34.

478.

See above, p. 101. note i. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “ten days,” starting “According to Herod. VI. 50.”]

479.

Hell. III. 3. 5.

480.

Ælian. V. H. II. 15.

481.

See Tittmann, p. 107, n. 4. where some contradictory statements are also noticed.

482.

Sparta also frequently appointed five judges for extraordinary cases, as for example, concerning the possession of Salamis, the fate of the Platæans, Thucyd. III. 52. The same number were also appointed by the Iasians to decide the lawsuits of the Calymnians, Chandl. Inscript. p. 21. LVIII.

483.

Ch. 5. § 4.

484.

Polit. II. 3. 10. II. 6. 14, 15. II. 8. 2. IV. 7. 4.

485.

μηδεμίαν κληρωτήν, Aristot. Pol. IV. 7. 5.

486.

Plat. Leg. III. p. 692. calls the power of the ephors ἐγγὺς τῆς κληρωτῆς. Without an election, however, Chilon could not have attained the ephoralty, nor his brother have been able to complain that he was postponed. Diog. Laërt. ubi sup. The nomination by the kings (Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 197.) is an error.

487.

Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 6.

488.

See above, ch. 5. § 9.

489.

Κρίσεων μεγάλων κύριοι, Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 16.

490.

Ib. II. 6. 17.

491.

Plutarch. Agis 12. Compare Aristot. Ret. III. 18. 6.

492.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4.

493.

Herod. VI. 82.

494.

Xen. Ages. I. 36. Plutarch. Ages. 4. Cleom. 10. An Seni sit ger. Resp. 27. Præc. Reip. ger. 21.

495.

Plutarch. Cleom. 10.

496.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. ἄρχοντα κύριοι εἷρξαὶ τε καὶ περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς εἰς ἀγῶνα καταστῆσαι. cf. Plut. Lys. 30. The same in reference to the king, Thucyd. I. 131. Nepos (Paus. 3. 5.) probably adds the words “cuivis ephoro” ex suo. Libanius Orat. I. p. 86. Reisk. is incorrect in stating that the ephors had power to imprison the king, and put him to death (δῆσαι καὶ κτανεῖν). Thus the ephors only seized and detained Pausanias; the sentence was passed by the Spartans (οἱ Σπαρτιᾶται), i.e., the court of justice, concerning which see the next note.

497.

Δικαστήριον συναγαγόντες, Herod. VI. 85. See particularly Pausan. III. 5. 3. and Plutarch Agis 19. Less accurately, Apophth. p. 195.

498.

Xen. Hell. III. 5. 25.

499.

Plutarch. Ag. 19.

500.

Thucyd. V. 63.

501.

Xen. Anab. II. 6. 4. ἐθανατώθη ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ τελῶν ὡς ἀπειθῶν, where τὰ τέλη must signify this supreme court.

502.

Ὕπῆγον θανάτου, Xen. Hell. V. 4. 24. The ephors did not seize Cinadon till after a secret conference with the gerusia; his punishment was probably fixed by the supreme court;—see Xen. Hell. III. 3. 5. Polyæan. II. 14. 1.

503.

This is apparently affirmed (in addition to Libanius quoted in p. 122. n. l. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “life or death,” starting “Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4.”]) by Plutarch. Periol. 22. Lysand. 19. and Lac. Apophth. p. 209; but it can be only inaccuracy of expression.

504.

Plutarch. Erot. 5. p. 77. where a very fabulous story is related of an event, which is reported to have taken place before the earthquake in the 78th Olympiad. In Polybius V. 91. 2. the ephors are represented as recalling banished persons. Concerning the punishment of exile at Sparta, see below, ch. 11. § 4.

505.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 8. 4. cf. Polyæn. II. 26. 1.

506.

Plutarch. Ages. 2. 5. cf. de Am. Frat. 9. p. 46.

507.

Theophrast. ap. Plutarch. Ages. 2. de Educ. Puer. 2. Otherwise Heraclides Lembus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A.

508.

For this reason the ephors compelled Anaxandridas to marry two wives, Herod. V. 39-41., and watched the wives of the kings, Plat. Alcib. I. 36. p. 121 B. See above, ch. 6. § 6.

509.

Plutarch. Lys. 19. They decided in the case of Gylippus, according to Posidonius ap. Athen. VI. p. 234 A. as ταμίαι of the state, as they appear to have been from notes i and k, p. 127. [Transcriber's Note: Footnote “i” is the footnote to “the plunder,” starting “Xerod. IX. 76.”, and footnote “k” is the footnote to “public treasury,” starting “Plutarch. Lys. 16.”]

510.

At least according to Schol. Thucyd. I. 84.

511.

Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 254.

512.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 3. 6. Ælian. V. H. III. 10. XIV. 7.

513.

Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 16. Plut. Ages. 29. the history of Timotheus.

514.

Herod. VI. 63.

515.

Pol. II. 6. 16.

516.

Plutarch. Ag. 9.

517.

Thucyd. I. 87.

518.

Plutarch. Ag. 5. ῥήτραν ἔγραψε.

519.

Ælian. V. H. III. 17.

520.

Xen. Hell. II. 2. 13, 19.

521.

Herod. III. 148. Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 214.

522.

See, for example, Herod. IX. 8. Xen. Hell. II. 2. 17. III. 1. 1. Polyb. IV. 34. 5. Thuc. I. 90. ἀρχαὶ and τέλη are generally mentioned.

523.

Xen. Hell. II. 2. 19.

524.

See particularly Thuc. V. 36. Cf. Xen. Hell. V. 2. 9. That in these cases they always recurred to the public assembly is evident, Xen. Hell. III. 2. 23. IV. 6. 3.

525.

Thuc. V. 19. 24.

526.

Thuc. VI. 88.

527.

Xen. Hell. II. 4. 29. Παυσανίας πείσας τῶν ἐφόρων τρεῖς ἐξάγει φρουράν. cf. III. 2. 25. IV. 2. 9. V. 4. 19. Plut. Lys. 20. Thuc. VIII. 12. See also Anab. II. 6. 2. Hell. V. 1. 1. where they grant permission to privateer.

528.

Herod. IX. 7. 10. Plut. Arist. 10.

529.

Προκηρύττουσι τὰ ἔτη, Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 2. φρουρὰν ἔφαινον μεχρὶ τῶν τετταράκοντα ἀφ᾽ ἥβης, Hell. VI. 4. 17.

530.

That is, authorized by the state, as Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3. shows.

531.

Xen. Hell. III. 1. 8. III. 2. 6.

532.

Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 3. πέμψας πρὸς τοὺς ἐφόρους ἠρώτα τί χρὴ ποιεῖν. Hence they were especially οἱ οἴκοι, τὰ οἴκοι τέλη, Sturz Lex. Xenoph. vol. III. p. 254. Compare Plutarch. Lys. 14. Cleom. 8. and the spurious letters of Brasidas and Lysander in Lac. Apophth. pp. 203, 227.

533.

Xen. Hell. III. 2. 6. Plut. Pericl. 22.

534.

Thuc. I. 131. Plut. Lys. 19. Agesilaus was recalled, according to Xenophon Hell. IV. 2, 3. by “the state,” Ages. 1. 36. by τὰ οἴκοι τέλη, according to Plutarch Ages. 15. by the ephors.

535.

Xen. Hell. V. 4. 24.

536.

Plut. Lys. 20. Xen. Ages. 1. 26.

537.

Μὴ περιπατεῖτε, the command to the army at Decelea, Ælian. V. H. II. 5.

538.

This is seen most clearly from Thucyd. VI. 88, where the ephors and τέλη send ambassadors, i.e., wish to persuade the public assembly to do this, and from Xen. Hell. II. 2. 17-19. VI. 4. 2. 3. Compare p. 89. note t. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “magistrates alone,” starting “As Tittman.”]

539.

Herod. IX. 76. Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 5. Hell. II. 4. 35, 36. cf. Thuc. IV. 15.

540.

Herod. IX. 76.

541.

Plutarch. Lys. 16. Diod. XIII. 106.

542.

Xen. Hell. III. 4. 2. ἔφοροι τὰς πατρίους πολιτείας παρήνγειλαν. Thus the τέλη guarantee their independence to whatever allies Brasidas could gain over, Thuc. IV. 86, 88.

543.

Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 32.

544.

τῆς πολιτείας τὸ κρυπτόν, Thucyd. V. 68.

545.

Leg. IV. p. 712 D. Polit. II. 6. 14.

546.

Plutarch. Cleom. 10.

547.

Dodwell de Cyc. Diss. VIII. 5. p. 320. Manso, vol. II. p. 379.

548.

Which also explains the affair with the Aulonitæ in Xen. Hell. III. 3. 8.

549.

Aristot. ap. Plutarch. Cleom. 9. de sera Num. Vind. 4. p. 222. Κείρεσθαι τὸν μύστακα καὶ προσέχειν τοῖς νόμοις. Concerning the Laconian word μύσταξ, see Hesychius and Valcken. ad Adoniaz. p. 288.

550.

Pausan. III. 11. 2. Plutarch. Cleom. 8. Ag. 16.

551.

See Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 237. Comp. Ælian. V. H. II. 15. This building therefore corresponds to the Prytaneum at Athens, in which the civil laws (ἄξονες) were kept, and ambassadors entertained, together with certain distinguished citizens: indeed the prytanes of Athens themselves, as being presidents of the public assembly, have some similarity to the ephors. See also Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et Di. 722.

552.

Plutarch Cleom. 8, 9.

553.

Plut. Ag. 9. Cic. de Div. I. 43, 96. Compare Manso, vol. III. 1. p. 261. Siebelis ad Pausan. III. 26. 1.

554.

Above, ch. 6. § 6.—The ephors also had certain duties to perform at the sacrifices of Athene Chalciœcus, Polyb. IV. 35. 2.

555.

Ἁνειμένη δίαιτα, II. 6. 16.

556.

Which Pausanias had once wished to effect, Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 5.

557.

See the comparison of Philo de Provid. 2. p. 80. Aucher.

558.

Compare also the Scholiast, and Ducker ad Thucyd. I. 58. Sturz Lex. Xen. IV. p. 276. Αἱ ἁρχαὶ, τὰ ἁρχεῖα is the same, Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 800. In the army οἱ ἐν τέλει are the officers down to the Pentecoster, Xen. Hell. III. 5. 22, 23.

559.

Pausan. III. 11. 2.

560.

A πρέσβυς νομοφυλάκων in recent inscriptions, Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1363, 1364. So also a πρέσβυς βιδέων in No. 1364. (hence βίδεοι περὶ τὸν in inscriptions of late date), and there were six bidei inclusively of this one, as the inscription last quoted, and another of Fourmont's, prove. See above, p. 94. note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “peace and war,” starting “Herod. VII. 148.”] Why I pass over Fourmont's pretended ancient inscriptions it is needless to say.

561.

Hesych. in v.

562.

Hesych. in v. In later times also ἁγοράνομοι, in the inscription No. 1364. Hesychius's translation δήμαρχοι does not even explain the name of the γερόακται.

563.

Plut. Ages. 30. Lac. Apophth. p. 189.

564.

Meurs. Misc. Lac. II. 4.

565.

Corsini Not. Græc. Diss. V. p. 95.

566.

Boeckh No. 1364; compare Boeckh p. 611.

567.

Since the first appearance of this work, Boeckh, in his Corp. Inscript. vol. I. p. 605, has shown that the πατρόνομοι obtained indeed the power of the gerusia; but that the latter body still possessed an honorary dignity, comp. ib. p. 610. He further proves, p. 606, that the first patronomus was the ἐπώνομος of the state; and that the expression ἐπὶ τοῦ δείνα, in the lists of magistrates, refers to him. The regular number of the nomophylaces, according to Boeckh's references to Fourmont's Inscriptions, p. 609, was also five. There was however sometimes a sixth. The bidiæi are called in the inscriptions βίδεοι, or βίδυοι; this, according to Boeckh's ingenious explanation, is the Laconian form of ἴδυοι, ϝίδυοι, and signifies witnesses and judges among the youth. Compare the ἴστωρ Hom. II. XVIII. 801. XXIII. 486. and concerning the ἴδυοι in ancient laws, see Ælius Dionysius quoted by Enstathius on the first passage.

568.

Polit. II. 7. 3.—ap. Strab. X. p. 482 A—de Rep. II. 33. Van Dale de Ephoris et Cosmis in his Dissert. Antiquar.