Book 4 — Footnotes (continued 3)

1260.

Plutarch. Lycurg. 14. τὰς κόρας γυμνάς τε πομπεύειν καὶ πρὸς ἱεροῖς τισὶν ὀρχεῖσθαι καὶ ᾄδειν. Compare Lac. Apophthegm, p. 223. and Hesychius in δωριάζειν.

1261.

Plutarch. Lycurg. 16; and concerning the custom of Phigaleia, see Athen. IV. p. 248. sq.

1262.

Aristoph. Nub. 986. The same is in Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 2. 1.

1263.

Aristoph. Av. 493. 49. where χλαῖνα and ἱμάτιον are used as synonymous. But that the χλαῖνα and τρίβων were different kinds of the ἱμάτιον is shown by the same poet, Vesp. 1132; λαῖνα ἱμάτιον τετράγωνον, according to Didymus.

1264.

In Iliad X. 133. the χλαῖνα is however laid double, and fastened with a clasp (over the shoulder).

1265.

Pollux VII. 13. 46. X. 27. 124; and compare Hemsterhuis's note, Diogenianus Prov. V. 21. Vatic. Prov. II. 14. Lexicograph.

1266.

According to Pollux and Ammonius. Fragm. 68, 69. pp. 82, 83. ed. Wolf.

1267.

See Aristoph. Lysist. 988. where it is the dress of the envoys, as the φοινικὶς in the last note of the third book; and Juvenal Sat. VIII. 101.

1268.

See Tischbein I. 29. and Vases de Coghill I. planche 36.

1269.

I. 6. Compare Dionys. Halic. in Thucyd. 9.

1270.

Minervæ Poliadis Ædes, p. 41.

1271.

Also called δαμοφανὴς by the Lacedæmonians, because it was worn in public.

1272.

See Meursius Miscell. Lacon. I. 15. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 197. The τρίβων could (as well as the χλαῖνα, p. 277, note b, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “left shoulder,” starting “In Iliad X. 133.”]) be worn double, and be fastened with. a clasp, Polyæn. IV. 4. This more becoming variety of the ἱμάτιον, the χλαῖνα, was also worn at Sparta; see Theopompus the comic poet in Pollux X. 27. 124. Ἐξωμίδες φαῦλαι of the Lacedæmonians in Ælian V. H. IX. 34.

1273.

Plat. Protag. 342. Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 7. 15. with Aspasius and the Paris Scholiast, p. 156. ed. Zell. Compare the Κρητικὸν ἱματίδιον in Hesychius.

1274.

From the 12th year upwards, Plutarch Lycurg. 16.

1275.

Lac. Instit. p. 247. Lac. Apophth. p. 178. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 4. Justin III. 3. Likewise in Crete, Heraclid. Pont. 3. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 483.

1276.

Hence the Attic orators, in early times at least, never showed their left hand, Taylor ad Æschin. in Timarch. p. 59.

1277.

De Rep. Lac. 3. 5. quoted by Longinus περὶ ὕψους IV. i. p. 114.

1278.

See Boettiger's opinions on this subject, Raub der Cassandra, pp. 74: sqq. Archäologie der Mahlerei I. p. 211. Vasengemälde I. 2. p. 37. and Uhden's Letter, II. p. 65.

1279.

Ἰσοδὶαιτοι, Thucyd. I. 6. Justin. III. 3.

1280.

Athen. XV. pp. 686 sq. Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 224. Seneca Quæst. Nat. IV. 13. This ancient notion may also be traced in the use of the words φθείρειν, μιαίνειν, to corrupt, for to dye or to colour.

1281.

Δολερὰ μὲν τὰ ἕιματα, δολερὰ δὲ τὰ χρίματα, Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 294 Sylburg. Herodotus indeed (III. 22.) quotes the same saying of an Ethiopian king, comp. Plutarch. Quæst. Rom. 26. p. 327. Sympos. III. I, 2. p. 109. de Herod. Malign. 28. p. 312.; but the expression has a genuine Spartan character.

1282.

A law of Diocles, according to Phylarchus ap. Athen. XII. p. 521 B. for Zaleucus see Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 33. for Sparta, Heraclid. Pont. Clem. Alex. Protrept. II. 10. p. 119. Sylburg. cf. Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.

1283.

Plato Comicus ap. Aspas ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 7. 15. (see Porson's Tracts, p. 232). χαίροις, οἶμαι, μεταπεττεύσας αὐτὸν διακλιμακίσας τε, τὸν ὑπηνόβιον, σπαρτιοχαίτην, ῥυποκόνδυλον, ἑλκετρίβωνα. ἕλκοντες ὑπήνας. Aristoph. Lys. 1072. Compare the statue of Lysander in Plut. Lys. I.

1284.

See above, p. 129, note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “obey the laws,” starting “Aristot. ap. Plutarch.”] Wyttenbach ad Plutarch. de Sera Num. Vind. p. 25. thinks that the Lacedæmonians also shaved their upper lip; but his, as well as Ruhnken's emendation of Antiphanes ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 A. is very violent.

1285.

Athen. XII. p. 565 C.

1286.

Aristoph. Av. 1283. Eccles. 74. Their use was only prohibited in the public assembly, Plutarch Lycurg. II.

1287.

Herod. III. 137. Aristot. in Ἰθακ. πολιτ. ap. Phot. in σκυτάλη. See the paintings on vases.

1288.

Xen. Rep. Lac. II. 3. Plutarch. Lycurg. 22. Previously they were accustomed ἐν χρῷ κείρεοσθαι, cap. 16. which is sometimes also described as the general Spartan usage. Plutarch. Alcib. 23. de Discrim. Adul. et Am. 10. p 170.

1289.

Antiochus ap. Strab. VI. p. 278. Aristot. Ret. I. 9. 26.

1290.

The manner in which Herodotus (I. 82.) accounts for this, is rendered doubtful by Plutarch. Lysand. I. cf. Lycurg. 22. reg. Apophth. p. 124, 125. Lac. Apophth. p. 226, 230. Æginetica, p. 32, note o. In Crete the cosmi at least wore long hair, according to ancient custom, Seneca Controv. IV. 27. On the short hair of the Argives, see Herodotus and Plato Phædon. p. 89. J. Tzetzes Jamb. 161.

1291.

See Σπαρτιοχαίτης in the verses cited above, p. 280, note x. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “ornament of a man,” starting “Plato Comicus Ap. Aspas.”]

1292.

Compare Aristoph. Lys. 1113. παραπυκίδδειν with Horace Od. II. II. incomptam Lacænæ More comam religata nodo, i.e., as Diana is generally represented in works of art. That the women were not allowed to wear long hair (κομᾶν, Heraclid. Pont. 2.), is a statement which must not be construed strictly. A lock of hair dedicated to the gods was called ἱέρωμα, according to the correction of Hemsterhuis in Hesychius: but Toup is probably correct in defending the common reading ἱερόβατον, Emend. in Suid. vol. II. p. 607. Spartans were distinguished not merely by their mode of wearing the hair, but also by the shoes, Paus. VII. 14. 2. Shoes for state occasion were the ἀμυκλαΐδες, and for common wear the ἁπλαῖ Λακωνικαὶ, above, p. 25, note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “shoes of Amyclæ,” starting “Theocrit. X. 35.”] Argive, Rhodian (Pollux VII. 22. 88.) and Sicyonian ἔμβαδες likewise occur (Lucian. Ret. Præc. 15. Lucretius IV. 1121. Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1302. 22. ed. Rom.).

1293.

See the passages collected by Thiersch, Act. Mon. vol. III. p. 273 sqq. Also Phocylides ἔρματα λοξὰ κορύμβων and Nicol. Dam. p. 51 Orelli, of a Smyrnæan κόμην τρέφων χρυσῷ στρόφῳ κεκορυμβωμένην.

1294.

Thuc. IV. 34. Comp. Pollux. I. 149. Erotian. Lex. Hippocrat. Meursius Miscell. Lac. I. 17.

1295.

B. III. ch. 12. § 10.

1296.

Bentley Phalarid. p. 347. Lips. Bergler. ad Alciphr. I. 36. 12.

1297.

Plutarch. Lysand. 2. reg. Apophth. p. 127. Lac. Apophth. p. 200, where Archidamus the son of Agesilaus is meant, and afterwards too he is often confounded with the son of Zeuxidamus, Apostol. X. 48. In later times, however, διαφανῆ Λακωνικὰ are mentioned as a luxurious dress, Dio Chrysost. ad Es. vol. VI. p. 45 A. ad Matth. Hom. vol. VII. p. 796. B. ed. Montfaucon. On the Argive dresses τήβεννος and κλεοβίνικος see Pollux VII. 13. 61. and his commentators. The ἀφάβρωμα was an old-fashioned gown of the Megarian women, Plutarch Qu. Gr. 16. p. 383.

1298.

Xen. Hell. V. 4. 28. Plutarch Alcib. 23.

1299.

See particularly Martial Epigr. VI. 42. Casaubon ad Strab. III. p. 231. p. 663. ed. Friedemann.

1300.

This explains away the contradiction which Manso finds, vol. I. 2. p. 199.

1301.

V. 305. which passage would also apply to the syssitia of Sparta.

1302.

Who abolished them as an institution favourable to aristocracy, Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. They were still in existence in the time of Archias, see vol. I. p. 129 note f. The σύσσιτος, of Æthiops, in the passage of Athenæus, is evidently his regular messmate. We may also mention the δημοσιαι θοῖναι of the Argives, at which the ancient clay vessels (Herod. V. 88.) were still used. Polemon ap. Athen. XI. p. 483 C. cf. p. 479 C. IV. p. 148 F.

1303.

Aristot. Pol. VII. 9. 2, 3.

1304.

Harmodius on the laws of Phigaleia ap. Athen. IV. p. 148 F. comp. in general Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. II. 10. 2. Thirlwall, Hist. of Greece, vol. I. p. 287, has rightly remarked that the description of Harmodius refers only to the maintenance of two choruses in Phigalia.

1305.

Book III. ch. 6. § 9.

1306.

But upon hard benches without cushions, in robore. Cicero pro Muræna 35. Athen. XII. p. 518 F. cf. IV. p. 142 A. Plutarch Lycurg. 18. Suidas in φιλίτια et Λυκοῦργος, Isidorus Orig. XX. 11. It was not till the reign of Areus and Acrotatus, that soft and expensive cushions were used at the public tables. Phylarchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 142 A.

1307.

Heraclid. Pont. 3. Pyrgion ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 F. Varro ap. Serv. ad Æn. VII. 176.

1308.

B. III. ch. 2. § 4. Foreign cooks were not tolerated at Sparta, as is particularly stated of Mithæcus by Maximus Tyrius VII. 22. ed. Davies.

1309.

Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7. There was a separate broth-maker (ζωμοποιὸς) for the king, Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 214.

1310.

Heraclid. Pont. 2. who perhaps says too generally, πέττει σῖτον οὐδείς (πέττειν is said of ἄρτος made of ἄλευρα as μάττειν of μᾶζα made ἄλφιτα). Comp. Dicæarchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 141 A. Plutarch Alcib. 23.

1311.

Book III. ch. 10. § 6. Varieties of ἄρτος were also eaten at the κοπὶς, Molpis ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 A. cf. p. 139 A. B. Hesychius in κοπὶς, βέσκεροι ἄρτοι, and πητεῖται πιτυρίαι ἄρτου. There was a Lacedæmonian kind of barley, Theophrast. Hist. Plant. VIII. 4. Siligo Lacedæm. Plin. H. N. XVIII. 20. IV. 4.

1312.

B. II. ch. 10. § 4.

1313.

Theocrit. Id. XXIV. 136. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 1077.

1314.

Plutarch Lycurg. 12. comp. Meurs. Miscell. Lac. I. 8.

1315.

Ælian V. H. III. 31.

1316.

Dicæarchus ubi sup. A little pig was called by the Lacedæmonians ὀρθαγορίσκος, Athen. p. 140 B. see Hesychius in βορθαγορίσκος et ἡμιτύγια above p. 110. note y. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “days of each month,” starting “Herod. ubi sup.”]

1317.

Ἀφέδιτοι ἡμέραι, according to Hesychius. cf. in διαφοίγιμόρ.

1318.

See Critias the Athenian in Athen. X. p. 432 D sq. comp. XI. p. 463 C. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 4, 5. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 172. In Crete however the whole table drank from one large goblet, Dosiadas ap. Athen. IV. p. 143. Eustath. ad Od. p. 1860. 45.

1319.

Pseudo-Plat. Min. p. 320. comp. Leg. I. p. 637 A. from which passage it also follows that all the inhabitants of Laconia were prohibited from attending drinking entertainments (συμπόσια). The Dionysia at Sparta were also more serious than elsewhere, Plut. ubi sup. Athen. IV. p. 155 D.

1320.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 7. Plutarch Lycurg. 12.

1321.

B. III. ch. 10. § 7. In Sparta the guests, as in the time of Homer, were called δαιτύμονες, Alcman ap. Strap. X. p. 482. fragm. 37. ed. Welcker. Herod. VI. 57. and a κρεοδαίτης presided at the meal (above, p. 251, note r. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “volunteers in the army,” starting “Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7.”] comp. Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. II. 10. 2. p. 102. Pollux VI. 7. 34.), as a δαιτρὸς in ancient times; each guest in Sparta having a certain portion or mess allotted to him.

1322.

See Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 229. ed. Ruhnken. p. 449. ed. Bekker.

1323.

B. III. ch. 12. § 4. It is to this that Dionysius Hal. refers, when he says that the Phiditia made men ashamed to leave their comrades in the field of battle, with whom they had sacrificed and made libations, Ant. Rom. II. 23. p. 283. ed. Reisk.

1324.

Persæus ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 F. and see below, p. 288, note k. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “vegetables (ἀβαμβάκευστα),” starting “Pyrgion ap. Athen.”]

1325.

Plutarch Quæst. Sympos. VII. 9. p. 332. calls them in a certain sense βουλευτήρια ἀπόῤῥητα καὶ συνέδρια ἀριστοκρατικά, and compares them with the Prytaneum and Thesmothesium of Athens.

1326.

B. III. ch. 10. § 6. The only ἐπάϊκλον eaten by boys was some dough of barley-meal baked in laurel leaves (καμματίδες), and kneaded in oil (Hesychius in ἁμφιμάντορα, ἀμφίτοροι); a cake of this kind was called κάμμα, and from its use παλλιχιὰρ, Meursius Misc. Lac. I. 12.

1327.

Athen. IV. p. 138 B. comp. Herod. VI. 57. Perhaps Alcman describes a κοπὶς in the following verses, Κλίναι μὲν ἑπτὰ καὶ τόσαι τράπεσδαι Μακωνίδων ἄρτων ἐπιστεφοῖσαι Λίνω τε σασάμω τε κἠν πελίχναις Παίδεσσι χρυσοκόλλα, fragm. 17. ed. Welcker.

1328.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 5, 6. and above, p. 287, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “aristocratical principles,” starting “Plutarch Quæst. Sympos.”] Concerning Crete, see Dosiadas ubi sup.

1329.

Critias ubi sup. Plutarch Lycurg. 12.

1330.

Φοίναις δὲ καὶ ἐν θιάσοισιν ἀνδρείων παρὰ δαιτυμόνεσσι πρέπει παιᾶνα κατάρχειν, fragm. 31. ed. Welcker.

1331.

It is very probable that this φειδίτια was a ludicrous distortion of an ancient Spartan name φιλίτια, i.e., “love-feasts.”

1332.

Alcman ubi sup. Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 482. Aristot. Polit. II. 7. 3. The word αἷκλα is also used by Epicharmus for δεῖπνα.

1333.

Pyrgion ap. Athen. 143. E. and Casaubon's note. Ephoras ap. Strab. X. p. 483 A. For Sparta, see Alcman quoted in p. 288 note d. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “particularly the kings,” starting “Athen. IV.”] Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Quæst. Græc. 33. p. 332. Concerning the Phigalean custom, see Athen. IV. p. 148 F. From the passage quoted in p. 287 note a, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “state in itself,” starting “Persæus ap. Athen.”] it also follows that guests of inferior rank sat ἐπὶ τοῦ σκιμποδίου, as was also the custom among the Macedonians, according to Athen. I. p. 18 A. Wyttenbach. Miscell. Doctr. v. 3. ad Plat. Phæd. Addit. p. 234.

1334.

This follows from Plat. Leg. VI. p. 780 D, p. 781 A. comp. Plutarch Lycurg. 12. Lac. Apophth. p. 221. παρὰ τῇ γυναικὶ (i.e., at home) δειπνεῖν. See also Lycurg. 26. Sosibius περὶ Ἀλκμᾶνος ap. Athen. XIV. p. 646 A. speaks of banquets of the women at Sparta, at which certain cakes (κριβάναι) were carried, when they were about to sing the praise of the virgin, probably at marriages. Aristotle Polit. II. 7. 4. says that in Creta the women also were fed at the public cost, not that they ate in public.

1335.

Dosiadas ap. Athen. p. 143 B. with the assistance of some men τῶν δημοτικῶν. Does he mean Periœci or Mnotæ? Young women were used as cup-bearers among the Dorians, above, p. 276 note u. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “wine to the labourers,” starting “Pythænetus ap. Athen.”]

1336.

Dosiadas and Pyrgion ubi sup. Heraclid. Pont, and see the decree of the Olontians in Chishull's Antiq. Asiat. p. 137. cf. p. 131, 134.

1337.

Damasc. ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 1037. Suidas in ἄθρυπτος et Δωριοσ. Δωριοσ οικονεμια in Diog. Laërt. IV. 3. 19. for a plain rough mode of living.

1338.

Συρακοσίων et Σικελῶν τράπεζα, Athen. XII. p. 518 B. p. 527 C. Zenob. Prov. V. 94. Suidas Erasm. Adag. II. 2. Σικελικὸς κότταβος Anacreon ap. Athen. X. p. 427. fragm. p. 374. ed. Fischer. The Σικελικὸς βίος is opposed to the Δωριστὶ ζῆν in the 7th (spurious) Platonic Epistle, p. 336.

1339.

See, among others, Timæus fragm. 76. p. 271, ed. Goeller. The Argives and Tirynthians were reproached for their debauchery, Ælian. V. H. III. 15. Athen. N. p. 442. D.

1340.

See Æginetica p. 188.

1341.

See above, p. 266 note d. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “from the street,” starting “Towards the street.”] In Crete it was called βοωνία, Hesych. in v.

1342.

Dionys. Halic. XX. 2. ed. Mai.

1343.

According to the supposed saying of Lycurgus, “first make a democracy in thine own house.” Plutarch Lycurg. 19. reg. Apophth. p. 124. Lac. Apophth. p. 225.

1344.

See particularly Eurip. Androm. 596.

1345.

Κόροις καὶ κόραις κοινὰ τὰ ἱερά. Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 254. above ch. 2. § 2.

1346.

Eustath. ad Od. p. 1166. So also the Arcadians had, according to Polybius IV. 21. 3. (though not for the reason which he assigns) συνόδους κοινὰς καὶ θυσίας πλείστας ὁμοίως ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ, ἔτι δὲ χοροὺς παρθένων ὁμοῦ καὶ παίδων. The unrestrained manners, and the public games and dances of the virgins of Ceos (Plutarch Mul. Virt. p. 277. Antonin. Liber. met. 1.), probably were derived from a Cretan custom (see above, p. 236. note q. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “with an axe,” starting “Heracl. Pont. 7.”]), and certainly one prior to the Ionic migration.

1347.

Plutarch Lycurg. 14. comp. Welcker ad Alcman. frag. p. 10.

1348.

VI. 61, 65.

1349.

Polycrates ap. Athen. IV. p. 139 F. Xenoph. Ages. 8. 7. with Casaubon's restoration from Plutarch. Ages. 19. Hesychius in κάνναθρα, Eustathius ad Il. XXIV. p. 1344. 44. Schol. ad Aristoph. Vesp. 413. The temple of Helen, mentioned by Hesychius in κάνναθρα, is that at Therapne, above the Phœbæum, of which Herodotus speaks, VII. 61.

1350.

Λακεδαιμονίην τε γυναῖκα in the oracle; and how, in the Lysistrata of Aristophanes, the Athenian women admire the lusty and vigorous beauty of Lampito. comp. Athen. XII. p. 609 B.

1351.

Heracl. Lembus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 566 A.

1352.

If the father and grandfather died, the right, even in Doric states, e.g., in Cyrene, passed to the brothers, Plutarch Mul. Virt. p. 303. Polyæn. VIII. 41.

1353.

Plutarch Lycurg. 15. Lac. Apophth. p. 224. Xen. de Rep. Lac. I. 5. The account of Hermippus in Athenæus XIII. p. 555 C. is absurdly disfigured. The same is true of Hagnon, ibid. XIII. p. 602 E. This explains the statement of Herodotus VI., 65. that Demaratus obtained possession of Percalus the daughter of Chilon, who was betrothed to Leotychides, by previously carrying her away by force, φθάσας ἁρπάσας. In later times, whoever ravished a virgin at Sparta (as also at Delphi, Heliodorus IV. p. 269.) was punished with death, Xenoph. Ephes. V. 1; and compare Marcellinus on Hermogenes, although this account does not belong to the age of which we treat.

1354.

Plutarch. Cleom. 38.

1355.

Strabo X. p. 482 D. from Ephorus.

1356.

According to Hesychius. Homer. Il. XVI. 180. calls Eudoxus a παρθένιος, τὸν ἔτικτε χορῷ καλὴ Πολυμήλη, which I explain thus: she produced him “in the chorus,” i.e., while she yet belonged to the ἀγελὴ of the virgins. The passage is quoted by Dio Chrysost. Or. VII. p. 273., who also speaks of the Lacedæmonian παρθενίαι.

1357.

Justin. III. 4. Nulli pater existebat cujus in patrimonium successio speraretur.

1358.

Book I. ch. 6. § 12. The common narrative of Ephorus is repeated by Dionysius of Halicarnassus, and is evidently invented to account for the name Παρθενίαι, which Antiochus declines to explain.

1359.

Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 6. Plutarch Lyc. 15. Comp. Num. 4. Lac. Apophth. p. 224.

1360.

Hesychius in v.

1361.

Op. et Di. 695.

1362.

Leg VIII. p. 785. Aristotle indeed (Polit. VII. 16.) gives 37 years as the most fitting time for marriage in a man; which number Larcher (Chronologie d'Herodote) has no reason to suppose borrowed from the laws of Laconia. The Trœzenians were forbidden by the oracle from making early marriages, Aristot. Pol. VII. 14. 4.

1363.

See Plutarch Lyc. 15. Lysand. 13. de Amore prol. 2. Lac. Apophth. p. 223. Clearchus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 555 C. Pollux III. 48. VIII. 40. Stobæus Serm. 65. Clem. Alexand. Strom. II. p. 182. compare Schläger's Præfat. ad Dissertat. Helmst. 1744. p. 10. It is most singular that the cowards (τρεσάντες) to whom every man denied his daughter, were punished for not marrying, Xen. Rep. Lac. 9. 5.

1364.

Pollux VIII. 40.

1365.

Plutarch de Herod. Malign. 32. p. 321. Lac. Apophth. p. 216. fragm. p. 355.

1366.

Plutarch Pyrrh. 28. See B. III. ch. 10. § 3. concerning the ius trium liberorum in Sparta.

1367.

Καὶ πολλὰ μὲν τοιαῦτα συνελώρει, Xen. Rep. Lac. I. 9. Later writers often give fabulous accounts of this point, particularly Theodoretus Græc. Affinit. 9.

1368.

B. III. ch. 10. § 4.

1369.

See the saying of Geradates in Plutarch Lyc. 15. Lac. Apophth. p. 225. comp. Justin. III. 3. The νόθοι in Xen. Hell. V. 3. 9., who were a separate class, but shared in the education of the Spartans, probably were composed of a mixture of different ranks, and certainly were not the offspring of a regular stuprum. At Rhodes, according to Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 992, the νόθοι were called μαστρόξενοι, i.e. those who at a public scrutiny (called at Athens διαψήφισις) were rejected from the lists of citizens. The investigation was perhaps conducted by the μάστροι, Hesych. in v. comp. Harpocrat. μαστῆρες.

1370.

Herod. V. 39, 40.

1371.

Plutarch Agid. 11.

1372.

The history of women in the heroic age has been better treated by Lenz, than by Meiners in his Geschichte des Weiblichen Geschlechts; although even he has many prejudices, e.g., that women are always improved by education, the reverse of which was the case in Greece. Lenz (p. 64.) correctly remarks, that in Homer the manners of unmarried are represented as less restrained than those of married women; although their intercourse with men was more free than among the Dorians. Comp. p. 143.

1373.

I. 146.

1374.

Though she lived in the interior of the house, as is proved by the Doric term for a wife, μεσόδομα: see Hesych. in οἰκέτις, Theocrit. Id. XVIII. 28. and compare the sayings of Aregeus in Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 198. of Euboidas, p. 205. and of the Lacedæmonian woman, p. 262. who being asked what she understood, answered, εὖ οἰκεῖν οἶκον.

1375.

Plutarch. Lyc. 14.

1376.

Vol. I. p.

1377.

Polit. II. 6. 8. and in Plutarch Lyc. 14. At that time moreover the manners of the Spartan women had really degenerated, and a considerable licence (ἄνεσις) prevailed, Aristot. Polit. II. 6. 5. Plat. Leg. I. p. 637. Dion. Hal. Hist. Rom. II. 24.

1378.

Plutarch Lyc. 14. Comp. Num. 3. Aristotle also (Polit. II. 6, 7.) speaks of their influence on the government in the time of the ascendency of Sparta; it increased still more, when a large part of the landed property fell into the hands of women. The singular assertion of Ælian V. H. XII. 34. that Pausanias loved his wife, has been correctly interpreted by Kühn to mean a too great, or uxorious affection; and so likewise Menelaus appears to have been represented, see, e.g., Aristoph. Lysist. 155.

1379.

Πολλὰ λέγειν ὄνυμ᾽ ἀνδρὶ, γυναικὶ δὲ πᾶσι χαρῆναι, fragm. 13. ed. Welcker. comp. Franck's Tyrtæus p. 173 and 203.

1380.

See, e.g., Plutarch Cleom. 38.

1381.

Plato Alcib. I. p. 41. Plin. H. N. VII. 41. Compare the saying of Gorgo in Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 258.

1382.

The Bœotian poetesses, however, Corinna and Myrto, and Diotima the Arcadian (concerning whom see Frederick Schlegel, Griechen und Roemer, vol. I. p. 275.), were on the rank of Doric women; although in Bœotia the female sex was very much restricted, and placed under the superintendence of γυναικονόμοι (as under the ἁρμόσυνοι at Sparta, ch. 7. § 8.), Plutarch Solon. 21.

1383.

See b. II. ch. 10. § 7. Aristoph. Lys. 90. Plut. 149. et Schol. Suidas in ἑταῖραι Κορινθ and χοῖρος. Pollux IX. 6. 75. Κορινθιάζεσθαι τὸ μαστροπεύειν η ἑταῖρειν (see b. I. ch. 8. § 3.) Eustath. ad II. p. 290. 23. ed. Rom. and Anacreon XXXII. 10. whose poems are of the Achæan or Roman time. Compare also the Κορινθία κόρη in Plato de Rep. p. 404 D. Κορίνθια παῖς, Eurip. Sciron. ap. Poll. X. 7. 25. cf. IX. 6. 75. and Hemsterhuis, and the proverb in Suidas (XIV. 81. Schott.) Plutarch Prov. Al. 92. ἀκροκορίνθι ἔοικας χοιροπολήσειν. Compare Jacobs in the Attisches Museum, vol. II. part III. p. 137. Schiebel zur Kentniss der Alten Welt, vol. I. p. 177.—The women of Sicyon were, according to the βὶος Ἕλλαδος of Dicæarchus, exceedingly graceful in their carriage.

1384.

Plutarch Lycurg. 17. Dionys. Hal. XX. 2. ed. Mai. Old men could punish persons conducting themselves improperly (ἀκοσμοῦντες) by striking them with their sticks.

1385.

Εἰσπνήλας is probably the genuine form; see Callim. Fragm. 169. ed. Bentl. Etymol. Mag. p. 43. 34. p. 306. 24. Gudian. p. 23. 2. Orion, p. 617. 49. Εἴσπνηλος is used by Theocritus Id. XII. 13.

1386.

Ælian V. H. III. 12. Ἐμπνεῖσθαι is the word used by Plutarch Cleom. 3.

1387.

Vol. I. p. 5. Compare Etymol. Magn. p. 43. 31. Gudian. ubi sup. Ἀείτης was used by Aristophanes; see Bekker's Anecd. p. 348. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 459, and ἀΐτιας by Alcæus ap. Athen. p. 430 D. Alcman also called lovely young women ἀΐτας κόρας; see Schneider's Lexicon in v. and Etymol. Gudian. p. 23. 3; also the Lexicon vocum peregrinarum in Valpy's edition of Stephens's Thesaurus, part XII. p. 492.

1388.

Servius ad Æn. X. 325. adeo ut Cicero dicat in libris de re publica (p. 280. Mai.) opprobrio fuisse adulescentibus si amatores non haberent.

1389.

Ælian III. 10.

1390.

Plutarch Ages. 2. Lysand. 22.

1391.

Plutarch Ages. 13. Reg. Apophth. p. 128. Lac. Apophth. p. 177.

1392.

Xenoph. Hell. V. 4. 25.

1393.

Plutarch Cleom. 3.

1394.

Ib. c. 37.—The youth of Argilus, loved by Pausanias, cannot be mentioned among these, Thuc. I. 132. Nepos Pausan. 4.

1395.

Ælian V. H. III. 10.

1396.

Id. III. 12.

1397.

Plutarch Lyc. 25.

1398.

Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 39. Plutarch Reg. Apophth. quoted in note e, p. 301. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “also a hearer,” starting “Plutarch Ages. 13.”]

1399.

See Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 209. In Bœotia also ἀνὴρ καὶ παῖς συζυγέντες ὁμιλοῦσιν, Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 2. 12.

1400.

Plutarch Lycurg. 18. Ælian V. H. III. 10.

1401.

Athen. XIII. p. 601 E. p. 602 F. from Timæus, Heraclid. Pont. 3. Heyne ad Apollod. III. 1. 2. Κρῆτες ἐρωτικώτατοι, together with the Lacedæmonians and Bœotians, Plutarch Amator. 17. p. 37.

1402.

Athen. XV. p. 782 E.

1403.

Ephorus ap. Strab. X. p. 483. Hesychius in φιλήτωρ.

1404.

Ephorus ubi sup. Compare Plutarch de Educ. 14.

1405.

Ephorus and Heraclides Ponticus. Arms were in Crete, according to Nicolaus Damascenus, the most honourable present that could be made. Concerning the cup, see Hermonax ap. Athen. XI. p. 502 B.

1406.

Ælian V. H. III. 9. comp. N. A. IV. 1.

1407.

Aristot. Polit. II. 9. 6, 7.

1408.

Aristoph. Acharn. 774. Theocrit. Id. XII. 28. and Schol.

1409.

According to Plato and Cicero (Leg. I. p. 636 B. Tusc. Quæst. IV. 34. comp. Boeckh ad Leg. p. 106.) This practice originated from the gymnastic exercises; a supposition probably not true in this general sense.

1410.

Polit. II. 7. 5.—It is however true of Athens only, and not of the Dorians, that the love of the male supplied the place of that of the female sex.

1411.

Welcker, Sappho von einem herrschenden vorurtheill befreit, p. 41. Confederates in arms are called Ἀχίλλήιοι φίλοι in the beautiful Fragment of Æolian lyric poetry, attributed to Theocritus, XXVIII. 34. Comp. Arrian. Peripl. Pont. p. 23.

1412.

Cicero de Rep. IV. 4. Lacedæmonii ipsi cum omnia concedunt in amore juvenum præter stuprum, ienui sane muro dissæpiunt id quod excipiunt: complexus enim concubitusque permittunt.

1413.

Ælian V. H. III. 12. On account of this provision the Lacedæmonian law is called ποίκιλος by Plato Sympos. p. 182. The purity of the Lacedæmonian custom is also attested by Xenophon, the best authority on Doric manners. Εἴ τις παιδὸς σώματος ὀρεγόμενος φανείη, αἴσχιστον τοῦτο θεὶς (ὁ Λυκοῦργος) ἐποίησεν ἐν Δακεδαίμονι μηδὲν ἧττον ἐραστὰς παιδικῶν ἀπέχεσθαι ἢ γονεῖς παίδων ἢ καὶ ἀδελφοὶ ἀδελφῶν εἰς ἀφροδίσια ἀπέχονται, de Rep. Lac. 2. 13; and see Schneider's note. Plato however has a different opinion of it, Leg. I. p. 638. VIII. p. 836. The Cretan fell into worse repute than the Lacedæmonian custom, Plutarch de Educ. 14. Both however are praised as equally innocent by Maximus Tyrius, Diss. X. p. 113. The suspicions thrown upon it are perhaps to be entirely traced to the Attic comic poets; thus Eupolis ap. Athen. I. p. 17 D. Hesych. et al. Lexicog. in Κυσολάκων and λακωνίζειν. Comp. Suidas and Apostolius, XI. 73. Λακωνικὸν τρόπον περαίνειν.

1414.

On the subject of this last part generally, see Meiners' Miscellaneous Philosophical Writings, vol. I. p. 61, and History of the Female Sex, vol. I. p. 321. Herder's Thoughts on the Philosophy of History, Works, vol. V. p. 173. Since the first publication of this work, the view of the above question taken in the text has been approved by Jacobs, Miscellaneous Works, III. Leben und Kunst der Alten, II. (1829) pp. 212, sqq.

1415.

Lucian. Anach. 38. θῆλυς νεολαία Theocr. Idyl. XVIII. 24. Comp. D'Orville ad Charit. p. 22. Alberti ad Hesych. in v.

1416.

Plutarch, Lycurg. 16. I have written house instead of tribe, as above, b. III. ch. 10. § 2.

1417.

The philosopher Archytas is mentioned as the inventor of a child's rattle, πλατάγη, Aristot. Polit. VIII. 6. 1. Apostol. XVI. 21.

1418.

μίτυλλα, ἐσχατονήπια Hesychius.

1419.

Plutarch, ubi sup.

1420.

Concerning this expression see Plutarch, Ages. 1. Cleom. II. 37. Λακωνικὴ ἀγωγὴ Polyb. I. 32, also Zonaras and Suidas. The Λυκούργειος ἀγωγὴ was in later times supplanted by the Ἀχαϊκὴ παιδεία, the object of which was utility, Plutarch, Philop. 16. comp. Pausan. VII. 8. 3.

1421.

According to the correct reading in Athen. VI. p. 271 E. These are the same as οἱ ἐκ τῆς ἀγωγῆς παῖδες: see above, p. 22. note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “assuredly had not,” starting “Χωρίτης.”] From the expression ὡς ἂν καὶ τὰ ἴδια ἐκποιῶσιν, we may infer that the fathers paid the expenses of education, which was observed in b. III. ch. 10, § 7.

1422.

Xenoph. Hellen. V. 3. 9. τῶν ἐν τῆ πόλει καλῶν οὐκ ἄπειροι. The δημοτικὴ ἀγωγὴ in Polyb. XXV. 8. 1. is an inferior degree.

1423.

See in particular Plutarch, Lac. Apophthegm. p. 243.

1424.

Any one who when a boy would not undergo hard labour, according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 3. 3. had no longer any share τῶν καλῶν; i.e. the remaining education (τὰ καλὰ in Sparta; comp. Xenoph. Hellen. V. 4. 32, and above, note h [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “half-blood were admitted,” starting “Xenoph. Hellen.”]), and became ἀδοκιμος in the town, not ὅμοιος. Plutarch, Inst. Lac. p. 252, says too generally, that “any one who did not go through the education lost the right of citizenship; which conversely might be obtained by a stranger who submitted to it.”

1425.

Plutarch, Ages. i.

1426.

Plutarch, Lycurg. 16: comp. above, ch. 2. § 5.

1427.

Photius in συνέφηβος, where for ἑξῆς δέκα read ἑκκαίδεκα. Schneider Lexicon in σκύθραξ proposes συνεύνας; but all these were in the Agelæ. More general names are derived from κόρος, e.g. κωραλίσκοι: see Hesych. in v. From thence the piece of Epilycus, the scene of which was laid in Sparta, had its title: see above, p. 288, note d, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “particularly the kings,” starting “Athen. IV.”] κυρσανίον, Aristoph. Lysistr. 983. Schol. also Suidas, Photius in κυρσάνια, Hesych. in v. also in κύρσιον, σκύρθακες, σκυρθάκια: comp. Hesych. in σκύθραξ et σκυρθαλίας. Phot. in σκυρθάνια.

1428.

In the second year after this period he was called Eiren, before it Melleiren, Plutarch, Lycurg. 17. Etym. Mag. and Gloss. Herodot. in εἴρην, Hesych. in ἰρίνες, ἴρανες, μελλίρην. Hesychius explains ἴρανες by ἄρχοντες, διώκοντες; and εἰρηνάζει to mean κρατεῖ, and this appears to be the original meaning of the word. Amompharetus, Callicrates, &c., the ἰρένες in Herod. IX. 85. were certainly not youths, but commanders, particularly Amompharetus, was lochagus of the Pitanatan lochus. After that same period he was called Proteires, Phot. p. 105. κατὰ πρωτεῖρας, Hesych. κατὰ πρωτῆρας. It appears that in this composition εἴρης is the same word as εἴρην.

1429.

Pausan. III. 14. 6, and see Boeckh Inscript.

1430.

Siebelis ad Pausan. ubi sup. and b. III. ch. 11. § 3.

1431.

Above, b. III. ch. 3. § 4.

1432.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 3. 5.

1433.

Hesych. and Etym. Mag. in βουόα, where for ἀγλεῖ τις, read ἀγέλη τις, Valcken. ad Adon. p. 274.

1434.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 2. 11. Plutarch, Lycurg. 16, 17. Inst. Lac. p. 248.

1435.

At Tarentum, the commander of the ile was called βειλαρμόστας, the digamma being prefixed; see Hesych.

1436.

See Hesych. in ἵππαρχος ἡνιοχαράτης, and according to Eustath. ad Il. θ᾽. p. 727. 22. not merely the 300 were called cavalry, but all the ἱππεῖς of the elders.

1437.

Xen. Plutarch, ubi sup. uses the word agele instead of ile.

1438.

Plutarch Lyc. 18.

1439.

Xenoph. 2. 2. Plutarch. Hesych. According to Xen. 4. 6 the ἱππεῖς were still under the superintendence of the παιδονόμος.

1440.

Xenoph. ubi sup.

1441.

Hesych. where the βουάγορ is erroneously called παῖς. See b. III. ch. 7. § 8.

1442.

Hesychius in ἄμπαιδες.

1443.

Who were called κῶραι, πῶπαι, πάλλακες. For the first expression see Maittaire, p. 156. κόρα amongst the Pythagoreans. Jambl. Pyth. XI. 56. For the second, see Hesychius in v. where read κόραι. For the third see Etym. Mag. p. 649. 57.

1444.

Theocrit. Idyll. XVIII. 23. comp. Pind. Fragm. Hyporch. 8. Boeckh, Callim. Lav. Pall. 33.

1445.

In Porphyr. Pyth. VIII. 61. p. 263. Goeller: comp. Jambl. Pyth. 30.

1446.

σκότιοι: see Schol. in Eurip. Alcest. 989. This also was the time in which the boys were taken away from home; see above, ch. 4. § 7; and from the circumstance of their belonging to no agele, they were called ἀπάγελοι, Hesych. in v.

1447.

Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 483.

1448.

Hesych. Ephorus ubi sup. and Nicol. Dam. mention indeed only a παίδων ἀγέλη, but use παῖς in an extensive sense.

1449.

Chishull, p. 134.

1450.

Ephor. ubi sup. Heracl. Pont. 3. From this circumstance, according to Hesychius, the ephebi in the agele were called ἀγελαστοὶ, for which Meursius reads ἀγελαῖοι from ἀγελάζω, without any authority.

1451.

See book III. ch. 8. § 2.

1452.

Suidas.

1453.

οἱ δέκα ἔτη ἐν τοῖς ἀνδράσιν ἠσκηκότες, according to the correction of Valcken. ad Ammon. I. 12.

1454.

Eustath. ad II. θ᾽. p. 727. 18. ad Odyss. θ᾽. 1592, 57. Rom. Ammonius in gerôn.

1455.

τριακάτιοι. Eustath. and Ammon. ubi sup. Hesych. in v. οἱ ἔφηβοι καὶ τὸ σύστημα αὐτῶν. comp. Intpp. vol. II. 1412. The observations of Mazocchi, Tab. Heracl. p. 258. 87. are very absurd.

1456.

Hence a particular oil vessel used in the gymnasia was called Δωρὶς ὄλπα, Theocr. Idyll. II. 156. it was probably a very simple utensil, since the Spartans, instead of the στλεγγὶς, used a bundle of reeds, Schol. ad Plat. Charm. p. 90. Ruhnken. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 253. Lobeck ad Phrynich. p. 430. remarks ingeniously that several vocabula musica, palæstrica et mititaria, even in the common Grecian dialect, had a Doric character, being particularly in use amongst the Dorians.

1457.

Dion. Chrysost. Orat. 37. 33. Φιλογυμναστοῦσι Λάκωνες. The same is said in Plato Protag. p. 342. of the imitators of the Spartans, who also (contrary to the customs of their original) were addicted to the contest with the cæstus. Aristot. Polit. VIII. 3. 3. merely says, that the discipline to which the Spartan youth were subjected made them too brutal, θηριώδεις.

1458.

Comp. what the Spartan in Plutarch. Lac. Apophthegm, p. 246. says concerning the distinction between κρείσσων and καββαλικώτερος, a better wrestler.

1459.

Plutarch Lycurg. 19. reg. Apophthegm. p 125. Lac. Ap. p. 225. Seneca de Benef. V. 3. Xenophon's remarks in Rep. Lac. 4. 6. on the boxing of the ἡβῶντες, do not apply to the gymnastic exercises.

1460.

Plato, Laches, p. 183.

1461.

Where it was without doubt connected with the military service, and a display of valour in the practice of war.

1462.

Athen. IX. p. 154 D. The Mantinean ὁπλομαχία will account for a Mantinean being reported to have invented the ἐνόπλιος ὄρχησις, Plutarch. Num. 13. There was also a peculiar Μαντινικὴ ὅπλισις.

1463.

Corsini, Diss. Agon. p. 127.

1464.

Thus, as is his usual practice, Hermippus gives a fictitious account of the victory gained by the son of Chilon in the contest with the cestus at Olympia. Diog. Laert. I. 3. 5.

1465.

Pausan. V. 8. 3. It is however surprising that the πένταθλον παίδων existed only in one Olympiad, viz. the 38th, when a Lacedæmonian obtained the victory.

1466.

See the Grammarians in the proverb ὑπὲρ τὰ ἐσκαμμένα πηδᾷ.

1467.

The Olympic conqueror, Philip of Croton, the friend of Dorieus the Spartan, was considered the most beautiful of the Greeks, Herod. V. 47. Cicero de Invent. II. 1. says of the Crotoniats as follows: “Quodam tempore Crotoniatæ multum omnibus corporis viribus et dignitatibus antesteterunt, atque honestissimas ex gymnico certamine victorias domum cum maxima laude retulerunt. Quum puerorum igitur formas et corpora magno hic (Zeuxis) opere miraretur: horum, inquiunt illi, sorores sunt apud nos virgines.” This is doubtless a correct description of the flourishing period of the youth of Croton: but it falls much before the time of Zeuxis.

1468.

Strab. VI. p. 262. comp. Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenshaft, book III. ch. 2.

1469.

Diagoras, his sons Damagetus, Acesilaus, Dorieus, and grandsons Eucles and Peisirrhodus; perhaps also Hyllus, see Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp. VII. p. 165.

1470.

Æginetica, p. 141. see also Menand. de Encom. III. 1. p. 97. ed. Heeren.

1471.

Boeckh Expl. Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 268. Pyth. V. p. 287. to which add Hesych. in ἐλαία.

1472.

Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp. IV. p. 143.

1473.

Olymp. XII. 20. comp. Boeckh Expl. p. 210.

1474.

The Spartans were particularly fond of the mode of wrestling called κλιμακίζειν: see the verses of Plato the comic poet quoted above, p. 280, note x. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “ornament of a man,” starting “Plato Comicus Ap. Aspas.”] comp. Plut. Lac. Apophthegm. p. 241. The ἀπὸ τραχήλον γυμνάζεσθαι, Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 9. appears to have required particular strength of neck. The Argives were dexterous ἑδροστρόφοι (throwers of crossbuttocks), Theocr. Idyll. XXV. 109.

1475.

See b. I. ch. 4. § 3.

1476.

Above, ch. 4. § 7.

1477.

Above, § 3.

1478.

See b. III. ch. 3. § 4.

1479.

Xenoph. Anab. IV. 6. 14.

1480.

Heracl. Pont. 2. Xen. Rep. Lac. 2, 6. Justin. III. 3. 6. 7 comp. Cicero apud Nonium in clepere. Gellius N.A. XI. 18. &c. Plutarch Lycurg. 17. does not state the reason accurately, comp. Inst. Lac. p. 249. Lac. Apophthegm, p. 239. The Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 225. ed. Ruhnken. 450. ed. Bekker. confound the cryptia with this institution.

1481.

ὅσα μὴ κωλύει νόμος. Xenoph. Anab. ubi. sup. comp. De Rep. Lac. 2. 6. Cicero's assertion de Rep. III. 9. Cretes latrocinari honestum putant should also be taken in a limited sense; comp. however Polyb. VI. 46. 1.

1482.

B. II. ch. 9. § 6. Concerning the διαμαστίγωσις, comp. Plutarch Lycurg. 18. Inst. Lac. p. 254. Athen. VIII. p. 350 C. Lucian. Icarom. 16. Musonius apud Stob. Serm. 92. p. 307. Schol. ad Plat. Leg. I. p. 224. Ruhnken. p. 450. Bekker. Cic. Quæst. Tusc. V. 27. Seneca de prov. IV. To this add the passages in Manso I. 2. p. 183. Creuzer Init. Philos. Plat. II. p. 166. A βωμονίκης occurs in a Lacedæmonian inscription, Boeckh, No. 1364. I am not yet convinced of the truth of Thiersch's conjecture, that the bronze statute of the youth at Berlin is of this character. I should rather take it to represent a conqueror in the pancration τῶν παίδων, in the attitude of returning thanks to Jupiter for his victory.

1483.

Pausan. III. 14. 8. comp. II. 2. Plat. Leg. I. p. 633. Cic. Quæst. Tusc. 5-27. Lucian. Anach. 38. Plutarch Lac. Apophthegm. p. 239. Lacæn. p. 258. what Plato terms γυμνοπαιδιὰς, are in general exercises of naked boys in the heat of summer, comp. Schol. ad loc. and Suidas in Λυκοῦργος. The ἡβῶντες according to Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 4. also fought with the selected three hundred wherever they encountered them.

1484.

Ephor. apud Strab. X. p. 483. Heracl. Pont. 3.

1485.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 9. The Lacedæmonian ἀγωγὴ was in later times considered as a gymnastic education. Thus Phocion had his son brought up in the Lacedæmonian manner, and Alcibiades was at least nursed by Amycla, Plutarch Lycurg. 16. Schol. Plat. I. p. 77. Ruhnken.

1486.

Herod. IX. 72. A Lacedæmonian strikingly resembled Hector, i.e. the ideal of heroic excellence, according to Plutarch Arat. 3.

1487.

Nicol. Damasc.

1488.

Plutarch Lycurg. 14. Lac. Apophthegm. p. 223. comp. Manso I. 2. p. 162. Respecting the exercise of running ἐνδριώνας, Welcker ad Alcm. p. 10 sq. The exercises, besides the gymnasia, are mentioned by a poet in Cic. Quæst. Tusc. II. 15. and referred to also in Aristoph. Lys. 117.

1489.

Plato Theæt. p 162, 169. Plutarch Lycurg. 14. only says, that they witnessed the procession and dances of the young men.

1490.

In Athen. XII. p. 550 D. comp. Ælian. V. H. XIV. 7.

1491.

According to Isocr. Panath. p. 544. comp. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H. XII. 50. That they learnt to read, is asserted by Plutarch Lycurg. 16. Inst. Lac. p. 247. but contradicted by a Soph. anon. in Orelli Opp. Mor. II. p. 214. The ancient simplicity of their manners is evident from the custom of cutting a staff (σκυτάλη) in pieces, and dividing the fragments, to be preserved as memorials of a contract entered into, Photius in σκυτάλη, and Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1284. from Dioscorides περὶ νομιμων. Concerning the schools of learning in Crete, see Heracl. Pont. 3. Ephor. apud Strab. X. p. 482. The most ancient Grecian letters appear also to have been called Doric, Suidas in Κόριννος.

1492.

Ælian. V. H. II. 39. The same practice was enjoined by the laws of Lycurgus, see book I. ch. 7. § 3.

1493.

Hence also δωρίζειν, to sing in the Doric style, Hesychius. A cithara strung so as to suit that measure was called a Δωρία φόρμιγξ. Pindar Olymp. I. 17. who also calls the rhythm which suited the Doric mode, Δώριον πέδιλον, Olymp. III. 5. and the whole together Δωρία κέλευθος ὕμνων, Fragm. Incert. 98.

1494.

Plat. Lach. p. 188 D.

1495.

Some endeavoured to explain this name by supposing that Thamyris was the inventor, who had contended with the Muses at Dorium, Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 307. comp. Fabric. Bibl. Græc. vol. I. p. 301.

1496.

Vol. I. p. 351. note g. It was on this that Glaucus ap. Plutarch Music. 4. probably grounded his proof of the date of Terpander.

1497.

According to the important testimony of Sosibius the Laconian, the musical contests at the Carnea were first instituted in Olymp. 26., and according to the catalogue of Hellanicus, Terpander was the first who gained the prize, Athen. XIV. p. 635. The Parian Marble ep. 35, places his new regulation of music at Sparta in Olymp. 33. 4. The other statements on the time of Terpander are far inferior to these in authority.

1498.

Thus Pindar (ap. Athen. p. 635 D. fragm. Scol. 5. Boeckh.) says, that Terpander first heard at Lydian banquets the strings of the lyre sound in opposition to the high πηκτίς.

1499.

For the whole of this, see Boeckh de Metric. Pindar. p. 238. and particularly Heraclid. Pont. ap. Athen. XIV. p. 624 D.

1500.

See Athenæus, p. 632. from Heraclides Ponticus.

1501.

The supposed Plutarch, in the learned and excellent Essay on music, c. 9.

1502.

See Aristotle and Ælius Dionysius in Eustathius p. 741. 15. Heraclid. Pont. 2. Plutarch de Sera Num. Vind. 13. Hesychius in μετὰ Λέσβιον ᾠδὸν, Apostolius XII. 70. &c. According to Plutarch Mus. 6, the last of that school who appeared at the Carnea was Pericleitus, who lived before Hipponax. If so, Ælius Dionysius is wrong in mentioning Euænitides and Aristocleides, the latter of whom was certainly of a later date. Phrynis is altogether out of the question.

1503.

Diod. fragm. II. p. 639. Plutarch Music. 42. Schol. Od. γ᾽. 267. ed. Buttman. Tzetzes Chil. I. 16. Marm. Par. ep. 35.

1504.

Although he is said to have been first fined by the ephors on account of the number of the strings, Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 251. but the account is very confused. Yet Athenæus XIV. p. 628 D., when he says that the Spartans saved music three times, seems to allude to it.

1505.

For the statements of Schol. Od. γ᾽. 267. and Eustathius ad 1. concerning an ancient Lacedæmonian named Demodocus, of Sipias a Dorian, of Abaris a Lacedæmonian, and of Probolus a Spartan, at the time of the migration of the Heraclidæ, are hardly worthy of the name of mythical.

1506.

B. II. ch. 1. § 5.

1507.

Concerning whom see Boeckh Expl. Pind. Ol. X. p. 197.

1508.

Polymnestus wrote a poem to Thaletas for the Lacedæmonians (Paus. I. 14. 3.), probably after his death, and therefore he is unquestionably of a later date than Thaletas; he is called the contemporary of Sacadas, who flourished about the 48th Olympiad (588 B.C.), but was probably somewhat earlier. According to Plutarch Mus. 5. he was mentioned by Alcman, which does not agree, if this poet lived in Olymp. 27 (672 B.C.) where he is generally placed: but the other date of the ancient chronologists for Alcman, viz. Olymp. 42 (612 B.C.), is doubtless more correct.

1509.

Glaucus ap. Plutarch. Mus. 10.

1510.

Sosibius ap. Athen. XV. p. 678 B. also mentions songs of Thaletas at this festival, comp. Suidas in Θαλήτας. It seems however probable that the introduction here mentioned did not take place before the battle of Thyræa, about Olymp. 58. or 546 B.C., since much of the musical solemnities of the gymnopædia referred to this action, Athen. ubi sup. comp. Etymol. Mag. in γυμνοπαιδία, if we should there read with Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part 2. p. 211. Θυραίαν for Πύλαιαν, on which however there is some doubt. See vol. I. p. 309, note m.

1511.

Plutarch Agis 10. Lac. Apophth. p. 205.

1512.

According to Plutarch Agis 10. Inst. Lac. p. 251, and Cicero de Leg. II. 15. compare Dio Chrys. Or. XXXII. p. 382 B. ed. Reisk.

1513.

Artemon ap. Athen. XIV. p. 636 E.

1514.

III. 12. 8.

1515.

Etymol. Mag. in σκιάς.

1516.

Ap. Boeth. de Musica ad calc. Arati. Oxon. p. 66. Also in Casaubon on Athen. VIII. p. 613. (vol. IV. p. 611. Schweigh.), Scaliger on Manilius, Bulliald on Theon, Leopardus in his Observationes Criticæ, Gronovius Præf. ad Thes, Ant. Græc. vol. V. from a Cambridge MS., Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 128, and with a collation of several Oxford manuscripts (Cleaver's) Decretum Lacedæmoniorum contra Timotheum Milesium, Oxonii 1777; lastly, Payne Knight, Essay on the Greek Alphabet, sect. 7. and Porson, Tracts, p. 145. Mus. Crit. vol. I. p. 506.

1517.

The following recension of the decree is made after the manuscripts, without any arbitrary introduction of laconisms; while the short vowels are every where retained, and even the singular Ι for Υ. Επειδε ὁ Τιμοθεορ ὁ Μιλησιορ παργινομενορ εν ταν ἁμετεραν πολιν ταν παλαιαν μοαν ατιμασδε, και ταν δια ταν ἑπτα χορδαν κιταριτιν αποστρεφομενορ πολιφονιαν εισαγον λιμαινεται ταρ ακοαρ τον νεον δια τε ταρ πολιχορδιαρ και ταρ καινοτατορ το μελεορ, αγεννε και ποικιλαν αντι ἁπλοαρ και τεταμεναρ αμφιεννιται ταν μοαν, επι χροματορ σινισταμενορ ταν το μελεορ διασκειαν αντι ταρ εναρμονιο ποτταν αντιστροφον αμοιβαν; παρακλετεις δε και εττον αγονα ταρ Ελεισινιαρ Δαματρορ απρεπε διεσκειασατο ταν τω μιτω διασκειαν ταν γαρ Σεμελαρ οδινα ουκ ενὀικα τορ νεορ διδακκε δεδοκται αρ περι τουτοιν τορ βασιλεαρ και τορ εφορορ μεμψατται Τιμοθεον, επαναγκαται δε και ταν ἑνδεκα χορδαν εκταμεν ταρ περιτταρ ὑπολιπομενον ταρ ἑπτα; ὁπορ ἑκαστορ το ταρ πολιορ βαρορ ὁρον ευλαβεται ετταν Σπαρταν επιφερεν τι τον με καλον ετον με ποτε ταραττιται κλεορ αγονον (according to Porson, ἢ τῶν μὴ ποτὶ τᾶρ ἀρετᾶρ κλέορ ἀγόντων.).

1518.

B. II. ch. 10. § 4.

1519.

In common Greek, ἐπὶ χρώματος συνιστάμενος τὴν τοῦ μέλεος διασκευὴν ἀντὶ τῆς ἐναρμονίου πρὸς τὴν ἀντίστροφον ἀμοιβήν.

1520.

Thus, for example, we have ετων from ἔθος, the Laconian form of which was ΒΕΣΟΡ, Valcken. ad Theocrit. p. 282.

1521.

For instance, ΜΟΥΣΩ has been written for μιτω (see Valckenær. p. 379.), without a shadow of probability; for κιταριτιν ΚΙΣΑΡΙΞΙΝ, for αμφιεννιται ΑΜΠΕΝΝΥΤΑΙ (from ἀμπέσαι, ἀμφιέσαι Hesychius), or ΑΜΠΙΓΕΝΝΥΤΑΙ (from βέστον, Etym. M. p. 193. 45. for ἔσθος Aristoph. Lys. 1090.); for ἐπαναγκάται ΕΠΑΝΑΓΚΑΑΙ from ποιηἁι, &c. &c.

1522.

That it was a common practice to forge Spartan inscriptions is remarked by Valekenær. p. 257. The genuineness of this decree was first questioned by Villebrun ad. Athen. VIII. p. 352. and Heinrich Epimenides, p. 175.

1523.

Plat. Leg. II. p. 660. cf. III. p. 680.

1524.

Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 121.

1525.

A contemporary of Timotheus, Plutarch Mus. 21. Athen. VIII. p. 352 B.

1526.

Plutarch Mus. 37.

1527.

Boeckh Inscript. No. 1108. Plutarch Mus. 32. ascribes a moral judgment of music particularly to the Lacedæmonians, Mantineans, and Pelleneans.

1528.

Max. Tyr. 4. p. 46. 21. p. 216. ed. Davis. cf. Cic. de Leg. II. 15.

1529.

As was always the case in Arcadia, according to Polybius IV. 20. 7.

1530.

Ap. Demosth. in Mid. p. 15. compare Buttmann's Commentary, p. 35.

1531.

Sosibius ap. Athen. p. 678 B.

1532.

Pausan. III. 11. 7.

1533.

Xen. Rep. Lac. IX. 5. ἐν χοροῖς εἰς τὰς ἐπονειδίστους χώρας ἀπελαύνεται.

1534.

See the apophthegm of Damonides, Plutarch Reg. Apophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. p. 203. where however χοραγὸς is put instead of χοροποιὸς, which magistrate had the regulation of the choruses in general (Xen. Ages. 2. 17. Plutarch ubi sup. p. 173. but in Herodotus VI. 67. there is no reason to introduce him on conjecture); and the saying of Agesilaus, Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 173 (where however it is erroneously stated that Agesilaus was appointed king when a boy). The author of the Agesilaus attributed to Xenophon states, that Agesilaus, before the capture of Peiræum, returned home, though lame, in order to be conducted to his place by the choropœus at the pæan of the Hyacinthia; but he clearly confounds him with the Amycleans.

1535.

Above, page 262, note g, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “corresponding evolutions,” starting “For this reason.”] where I preferred the explanation of Hesychius to that of Suidas.

1536.

Aristot. Polit. VIII. 6. 6.

1537.

Plato Leg. II. p. 666.

1538.

Pollux IX. 5. 41.

1539.

Ap. Athen. XIV. p. 628 F. Schweighæuser asks who this poet Socrates was? I believe the passage is from the Προοίμιον, or Hymn to Apollo, which the philosopher composed when in prison.

1540.

The cicada was considered as a musical animal, and sacred to Apollo.

1541.

Ib. XIV. p. 633 A.

1542.

Aristot. Polit. VIII. 5. and on the other hand see Chamæleon ap. Athen. IV. p. 184 D.

1543.

Above, ch. 2. § 3. ch. 4. § 1. Hesychius φουλίδερ, παρθένων χορὸς, Δωριεῖς.

1544.

Boeckh ad Pindar. fragm. p. 598.

1545.

Plutarch Lycurg. 21. de amore sui 15. Lac. Inst. p. 251. Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 223. Ruhnken. p. 449. Bekker Zenobius, Apostolius, &c. They are said to have been instituted by Tyrtæus (Pollux IV. 15. 106), to whom Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 162. 21. ascribes generally a large share in the education of youth at Sparta. It is from these of the Spartans that Plato copies his great choruses. Leg. II. p. 664 sqq.

1546.

B. II. ch. 8. § 11, 13.

1547.

Concerning these songs, see Athenæus IV. p. 181 B. where it is stated that tumbling (κυβιστᾶν) was a national custom in Crete, and in general Aristoxenus ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 B.

1548.

Above, ch. 4. § 1. Eustathius ubi sup. relates that Theseus danced thus with the seven youths and maidens to Cnosus. Compare Lobeck ad Soph. Aj. 698. Κνώσια ὀρχήματα.

1549.

Lucian de Saltat. 12. See Meursius Orchestra, tom. V. p. 237.

1550.

Ephorus ap. Strab. N. p. 481 D.

1551.

Herod. VI. 129. compare Wesseling's note.

1552.

Athenæus I. p. 22 D.

1553.

Pausan. IV. 33. 3.

1554.

Herod. III. 131.

1555.

Boeckh ad Pindar, fragm. inc. 88. Concerning Hierax, see below § 7. Ariston is also mentioned as an ancient flute-player of Argos, in an epigram of Simonides or Bacchylides, Brunck's Analect. vol. I. p. 141. Gaisford's Poet. Min. vol. I. p. 383. Neue Bacchyl. fragm. 61.

1556.

Pausan. IV. 27. 4.

1557.

Pausan. VI. 14. 5.

1558.

See the ancient Epigram in Athenæus XIV. p. 629.

1559.

B. II. ch. 10. § 6.

1560.

Athen. V. p. 181 C.

1561.

The ἰαμβίζειν is also elsewhere connected with this worship; compare Max. Tyr. Diss. XXI. p. 216. Davis, and the general expression σικελίζειν for ὀρχεῖσθαι, Theophrast. ap. Athen. I. p. 22 C. And Archilochus perhaps belonged to the colony in which the priestess Cleobœa brought the mystical rites of Demeter from Paros to Thasos.

1562.

Particularly of Artemis Χιτωνέα, as appears from Athenæus p. 629 E. who was also originally Ionic, b. II. ch. 9. § 5.

1563.

Athen. IV. p. 103.

1564.

On which see Athen. p. 624 B.

1565.

Pausan. II. 21. 3. Comp. Schol. Soph. Aj. 14. Eurip. Phœn. 1386. Athene was evidently the patron of the trumpeters, under the name Σάλπιγξ, at Argos (an allusion to which see in Æsch. Eum. 556. Soph. Aj. 17.), because she was tutelar deity of the flute-players; and this was also the case at Sparta. For it is plain from Polyænus I. 10. that the διαβατήρια were offered to Athene on the boundaries (b. III. ch. 12. § 5.) only because she presided over the flutes, by which the army was conducted.

1566.

Athen. XII. p. 517 A. de XIV. p. 627 D. Plutarch Mus. 26.

1567.

Polyb. IV. 20. 6. Athen. XIV. 626. Plutarch ubi sup. Lucian de Saltat. 10. Dio Chrysost. Or. XXXII. p. 380. Reisk. Gell. N. A. I. 11. Eustath. ad Il. ψ᾽. p. 1320. 3. ed. Rom.

1568.

Fragm. 14. ed. Welcker. Pausanias III. 17. 5. mentions flute, lyre, and cithara together. The fabulous narration of Polyænus appears to me to be historically refuted by Alcman, as also by that remarked in b. II. ch. 8. § 11.

1569.

Polyb. IV. 20. 6. Compare Strabo X. p. 483 B.

1570.

B. III. ch. 2. § 4. ch. 12. § 5, 10.

1571.

V. 70. See Lucian de Saltat. 10.

1572.

The Ἀδώνιον was one kind of the ἐπιβατήρια, according to Hesyehius, whose gloss ὅπερ ὕστερον παρὰ Λεσβίοις ὠνομάσθη, as well as the name itself, is by no means clear. Ἐνόπλια μέλη ἐμβατήρια in Athenæus XIV. p. 630 F. Valckenaer ad Theocrit. Adon. p. 283. is also of opinion that the σαρσίτειος χορὸς to the flute was an ἐμβατήριον (from θαρρεῖν); but an ἐμβατήριον was not a chorus.

1573.

Plutarch de Mus. 26. Lycurg. 22. where however the Καστόρειον μέλος of the flute-players is distinguished from the ἐμβατήριος παιᾶν, in which the king joined (on the other hand Polyænus I. 10. ἐμβατήριον ἐνδίδωσιν αὐλὸς); Καστόρειον generally being used for the music of instruments, and ἐμβατήριον the song itself.

1574.

Pollux IV. 10. 78.

1575.

Messeniacum metrum seu embaterium, Victorinus, p. 2522. ed. Putsch. Comp. Hephæst. pag. 25. 46, 1. ed. Gaisford. Schol. Eurip. Hec. 59. and Demetrius Triclinius ad Soph. Aj. 134. Cic. Quæst. Tusc. II. 16.

1576.

Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 251. Valer. Maxim. II. 6. 2.

1577.

Pindar. Pyth. II. 69. Hermann de Dial. Pind. p. 19, 20. Boeckh de Metr. Pind. p. 276. Expl. Pyth. II. p. 249.

1578.

Isthm. I. 16.

1579.

B. II. ch. 10. § 8. A third supposition is that of the Scholiast to Pindar, Pyth. II. 127, that the νόμος took its name from the Dioscuri, as being the inventors of the Pyrrhic dance (comp. Plat. Leg. VII. p. 795. Lucian de Saltat. 10.) But in the Μῶσαι of Epicharmus (ap. Schol. Pind. et Athen. p. 184 F.) it was only stated that Minerva played the flute for the Dioscuri to the ἐνόπλιος νόμος (i.e. the Pyrrhic), and hence that the flute was used as a military instrument at Sparta; but not a word of the Καστόρειος νόμος.

1580.

As, for instance, ἄγετ᾽ ὦ Σπάρτας εὐάνδρου in Dion Chrysost. Orat. II. p. 31 A. ed. Reisk.; although, according to Hephæstion, the laconicum metrum was a tetrameter catalecticus in syllabam, with a spondaic ending; and according to M. Victorinus ubi sup. a trimeter catalecticus in syllabam.

1581.

B. III. ch. 12. § 4.

1582.

This very precise and credible account is given by Philochorus ap. Athen. p. 630. Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 212. ed. Reisk. states, that it was sung at the king's tent before the battle. Compare Manso's Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 171. Conrad Schneider in the Studien, vol. IV. p. 18. Franck's Tyrtæus, p. 133.

1583.

Hesych. in ἰβυκτήρ. Write ἰβυκτήρ. ἦν παρὰ Κρησὶν Ἴβυκος ἐμβατήριον ποιησάμενος, ὅπερ ὁ ἄδων οὕτω ἐκαλεῖτο.

1584.

Book III. ch. 12. § 10.

1585.

Ib. notes.

1586.

Plato Leg. VII. p. 795. Aristoxenus ap. Athen. p. 630 E. Strab. X. p. 467. Nicol. Damasc. Κρῆτες. Lucian de Saltat. 8. Schol. Pindar. Pyth. II. 127. Hesychius in πυῤῥιχίζειν. Pollux IV. 14. 99. derives two ἔνοπλοι ὀρχήσεις from Crete, the Pyrrhic and the Telesias, comp. Athen. p. 630 A; and from Athen. p. 629 C. it appears that there were there also the similar dances of ὀρσίτης and ἐπικρηνίδιος.

1587.

See Hoeck's Kreta, vol. I. p. 212.

1588.

Above, p. 342. note r. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Spartan army,” starting “B. II. ch. 10.”]

1589.

Schol. Pind. ubi sup.

1590.

Leg. VII. p. 815.

1591.

Athen. p. 631 A. Comp. Meursius Orchestra Op. vol. V. p. 242. Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 175.

1592.

As is frequently seen on vases.

1593.

Plutarch. Music. 26. Comp. Pollux IV. 10. 79.

1594.

Plutarch ubi sup.

1595.

That is, if the emendation of Salmasius, ἱεράκιον for θεράκιον, in Pollux IV. 10. 78, is adopted.

1596.

Athen. p. 678 B. and compare p. 631 B. p. 632 C. Concerning the gymnopædia in general, see Meurs. Orchest. p. 202. and the passages cited by Creuzer Comment. Herod. vol. I, p. 230.

1597.

πόῤῥω παῖδες πόδα μετάβατε, καὶ κωμάξατε βέλτιον, Lucian de Salt. 10. 11.

1598.

Athen. p. 14 D. from Dicæarchus and Hippasus. At Argos the choruses of boys were called Βαλλαχράδαι. Plutarch Quæst. Græc. 51. p. 405.

1599.

Pollux IV. 14. 102.

1600.

Lysist. 82. The ἀναλακτίζειν of the Spartan women when dancing is mentioned in Oribasius Med. p. 121. ed. Mosq.; the ἐκλακτίσματα, as a woman's dance in general is mentioned by Pollux ubi sup.

1601.

Cited by Pollux, χίλιά ποκα βιβάντι (rather βιβάτι) πλεῖστα δὴ τῶν πή ποκα, which becomes a trimeter iambic by the omission of the first ποκα.

1602.

Pollux IV. 4. 101. Hesychius in v. See Meurs. Orchest. under διποδία, διαποδισμὸς ποδίκρα.

1603.

Perhaps it was connected with the trochaic dipodia, which appears to have been the common metre in these choral songs, though mixed with cretics, spondees, dactylic, and logaœdic verses.

1604.

Aristoph. Lysist. ad fin.

1605.

Some rites of Bacchus were mixed with the worship of the Caryatan Artemis, as may be seen from Servius ad Virg. Eclog. VIII. 30; hence the dances of this goddess were of a wild and violent character. Accordingly, Praxiteles (Pliny, H. N. XXXVI. 4.) made a joint composition of Caryatides and Thyades; and Pratinas (Athen. X. p. 392.) wrote a play called Δύμαιναι ἢ Καρυάτιδες, the former of whom, also called Δύσμαιναι, occur as Bacchantes. The form Δύσμαιναι is defended against Toup and Meineke (Euphorion. fragm. 42. p. 93.) by Philargyr. ad Virg. Georg. II. 487. who translates the name by furiosæ Bacchæ. The Caryatides, who danced with uplifted hands, (Lynceus ap. Athen. VI. p. 241 D.) may be recognised in many reliefs as young women with their garments girt up and lightly clad.

1606.

B. II. ch. 8. § 14.

1607.

Pollux IV. 14. 104. where for βαρύλλικα write with Schneider (in v.) βρυάλλιχα.

1608.

Hesychius has βύλλιχαι χοροὶ τινες ὀρχηστῶν παρὰ Λάκωσιν; then βρυαλίκται ὀρχησταὶ from Ibycus and Stesichorus; next βρυδάλιχα (but the order of the letters requires ΒΡΥΑΛΛΙΧΑ), in the sense of frightful female masks, from Rhinthon; and βρυδαλίχας (ΒΡΥΑΛΛΙΧΑΣ) τὰς μαχλάδας, Λάκωνες; and, lastly, βρυλλοχισταὶ, persons who sang hymns in hideous female masks. The original forms appear to have been βρυάλλιχα for the dance, βρυαλλίχα for the mask, and βρυαλλίκτης (like δεικηλίκτης) for the dancer.

1609.

Vol. I. p. 377, note s.

1610.

Pollux IV. 14. 104. ἦν δὲ τινα καὶ Λακωνικὰ ὀρχήματα. δειμαλέα: Σειληνοὶ δ᾽ ἦσαν καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῖς Σάτυροι ὑπότροχα ὀρχούμενοι. καὶ ἴθυμβοι ἐπὶ Διονύσῳ. καὶ καρυατίδες ἐπὶ Ἀρτέμιδι. καὶ βρυάλλιχα τὸ μὲν εὕρημα Βρυαλλίχον. προσωρχοῦντο δὲ γυναῖκες Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ Ἀρτέμιδι. οἱ δὲ ὑπογύπωνες γερόντων ὑπὸ βακτηρίοις τὴν μίμησιν εἶχον. οἱ δὲ γύπωνες ξυλίνων κώλων ἐπιβαίνοντες ὠρχοῦντο, διαφανῆ ταραντινίδια ἀμπεχόμενοι. καὶ μῆνες Χαρίνων μὲν ὄρχημα, ἐπώνυμον δ᾽ ἦν τοῦ εὑρόντος αὐλητοῦ. τυρβασία δὲ ἐκαλεῖτο τὸ ὄρχημα τὸ διθυραμβικόν. μιμηλικὴν δἐ ἐκάλουν δι᾽ ἧς ἐμιμοῦντο τοὺς ἐπὶ τῇ κλοπῇ τῶν ἑώλων μερῶν ἁλισκομένους. λαμπροτέρα δὲ ἦν ἣν ὠρχοῦντο γυμνοὶ σὺν αἰσχρολογίᾳ. In this passage there is nothing altered except βρυάλλιχα and Βρυαλλίχου for βαρύλλιχα and Βαρυλλίχου, λαμπροτέρα δὲ ἦν ἣν for λαμπροτέραν δὲ ἣν; and μιμηλικὴν for μιμητικὴν, as a friend of the author's has proposed (G. A. Schoell, de origine Græci dramatis, p. 97.), which gives the same sense δεικηλιστικὴν, which I had formerly proposed, as μιμηλοὶ and δεικηλισταὶ were synonyms, according to Suidas in Σωσίβιος.

1611.

γένος οὐτιδανῶν Σατύρων καὶ ἀμηχανοεργῶν, Hesiod. ap. Strab. X. p. 471. The reading δειμαλέα is not however at all certain; and still less the word μῆνες, a little lower.

1612.

On the Charinus or Gracioso, see below, ch. 7. § 3; and on the Argolian τύρβη, b. II. ch. 10. § 6.

1613.

Although the Spartans also called regular actors δεικηλίκται, Plutarch Agesil. 21. Lac. Apophth. p. 185. Apostolius XV. 39. Schol. Il. χ᾽. 391.

1614.

δίκηλον according to Hesychius ἀνδρίας, ζῴδιον παρὰ Λάκωσιν perhaps refers to the fact mentioned in vol. I. p. 66, note q.

1615.

δεικηλισταὶ σκευοποιοὶ καὶ μιμηταὶ, Sosibius ap. Athen. XIV. p. 621 D. Hesychius in δεικηλισταὶ. cf. interprett. They were μιμολόγοι according to Hesychius in δίκηλον, κωμικοὶ according to Eustathius p. 884. 23, σκωπτικοὶ according to Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 746. The Laconic form is δεικηλίκτας.

1616.

Ap. Athen. Eustath. ubi sup. Suidas and Phavorinus in δικηλιστῶν, and Suidas in Σωσίβιος. On the Lacedæmonian mimicry see also Boettiger Quat. ætat. reiscenicæ, p. 8.

1617.

See Plutarch Lycurg. I. καὶ φέρουσι κλέπτοντες, οἱ μὲν ἐπὶ τοὺς κήπους βαδίζοντες (robbers of gardens), οἱ δ᾽ εἰς τὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν συσσίτια παρεισρέοντες (the thieves of the ἐωλομερῆ of Pollux cited in p. 347, note b.) [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “grammarian,” starting “Pollux IV.”]

1618.

B. III. ch. 3. § 3; and see Schol. Aristoph. Plut. 279. Eq. 632.

1619.

Diomed. 3. p. 483. ed Putsch. Servius ad Virg. Ecl. I. Donatus Vit. Virg. p. 84. sq. Diomedes also connects the Sicilian bucoliasms with rites of Ἄρτεμις Λύη.

1620.

Ἐν Ἁλκυόνι καὶ ἐν Ὀδυσσεῖ ναυαγῷ, Athen. XIV. p. 619 A. Comp. Hesych. et Etym. M. in v.

1621.

Ælian. V.H. X. 18.

1622.

Tityrus, according to Servius ad Ecl. I. i. was aries major, qui gregem anteire consueverit, lingua Laconia; a goat, according to Schol. Theocrit. III. 2. Photius in v. Τίτυρος is the Doric form of σίσυρος, which also originally meant a goat; whence σισύρνα (i.e. σισυρίνα), or σισύρα, a goat-skin: but τίτυρος is not allied to σάτυρος (as the Schol. Theocrit. III. 2. VII. 72. Eustath. ad II. τ᾽. p. 1157. 39. ed. Rom. suppose; comp. Creuzer, Symbolik, vol. III. p. 197). The flute called τιτύρινος by the Italian Dorians (Artemidorus ap. Athen. IV. p. 182 D. Eustath. p. 1157. 38), was so named from a shepherd.

1623.

Of the θεοὶ Παλικοὶ, near mount Ætna, which evidently were originally identical with the goddess Pales of the Romans; and consequently her worship belongs to the Siculian branch of the Roman religion.

1624.

Schol. Theoc. et Virg. Ælian ubi sup.

1625.

The poems of Theocritus unluckily give little information on these points, as the bucolics are those which show the most artifice and novelty.

1626.

Poet. IV. 14.

1627.

Athen. XIV. p. 631 D. At Athens too the country Phallic festival was called ἑορτὴ ἁλῆτις.

1628.

Semus Delius ap. Athen. p. 621 F. p. 622 C. and Suidas in Σῆμος. Compare b. II. ch. 10. § 6.

1629.

It seems probable that the proverb μωρότερος Μορύχου originally referred to the rude mirth at the vintage-festivals, at which it was common in Sicily (and probably elsewhere also) to smear the face with the juice of the grape. In Italy there were also at the festival of Artemis Corythallia clowns, with wooden masks (κύριθρα), called κυριττοὶ, Hesych. in v.

1630.

Æginetica, p. 170. sq.

1631.

Aristoph. Vesp. 57. γέλωτα Μεγαρόθεν κεκλεμμένον. Eupolis ap. Schol. Vesp. 57. et Aspas. ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 2. 20. fol. 53 B. τὸ σκῶμμ᾽ ἀσελγὲς καὶ Μεγαρικὸν καὶ σφόδρα ψυχρὸν γελῶσιν, ὡς ὁρᾷς, τὰ παιδία (as emended by Dobree in Porson's Tracts, p. 384.). See also on the γέλως Μεγαρικὸς Diogenian. Prov. IV. 88. App. Vatic. I. 46. Apostol. VI. 2. What Aristotle ubi sup. relates, refers merely to the silly and unnecessary display of a Megarian choregus for comedy, in the embellishment of the theatre.

1632.

Aristot. Poet. 3. Aspasius ubi sup.

1633.

Ecphantides ap. Aspas. ubi sup. says, Μεγαρικῆς κωμῳδίας ἆσμ᾽ οὐ δίειμ᾽: ᾐσχυνόμην τὸ δρᾶμα Μεγαρικὸν ποιεῖν, as Meineke ad Menand. p. 382. and Quæst. Seen. I. p. 6. has correctly written, i.e. “the song which I sing is not that of a Megarian comedy; I was ashamed to make my play Megarian.”

1634.

Concerning Ecphantides, see Schneider ad Aristot. Pol. VIII. 8. Gaisford ad Hephæst. p. 97. and particularly Næke's Chœrilus, p. 51 sq. and Meineke Quæst. Scen. I. p. 12. who correctly places him between Magnes and Chionides on the one side, and Cratinus and Teleclides on the other, about Olymp. 80. 460 B.C. [See also Clinton, F. H. vol. II. Introduction, p. xxxvii.]

1635.

Aspasius ubi sup. Schol. Dionys. Thrac. in Bekker's Anecdota Gr. p. 748. compare Bentley Phalarid. p. 261.

1636.

Marm. Par. ep. 34. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 308.

1637.

As may be inferred from Statius Theb. XII. 619.

1638.

According to Aristot. Poet. 3. it originated during the existence of democracy at Megara; but the period of popular rule in this town (b. III. ch. 9. § 10.) was too late for this to be strictly true, though its rise was probably connected with a democratic principle, which was alive at Megara before the time of Theagenes, and after his downfall was continually on the increase.

1639.

Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 362 sqq. and Thiersch, Einleitung zu Pindar, p. 117. with the opposite remark on the τὰ ἐπινίκια κωμῳδός, Goettingen Review, 1821. part 106. p. 1050. I also conceive that the comedies of Antheas the Lindian, the relation (συγγενὴς) of Cleobulus, were lyric; who passed his whole life in leading processions to Bacchus, and also practised the obscure ποίησις διὰ συνθέτων ὀνομάτων, Athen. X. p. 445 A. In this instance the comedies are evidently only procession-songs from κῶμος. The same is likewise true of the slanderous comedies of Timocreon, also a Rhodian, Suidas in v.

1640.

Aristoph. Byz. ap. Ath. XIV. p. 659 A. Hesych. in Μαίσων, τεττιξ. Festus in Maeson. cf. Zenob. Prov. II. 11.

1641.

Poet. III. 5.

1642.

B. I. ch. 6. § 10.

1643.

That the names “Chimarus” and “Tityrus” were taken from the occupation of the shepherd and goatherd, is remarked by Welcker on Schwenck's Mythologische Andeutungen, p. 331.

1644.

Diog. Laert. and τινὲς ap. Suid. cf. Diomed. 3. p. 486. ed. Putsch.

1645.

See vol. I. p. 187. note a.

1646.

This statement is indeed inconsistent with the account in Diog. Laert. VIII. 78. that Epicharmus, when a child of three months, was brought from Cos to Megara; but this is not a sufficient authority to set aside the other accounts. The statements of the writer περὶ κωμῳδίας in Kuster's Aristophanes, p. xii. γέγονε κατὰ τὴν ογ ὀλυμπιάδα, and of Suidas, ἦν δὲ πρὸ τῶν Περσικῶν ἔτη ἓξ, διδάσκων ἐν Συρακούσαις, perhaps refer to the arrival of Epicharmus in Sicily.

1647.

Suidas. His first covering the stage with purple skins reminds us of the Megarian choregus, who used real purple. Aristot. Eth. Nic. IV. 2. 20. Bentley Phalarid. p. 260. considers him as identical with Phormis the Mænalian, who served Gelon and Hieron with great honour; to me it seems that the ideas of an Arcadian condottiere and a comic poet are quite irreconcileable.

1648.

Fabric. Biblioth. vol. II. p. 315. Harles.

1649.

There is no reason for supposing that there were never more than two interlocutors in the plays of Epicharmus. Three, viz. Amycus, Pollux, and Castor, are evidently engaged in the dialogue of which a fragment is preserved in Schol. Soph. Aj. 722. Ἄμυκε μὴ κύδαζέ μοι τὸν πρεσβύτερον ἀδελφέον; and there must have been several in the Ἅφαιστος.

1650.

See Casaubon ad Athen. III 13. p. 176. Harless ibid. p. 45.

1651.

Photius in Ἥρας δεσμοὺς, and Suidas in Ἥρας δὲ δεσμούς.

1652.

Figured in Mazocchi Tab. Heracl. ad p 138. Hancarville, vol. III. pl. 105. Millin, Galérie Mythologique, XIII. 48.

1653.

This form of the H or aspirate, which seems to have been peculiar to the Italian Greeks, is found, besides the Heraclean Tables and this vase, on the Pæstum vase, which Lanzi and others have edited (Illustrazione di due vast fittili, Roma 1809).

1654.

Why I do not (with Visconti Mus. Pio Clement, vol. IV. p. 20. and Welcker ap. Dissen. ad Pind. Nem. IV. p. 386.) suppose that Dædalus means Hephæstus himself, is sufficiently explained in the text.

1655.

Millingen Vases de Coghill. pl. 6. and in Millin vol. I. pl. 9. The scene in Millin vol. II. pl. 66. Tischbein III. 9. IV. 38. is evidently the same, and Millingen's opinion, p. 10. seems to me untenable.

1656.

B. II. ch. 12. § 10.

1657.

Millin I. pl. 63. 72. comp. Tischbein II. 7. 18.

1658.

Winckelmann Monum. ined. No. 190. p. 285. Hancarville, vol. IV. pl. 160.

1659.

Tischbein IV. 57. The figure looks like the Κάγχας in the vase described below.

1660.

See A. W. Schlegel, Ueber dramatische Kunst. vol. II. p. 8.

1661.

Millingen, Peintures de Collections diverses, 46, Compare the explanation, p. 69. From this name charinos for jester probably comes the Latin carinari, in Festus. The Glossaries of Labbæus render it by χαριεντίζεσθαι.

1662.

Above, ch. 6. § 9.

1663.

The best translation for κάγχας is “cachinno” in Persius Sat. I.

1664.

That the above painting was taken from the Σκίρων of Epicharmus, I could hardly maintain, from the grounds stated in the text; although the bed of Procrustes probably occurred in that play, as well as in the Σκίρων of Euripides. On the latter see Hemsterhuis ad Poll. X. 7. 35. Boettiger, Vasengemälde I. 2. p. 147.

1665.

Ad Poll. IX. 4. 26.

1666.

Schol. Pind. Pyth. I. 99. see Boeckh Explic. Pyth. II. p. 240.

1667.

Athen. VI. p. 235. 236 A. X. p. 429 A.

1668.

Menæchm. Prol. 12. Indeed the expression can only mean, that the characters of this play of Plautus were Sicilian Greeks. Plautus has sometimes Doric names for his characters; thus a parasite in the Stichus I. 3. 89. is called Miccotrogos, from μικκὸς Doric for μικρὸς. Such names as this were probably borrowed from Epicharmus. Notwithstanding the line of Horace, “Plautus ad exemplar Siculi properare Epicharmi,” his chief model was the Attic comedy.

1669.

Epicharmus was γνωμικὸς, according to the writer περὶ κωμῳδίας, p. xii. Kuster.

1670.

Jambl. Pyth. 36. p. 219. whose statement seems probable to Boeckh, Philolaos, p. 13. This person's name is uncertain; Jamblichus calls him Ἀρήσας, Ἄρκεσος Plutarch de de Gen. Socrat. 13.

1671.

Diog. Laert. III. 16.

1672.

Diog. Laert. VIII. 18. Eudocia ap. Villois. Anecd. vol. I. p. 193. compare the Ἐπιχάρμειος λόγος in Suidas, and the fragm. Ennii, p. 110. ed. Hessel. It is however possible that this Ἐπιχάρμειος λόγος was merely an extract from his comedies.

1673.

Cicero Tusc. I. 8. ad Att. I. 19. calls him acutus and vafer, as being a Sicilian.

1674.

Bentley Phalar. p. 413.

1675.

As may be inferred from Photius in Ῥηγίνους, where Sophron's son Xenarchus (also a mimographer, Hermann ad Aristot. Poet. I. 3. p. 94.) is mentioned as a contemporary of Dionysius (the elder). Suidas and Eudocia p. 389. place Sophron in the time of Xerxes and of Euripides; several moderns have followed the former statement.

1676.

Which appear to have partially corresponded with one another, as is evident from some fragments extant, and from a comparison of the Schol. in Gregor. Naz. in Montfaucon's Biblioth. Coislin. p. 120. with the poem to which it refers, in Tollius' Itin. Ital. pag. 96 sq. See Hermann ibid. p. 93.

1677.

Hence in early inscriptions fragments of hexameters often occur.

1678.

Xen. Hell. I. 23. Plutarch Alcib. 28. Eustathius ad Hom. II. p. 63. 1. Apostol. IX. 2. Compare Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 264. But to suppose that Hippocrates intentionally wrote two scazons, would be very absurd.

1679.

Plutarch Lacæn. Apophth. p. 260. τεῦ and ἀπωθεῦ, according to Valckenær. p. 260. who collects some letters, which say the same thing a little differently.

1680.

Compare, e.g., the fragment of Sophron in Athen. p. 86 E. (Blomfield No. 12. Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 342.) τίνες δ ἐντί ποκα, φίλα, ταῖδε τοι μακραὶ κόγχαι; Β. σωλῆνες, τουτί γα γλυκύκρεων κογχύλιον χηρᾶν γυναικῶν λίχνευμα.

1681.

The actual representation of the mimes of Sophron is also proved by the words of Solinus 5., that in Sicily “cavillatio mimica in scena stetit.” Compare Salmas. Lect. Plin. p. 76 B.C.

1682.

Σικελίζειν, τὸ ἀτηρεύεσθαι παρὰ Ἐπιχάρμῳ, οἱ δὲ τὸ πονηρεύεσθαι, Photius &c. in v.

1683.

Diod. XX. 63.

1684.

See particularly on this point, Valckenær. ad Adoniaz. p. 200 sq.

1685.

Demetrius de Elocut. 156. cf. 127. 162. Ulpian. ad Demosth. Olynth. p. 36. comp. Apolladorus ἐντοῖς περὶ Σώφρονος fragm. p. 438 sq. Heyne.

1686.

Duris ap. Athen. XI. p. 504 B. Diog. Laert. III. 18. Olympiodorus Vit. Plat. &c.

1687.

On Sophron see the references of Fabricius Bibl. Gr. vol. II. p. 493 sq. Harl. and Blomfield in the Classical Journal, vol. IV. p. 380. Museum Criticum, vol. IV. p. 340-358. 559-569.

1688.

J. Laurent. Lydus de Magistratibus Rom. p. 70. ed. Fuss.

1689.

Identical with φλυακογραφία, Suidas in Ῥίνθων, &c.

1690.

The Amphitryon, Hercules, Orestes, Telephus, the Iphigenias, and the slave Meleager in Athenæus, Pollux, Hephæstion, and Herodian.

1691.

This is the explanation given by several writers of the word φλύακες, Steph. Byz. in Τάρας, Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 976. φλύακες τραγικοὶ Nossis Epigr. ap. Brunck. Analect. vol. I. p. 196. See Reuven's Collect. Litter. p. 71.

1692.

Apollonius Dysc. de Pronom. p. 364 C. ed. Bekker. comp. Valckenær. ad Adoniaz. p. 294.

1693.

In Hephæstion p. 10. Gaisford. Rhinthon says to a choliambic line, in the last thesis of which there is a syllable lengthened by a violent metrical licence, ἴθ᾽ Ἱππώνακτος τὸ μέτρον; οὐδέν μοι μέλει. Trimeter iambics of Rhinthon often occur; e.g. two properly constructed in Herodian περὶ μονήρους λέξεως p. 19. 27. 30. ed. Dindorf.

1694.

At least it appears that there is an hexameter extant of Sopater, another writer of φλύακες, in Athen. XIV. p. 656 F. if Osann. Anal. Rei Scenicæ p. 73. corrects rightly; the other verses of the same poet are however all iambic. But the ἱλαροτραγῳδία of Rhinthon could not by any means be generally called ἑξαμετρικὴ, and I agree with Reuvens on Lydus I. 41. who considers that the statement ὃς ἑξαμέτροις ἔγραψε κωμῳδίαν as a mistake of that writer, and Lange in I. 40. seems properly to defend ἑξωτική.

1695.

Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 294 classes Sclerias (whom he considers as identical with Sciras in Athen. IX. p. 402 B.), Blæsus, and Rhinthon together; and there is no doubt that in Lydus Reuvens p. 69 has rightly corrected Ῥίνθωνα καὶ Σκίραν καὶ Βλαῖσον: as also φλυακογράφων for πυθαγόρων, and Lange κωμικῶν for οὐ μικρῶν. In Hesychius in ἄσεκτος, for παρὰ Ῥίνθωνι Ταραντίνῳ φιλοσόφῳ may be corrected either φλυαοκογράφῳ or Τηλέφῳ.

1696.

Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. II. p. 426. Harl. Reuvens Coll. Litt. p. 79.

1697.

II. VI. 132.

1698.

V. 67; for an explanation of which passage see vol. I. p. 404. note c. Perhaps μεγαρίζειν for “to lament” (Aristoph. Ach. 822. Suidas and the Parœmiographers in Μεγαρέων δάκρυα, comp. Tyrrwhit ad Aristot. Poet, p. 174.) refers to tragedy, as Μεγαρικὸς γέλως to comedy.

1699.

Suidas in Θέσπις. Photius, Apostolius, and Suidas in οὐδὲν πρὸς τὸν Διόνυσον, the former of whom says, Ἐπιγένους τοῦ Σικυωνίου τραγῳδίαν εἰς αὐτὸν (in Suidas εἰς Διόνυσον, but perhaps it is an old error for εἰς Ἄδραστον) ποιήσαντος ἐπεφώνησάν τινες τοῦτο; ὅθεν ἡ παροιμία.

1700.

Poet. 3. and Hermann ad I. p. 104.

1701.

Themistius Or. XIX. p. 487. says directly that the Sicyonians were the inventors of tragedy.

1702.

Boeckh, Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 362.

1703.

Particularly by Aristocles ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 C.

1704.

Suidas in Ἀρίων.

1705.

Arion's age is stated in Suidas after the beginning of Periander's reign, Olymp. 38, or, according to Eusebius, Olymp. 40. (628 or 620 B.C.)

1706.

Hence also his father is called Cycleus, according to the analogy remarked above, p. 357. note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Helothales,” starting “That the names.”]

1707.

Herod. I. 23. cf. Hellanic. ap. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1403. p. 87. ed. Sturz. Aristot. ap. Procl. Chrestom. p. 382. Gaisford.

1708.

Olymp. XIII. 18. cf. Schol. ad 1.

1709.

Suidas in Πρατίνας. Acron ad Horat. A. P. 216. and compare the Φλιάσιοι Σάτυροι in Dioscorides. Anthol. vol. I. p. 252. Jacob. See Casaubon de Sat. Poësi I. 5. p. 120. Toup Emend. in Suid. vol. II. p. 479.

1710.

Paus. II. 13.

1711.

As may be inferred from the fact that Pratinas also composed Doric hyporchemes, Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. II. p. 135, and from the title of one of his plays, Δύμαιναι ἢ Καρυατίδες, above, p. 346, note n. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such footnote on that page.]

1712.

F. Schlegel, Geschichte der Poësie der Griechen und Römer, I. 1. p. 226. sqq. Schneider, Geschichte der Elegie, Studien, vol. I. p. 2.

1713.

The choral poetry of Corinna in the Bœotian dialect is however an exception.

1714.

Boeckh ad Pind. Fragm. p. 607.

1715.

In the Prytaneum at Elis also Doric songs were sung in the time of Pausanias (V. 15. 8.) and the ἔπη used at the Lernæa were in the same dialect (ib. II. 37. 3.).

1716.

See above, ch. 6. § 4. and the τετραγώνοι χοροὶ of the Laconists, Ath. IV. pag. 181 C. from Timæus.

1717.

Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 21.

1718.

Ib. Fragm. incert. 110. Boeckh; above, p. 94, note e. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “appointed for war,” starting “Which is beautifully expressed.”]

1719.

Ælian V. H. XII. 50.

1720.

Ælian V. H. IX. 41.

1721.

According to Athenæus XIV. p. 632 F.

1722.

Plutarch Lycurg. 28.

1723.

Sosibius ap. Athen. XV. p. 687 B.

1724.

Above, ch. 6. § 3. I will not add Philoxenus of Cythera in the time of Dionysius to the names in the text.

1725.

Pausan III. 17. 3. Chilon likewise, according to Diog. Laert. I. 3. 68, wrote ἐλεγεῖα to the number of about 200 verses. Likewise Areus the Laconian (Anton. Liber. 12.) was a lyric poet, and different from the epic poet Ἄρειος in Paus. III. 13. 5. if such a person ever existed. Also the μελοποιὸς Eurytus, who, according to J. Lydus de Ostent. p. 283. Hase, wrote an ode, beginning “Ἀγαλμοειδὲς Ἔρως,” and Zarex, according to the conjecture of Paus. I. 38. 4, both Lacedæmonians.

1726.

Valer. Max. V. 3. Archiloch. Fragm. p. 147. Liebel.

1727.

Plutarch Cleom. 2. de Solert. Anim. I. Apophth. Lac. p. 244.

1728.

Alcman ap. Apollon. Dys. de Pron. p. 381. Bekker. Fragm. 73. Welcker.

1729.

Alcman ap. Athen. XIII. p. 600 F. Fragm. 27. Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 1239. Suidas in Κλειταγόρα Olcarus ap. Wolf. Fragm. Mul. 2. p. 62, 145. Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. II. p. 11, 157. vol. I. p. 883.

1730.

In denying the truth of the report that Telesilla routed Cleomenes (vol. I. pag. 191, note n.) I did not mean to disparage the beautiful and genuine Doric character of that poetess and heroine.

1731.

Fabric. Bibl. Gr. vol. II. p. 135.

1732.

Plutarch Sympos. V. 2. p. 206.

1733.

Æginetica, p. 143. cf. Dissen. Expl. p. 381.

1734.

See above, p. 151. note k, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “influence of Athens,” starting “Compare what Timocreon.”] and Fabricius.

1735.

The assertion in the text makes it necessary for me to remark, that I do not consider either Homer or his language as originally Ionic; and the Ionisms of his dialect appear to me to have been introduced by the prevailing schools of rhapsodists. To offer any proofs of these positions would be improper in this place.

1736.

The following epic poets were Dorians: Eumelus of Corinth, Cinæthon of Lacedæmon, Augeas of Trœzen, Pisander of Rhodes, Panyasis of Halicarnassus; and Empedocles of Agrigentum was the author of a philosophical didactic poem.

1737.

See b. II. ch. 8. §. 13.

1738.

Ibid.

1739.

B. I. ch. 7. §. 4. The laws of Lycurgus were doubtless reduced into epic or elegiac verse, possibly by Terpander himself, who was likewise an epic poet, and composed προοίμια as introductions to the Homeric poems. He also wrote scolia, probably of the Doric kind, Plutarch. Mus. 8. and spondaics in the Doric measure, as the splendid one in Clemens Alex. VI. p. 658. Ζεῦ πάντων ἀρχὰ, πάντων ἡγῆτορ Ζεῦ, Σοὶ πέμπω ταύτων ὕμνων ἀρχάν. His epic poems too, in part at least, were written in the Doric dialect, in which the earlier Orphic hymns were composed, according to Jamblichus, and many Delphic oracles, concerning which see Appendix VIII. ad fin.

1740.

Although several broken dactylics of this kind were named after Alcman, he was doubtless not the first person who introduced them. It is to this that the expression “numeros minuit in carmine” (Welcker, p. 11.) refers.

1741.

See the beautiful fragment, No. 10, in Welcker.

1742.

Fragm. 63.

1743.

See the beautiful lines of Alcman, fragm. 12. Οὔ μ᾽ ἔτι, παρθενικαὶ μελιγάρυες ἱερόφωνοι, γυῖα φέρειν δύναται. βάλε δὴ, βάλε, κηρύλος εἴην, ὅστ᾽ ἐπὶ κύματος ἄνθος ἅμ᾽ ἀλκυόνεσσι ποτᾶται, νηδεὲς ἦτορ ἔχων, ἁλιπόρφυρος εἴαρος ὄρνις.

1744.

An ancient erotic poet was Ametor of Eleutherna in Crete, Athen. XIV. p. 638 B. from whom a family or clan of Citharistæ was there called Ἀμητορίδαι, Hesych. in v. whence correct Athenæus and Etymol. M. p. 83, 15. The author of the Εἵλωτες laments in Athenæus XIV. p. 638. E. that “it had become oldfashioned to sing the songs of Stesichorus, Alcman, and Simonides: but every one listened to Gnesippus, who had taught lovers how to serenade their mistresses with harps and guitars.” This fragment, which is written in logaœdic metre, has little of the Doric dialect. The Εἵλωτες was a satyric drama, and its complete title was οἱ Εἵλωτες οἱ ἐπὶ Ταινάρῳ, Eustath. ad Il. p. 297. ἐκ τῶν τοῦ Ἡρωδιανοῦ. Perhaps in allusion to the ἄγος Ταινάριον. See vol. I. p. 208. note q. Concerning the origin of this singular drama, see some remarks in Niebuhr's Rhein. Museum, vol. III. p. 488.

1745.

B. II. ch. 10. §. 9.

1746.

Above, p. 308 notes h and i. [Transcriber's Note: These are the footnotes to “were admitted” and “free citizen,” starting “Xenoph. Hellen. V.” and “See in particular.”]

1747.

Above, ch. 4. § 1. ch. 5. § 7.

1748.

B. II. ch. 8. § 18.

1749.

Æginetica, p. 96. sq.

1750.

Thiersch, Epochen der Kunst, vol. II. p. 27.

1751.

B. III. ch. 2. § 3.

1752.

B. II. ch. 8. § 18.

1753.

It is only by this general proposition that we can explain why the physicians of Cos wrote in the Ionic dialect.

1754.

Plato Hipp. Maj. p. 285 C. Philostr. Vit. Soph. I. 11. p. 495. Olear. comp. Plutarch Lycurg. 23. So also the Πολιτεία Σπαρτιατῶν of Dicæarchus was annually read in the ephors' office at Sparta (Suidas in Δικαίαρχος) and in early times Hecatæus of Miletus found there a favourable reception. Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 199.

1755.

This is only true of the more early times; for later we find many historians among the Dorians. Of the Lacedæmonians, Nicocles and Hippasus are mentioned by Athenæus (see Schweighäuser ad Athen. Ind. p. 129.), Aristocrates by Plutarch and others, Pausanias by Suidas, Diophantus by Fulgentius, and Sosibius is frequently quoted. See Heeren de Font. Plutarchi p. 24. and Meursius Miscell. Lacon. IV. 17. Λαοκράτης, ὁ Σπαρτιάτης, in Plutarch de Malign. Herod. 35, is doubtful. I also mention Dercyllus the Argive, because he wrote in the dialect of his native city; see Valckenær ad Adoniaz. p. 274. et ad Eurip. Phœn. Schol. p. 7. and see Schol. Vrat. Pind. Olymp. VII. 49. This Dercylus or Dercyllus is connected in a singular manner with another historian, the very same quotations being sometimes made from both. See Athen. III. p. 86 F. Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. p. 39. Sylb. Schol. Vat. in Eurip. Tro. 14. Since in all these passages Agias and Dercylus are connected, we ought, in Schol. Vrat. Pind. Ol. VI. 4 g. p. 167. Boeckh., where the manuscript has οἱ περὶ ΔΕΡΑ (with a mark of abbreviation) καὶ Δέρκυλον, to write: οἱ περὶ Ἀγίαν (not Δεινίαν). Probably a single work had been composed upon Argolic antiquities, with a mixture of various Argolic expressions, by Agias and Dercylus.

1756.

Unless his religious turn, and a certain infantine simplicity, which seems the more singular, when it is remembered that he wrote nearly at the same time as Thucydides, are considered as traces of a Doric character. He does not however appear to have the idea of government, which belonged to that race.

1757.

See b. III. ch. 9. § 7. besides which we may mention Gorgias of Leontini, and the great sums gained by Hippias even in small towns of Sicily, as, e.g., Inycus.—Sparta, on the other hand, together with Argos (b. III. ch. 9. § 1. extr.), and Crete, had no orators (Cicero Brut. 13. Tacitus de Orat. 40.), and rhetoric, as being an art favouring untruth (τέχνη ἄνευ ἀληθείας, Plutarch et Apostol. XIII. 72.), was prohibited, Athen. XIII. p. 611 A. Cephisophon the good speaker (ὁ ἀγαθὸς μυθήτας) was banished (Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 254. Apostol. XIX. 89.), and the ephors punished any person who introduced a foreign method of speaking; in the same manner as at Crete, those who made speeches of false display were driven from the island (οἱ ἐν λόγοις ἀλαζονευόμενοι, Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathemat. p. 68 B.). Nor is there any better criticism of sophistical panegyrics, than the Lacedæmonian remark, τίς αὑτὸν ψέγει?

1758.

Above, ch. 2. § 5.

1759.

Plutarch de Garrul. 17.

1760.

Ἡ βραχυλογία ἐγγὺς τῷ σιγᾶν, a saying of Lycurgus, according to Apostolius IX. 69.

1761.

See particularly Demetrius de Elocut. VIII. p. 241 sqq.

1762.

Crete, according to Plat. Leg. I. p. 641. aimed more at πολύνοια than πολυλογία. Σύντομος ἦν ὁ ξεῖνος is said of a Cretan, Anthol. Palat. VII. 447.

1763.

Æsch. Suppl. 198. 270. Pindar Isthm. V. 55. Sophocl. ap. Schol. Isthm. VI. 87. See also Sophocles in Stobæus Florileg. 74. p. 325.

1764.

Pope's translation of Iliad III. 213. This passage is referred by the Venetian Scholiast, Eustathius p. 406. ed. Rom. and Tzetzes Chil. V. 317. to the βραχυλογία of the Lacedæmonians.

1765.

Above, p. 298 note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “yoke of their wives,” starting “Plutarch Lyc. 14.”]

1766.

Ap. Plutarch. Cimon. 4.

1767.

Protag. p. 342. Plutarch Lycurg. 20 extr. refers to this passage. When Thucydides IV. 84. says of Brasidas, that he was not, for a Lacedæmonian, unable to speak (ἀδύνατος λέγειν), he probably does not mean literally that the Lacedæmonians were unable to speak, but only points to their peculiar mode of speaking.

1768.

Plutarch Lac. Apophth. p. 242. Similarly the saying αὐτᾶς ἄκουσα τήνας in Plutarch Lycurg. 20. cf. Reg. Apophth. p. 129.

1769.

Herod. VII. 226. Lac. Apophth. p. 245.

1770.

P. 244. Compare the apophthegm in Plutarch de Frat. Amor. 8. p. 44.

1771.

This figurative turn may be particularly remarked in Cleomenes' address to Crius, in the speech of Bulis and Sperthis to Hydarnes, in which they say, “Would you then advise us to fight for freedom, not with lances, but with axes?” and the action of Amompharetus, who laid a block of stone at the feet of Pausanias, as if it were a pebble for voting.

1772.

Athen. VI. p. 261 C.

1773.

Plutarch et Heracl. Pont. 2.

1774.

Plutarch Lycurg. 17. 19.

1775.

B. III. ch. 11. § 3.

1776.

This I infer from the passage of Pollux quoted above, p. 347. note b, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “grammarian,” starting “Pollux IV.”] compared with the joke (χλεύασμα) of Leotychides at the gymnopædia in Herod. VI. 67.

1777.

Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 3. 5. and above, p. 288. note f. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “not prohibited,” starting “Critias ubi sup.”]

1778.

Plutarch Lycurg. 12. comp. Macrob. Sat. VII. 3.

1779.

Τῷ λεγομένῳ εἰς τὸ μέσον, Herod. VI. 129.

1780.

Θεὸς δ᾽ ὑπὸ καλὸν ἄειδεν Ἐξ αὐτοσχεδίης πειρώμενος, ἠύτε κοῦροι Ἡβηταὶ θαλίησι παραιβόλα κερτομέουσιν, v. 54.

1781.

Gämelicher Sprüche wart do niht verdeit, i.e. non abstinebatur a sermonibus ludicris. Niebelungen Lied. v. 6707. p. 345. ed. 1820.

1782.

Sosibius ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 25. It is worthy of remark, that the worship of abstract ideas, as of Death, of Fear (b. III. ch. 7. § 7.), of Fortune (Plutarch Inst. Lac. p. 253.), existed among the Spartans, as among the Romans; see Plutarch Cleom. 9.

1783.

Plutarch Ages. 2.

1784.

Plutarch Cleom. 13.

1785.

Protag. p. 342. see also Plutarch de Garrul. 17.

1786.

Hence this mode of expression was called the Chilonian, Diog. Laert. I. 72.

1787.

Or Spartan, see the passages quoted above, p. 8. note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Money makes the man,” starting “Χρήματα χρήματ᾽ ἀνὴρ.”] comp. Diog. Laert. I. 41. Others are mentioned by Hermippus, ibid. 42.

1788.

Thus, for example, Apollo is said to have given the same answer to Gyges, as Solon to Crœsus, Valer. Maxim. VII. 1, 2.

1789.

Plutarch ubi sup.

1790.

The chief passage on this point is Demetr. Phaler. ap. Diog. Laert. I. 22. who places the event in the archonship of Damasias (Olymp. 49. 3.), the same year in which, according to the Parian Marble, which probably follows the same authority, the second Pythian ἀγὼν γυμνικὸς, the first ἀγὼν στεφανίτης, fell. Also Branchus, the ancient prophet of Miletus, is mentioned as βραχυλόγος, Diog. Laert. I. 72.

1791.

Diog. Laert. I. 89. comp. Jacobs Comment. Anthol. tom. I. p. 194.

1792.

Athen. X. p. 448 B. Aristot. Rhet. III. 2. Plutarch Sept. Sap. Conviv. III. 10. Menage Hist. Mulier. Philos. 4. Hence the Κλεοβουλῖναι of Cratinus, concerning which see Schweighæuser ad Ind. Ath. p. 82.

1793.

Athen. X. p. 452 A.

1794.

Epicharmus called it λόγον ἐν λόγῳ, Eustathius ad Od. IX. p. 1634. 15. ed. Rom. Many ancient griphi are in the Doric dialect; though this is not always the case.

1795.

Thus for example, if they said, “Admit no swallows into your house,” they not only avoided the company of talkative persons (Porphyrius, Vit. Pythag. 42.), but actually prevented swallows from building under their roofs. On this subject see the ancient writers quoted by Fabricius Bibl. Græc. vol. I. p. 788 sq. comp. Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. I. p. 104.

1796.

Orchomenos, p. 438. note 2.

1797.

B. I. ch. 5. § 3.

1798.

There is an account of a dialogue between Pythagoras and Leon the tyrant of Phlius, Cicero Tusc. Quæst. V. 3. Diog. Laert. VIII. 8. According to Diogenes Laert. VII. 1. Pythagoras was the fourth from Cleonymus, who had fled from Phlius; and therefore he would be a Dorian.

1799.

B. II. ch. 8. § 20.

1800.

See vol. I. p. 370. note m.

1801.

B. III. ch. 9. § 16.

1802.

Their silence is also worthy of remark, Timæus ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 17. Gale Opusc. Mythol. vol. I. p. 739. On the use of music see b. II. ch. 8. § 20. A work of Philochorus is cited: περὶ ἡρωΐδων ἤτοι Πυθαγορείων γυναικῶν. See Siebel. Fragm. p. 9.

1803.

Pausan. III. 13. 2. See vol. I. p. 76. note l.

1804.

Sosibius ap. Diog. Laert. I. 10, 12. Pausan. II. 21. 4. III. II. 8. III. 12. 9. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 399. ed. Potter. Heinrich's Epimenides, p. 128. Epimenides is said to have informed the Spartans of a defeat at Orchomenos, Diog. Laert. I. 117., of which nothing else is known.

1805.

Plutarch Agid. 10. Diog. Laert. I. 117. from Theopompus, Creuzer Init. Philos. Platon. vol. II. p. 164.

1806.

Vol. I. p. 208. note p.

1807.

He erected the first sun-dial at Sparta, Plin. H. N. II. 66.

1808.

See, e.g., Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 36.

1809.

Herod. IV. 77.

1810.

Ἀφθονία σχολῆς, Plutarch Lycurg. 24. Inst. Lac. p. 255.

1811.

Id. Lycurg. 24. Lac. Apophth. p. 207.

1812.

Manso, vol. I. 2, p. 201.

1813.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 4. 7. Hence the excellence of the Lacedæmonian hounds, Pind. Hyporch. fragm. 3. p. 599. Boeckh. Simonides ap. Plutarch Symp. IX. 15. 2. Meursius Misc. Lac. III. 1. The love of the Cretans for the chase is well known, see above, ch. 4. § 7.

1814.

B. III. ch. 10. § 2. cf. Plutarch Lycurg. 25. Also in Cleomen. 30. I prefer ταῖς λέσχαις to the other reading, ταῖς σχολαῖς.

1815.

Plutarch Lycurg. 25.

1816.

Id. Inst. Lacon. p. 254. τὸν ἐκ τοῦ γυμνασίου νεανίσκον ἐπετίμων ὅτι τὴν εἰς πυλαίαν ὁδὸν ἠπιστατο.

1817.

At Delphi it was a regular fair (Dio Chrys. Orat. 77. p. 414. Reisk.), and also a slave-market, as I infer from Plutarch Prov. Alex. p. 105. By means of it a considerable suburb, or new-town, called Pylæa, was formed at Delphi, Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 29. p. 296. Perhaps this was the locality of the Πυλαία of Cratinus.

1818.

At Rhodes liars were called πυλαιασταὶ, Hesychius and Schol. ad Plutarch. Artaxerx. I. p. 387. ed. Hutten. compare Suidas in v. In Plutarch de Fac. Lunæ 8. jugglers of the Pylæa, in the Life of Pyrrhus, 29. πυλαικὴ ὀχλαγωγία, are mentioned. But these expressions do not refer to the Pylæa cf Delphi.

1819.

Polyb. VIII. 30.

1820.

See Athen. XII. p. 522 F.

1821.

Plutarch Lycurg. 27. Inst. Lac. p. 251. The Laconian word for “to bury” was τιθήμεναι, Schol. Cantabr. II. ψ᾽. 83. On the burial of the king, see b. III. ch. 6. § 6.

1822.

Plutarch Lycurg. 27. Thus Pausanias III. 14, 1. saw at Sparta the names of the 300 who died at Thermopylæ, and the same monument is, as it appears, referred to by Herodotus VII. 224.

1823.

What Ælian. V.H. VI. 6. says only of persons who had fallen in battle, Plutarch states of all who died.

1824.