Book 4 — Footnotes (continued 2)

569.

Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 5.

570.

Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 3.

571.

ἔδοξε τοῖς κόσμοις καὶ τᾷ πόλει.

572.

Treaty between the Hierapytnii and Priansii in Chishull's Ant. Asiat. pag. 130. πρειγηία (πρειγεία, legatio) δὲ ὧ κὰ χρείαν ἔχη πορηίω, παρεχόντων οἱ κόσμοι.

573.

Cnosian decree, ibid. p. 121. τὸς δὲ κόσμος δόμεν ἀντίγραφον τῶδε τῶ ψαφίσματος σφραγίσαντας τᾷ δαμοσίᾳ σφραγῖδι ἀποκομίσαι Ἡροδότῳ καὶ Μενεκλεῖ.

574.

As it appears from the treaty of the Hierapytnians, p. 130.

575.

Ephorus ap. Strab. p. 484 B.

576.

Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.

577.

Treaty of the Hierapytnians, p. 130. A different regulation in that of the Latians and Olontians, p. 134.

578.

Vid. ibid. p. 130.

579.

Decree of the Istronians and Sybritians, p. 113, 114. οἱ κόσμοι—ἐπαναγκαζόντων ἀποδιδόμεν τοὺς ἔχοντας.

580.

Ibid. p. 131. The Hierapytnians and Priansians had for a time had no commercium juris dandi repetendique (κοινοδίκιον); in this treaty it is agreed that the cosmi of the year shall bring before a court appointed by both cities those lawsuits which had been interrupted by the want of a common tribunal; that they shall carry them through during the term of their office, and give sureties for this in a month after the conclusion of the treaty. Then follow similar stipulations for the future.

581.

In the treaty of the Hierapytnians, p. 131, it is permitted that a γραφὴ τιμητὴ, according to the Athenian custom, should be instituted against the cosmus; in the decree of the Sybritians (p. 114.), however, the cosmi are guaranteed for a particular exercise of their power, to be ἁζάμιοι καὶ ἀνυπόδικοι πάσας ζαμίας.

582.

Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 7.

583.

Lyctian Inscript. Gruter. p. 194. 15. Οἱ σύν τινι κόσμοι frequently occurs. Cf. Polyb. XXIII. 15. 1.

584.

This sense is required by the context in Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 7; so that after the words τῶν δυνατῶν, τινὲς should be restored, and the passage be written thus: πάντων δὲ φαυλότατον τὸ τῆς ἀκοσμίας, ἣν συνιστᾶσι πολλάκις, ὅταν μὴ δίκας βούλωνται δοῦναι, τῶν δυνατῶν τινές.

585.

VI. 46. 4. From the context it is plain that the senate was at that time chosen annually in Crete.

586.

Similarly Tittmann, p. 413.

587.

Strabo, p. 481 B.

588.

See Herod. V. 92. Pausan. II. 4. See book I. ch. 8. § 3.

589.

See the great inscription, earlier than the Roman times, in Boeckh's Staatshaushaltung, vol. II. p. 403, in which Aristomenes the prytanis, the son of Aristolaidas, a Hyllean, is mentioned, whose head occurs on a coin in connexion with the head of Hercules. Another inscription in the same book also mentions four prytanes together. At that time, however, the government was democratic, since the ἁλία was also a court of justice, p. 406.

590.

Suidas: Χάρων πρυτάνεις ἢ ἄρχοντες Λακεδαιμονίων. It is also used for king by Pindar and Æschylus.

591.

Ἡρακλείδου πρυτανεύοντος, Paus. X. 2. 2.

592.

See b. II. ch. 1. § 8. Compare the history in Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 3. Plut. Præc. Rep. ger. 52. p. 200. sq.

593.

See Dissen's Commentary and my note to Pindar Nem. XI. 4. where now I agree with Boeckh, that the ἑταῖροι compose the βουλὴ, over which the πρύτανις presides.

594.

This I infer from Polyb. XXVII. 6. 2. Στρατοκλέους πρυτανεύοντος τὴν δευτέραν ἕκμηνον. Comp. Paulsen de Rhodo, p. 56.

595.

See particularly Polyb. XV. 23. 3. XVI. 15. 8. XXIII. 3. 10. XXIX. 4. 4. XXIX. 5. 6. ἀρχὴ μάλιστα αὐτοκράτωρ, Appian. Bell. Civ. IV. 66. Comp. Plut. Præc. Rep. ger. 17. p. 173. Liv. XLII. 45. Poseidonius the historian was prytanis at Rhodes, Strabo VII. p. 316.

596.

Polyb. XXIX. 4. 1.

597.

Polybius and Appius ubi sup. mention δημαγωγοὶ; the former writer had also explained the τρέπος τῆς δημηγορίας, but the passage is lost.

598.

Strabo XIV. p. 652. See below, ch. 9. § 3.

599.

See Ubbo Emmius de Rep. Rhod.

600.

Ad Pind. ubi sup.

601.

Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3.—The prytanes of Cyzicus were on the other hand democratic.

602.

Hesychius κέρκος—ἐχρῆτο δὲ αὐτῇ μᾶλλον ὁ ἐν Κῳ πρύτανις. Compare with this the sacrifice in the Peace of Aristophanes. The prytanis in the city of Crotona, sacred to Apollo, went every seventh day about the altars, Athen, XII. p. 522 C. Concerning the care of the prytanes for the κοινὴ ἑστία, see Aristot. Pol. VI. 5.

603.

See particularly Andoc. de Myst. p. 37.

604.

Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 64.

605.

Ibid. vol. I. p. 232. where the nature of this office was first explained. The Areopagites also probably received their κρέας through these officers. Comp. Hesych. and Photius in κρέας.

606.

Hence Solon ap. Plut. 19. ἐκ πρυτανείου καταδικασθέντες ὑπὸ τῶν βασιλέων.—They also sat together in the royal porch, probably also as a court of justice. Pollux VIII. 111, 120. Hesych. in Φυλοβασιλεῖς.

607.

Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.

608.

Book II. ch. 8. § 6.

609.

Boeckh in several places, Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 364.

610.

V. 71. Compare Schoemann de Comitiis, p. 12.

611.

Olymp. 90. 1. 420 B.C. mentioned by Thuc. V. 47. Cf. Æginetica, p. 134.

612.

Plut. Quæst. Græc. I.

613.

A very numerous synedrion in the Prytaneum at the time of Cassander, Diod. XIX. 63.

614.

Æl. Dionys. ap. Eustath. ad Od. XVII. p. 1285. Rom. Hesych. in v.

615.

Hence Philip (ap. Demosth. de Corona, p. 280.) writes to the demiurgi and synedri of the Peloponnesians.

616.

Thuc. ubi sup.

617.

Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1193. and see Boeckh, pp. 11. and 594.

618.

Polyb. XXIV. 5. 16. Liv. XXXII. 22. XXXVIII. 30. and Drakenborch's note, Plut. Arat. 43. ΔΑΜΙΟΡΓΟΙ in a Dymæan inscription, ib. 1543.

619.

Etym. Mag. p. 265, 45. Zonaras in v.

620.

Ibid. Aristot. Pol. III. 1.

621.

Thuc. I. 56. with the Scholia. Compare Suidas in δημιουργός. Ἐπιδημίουργοι are upper demiurgi, as the ἐπιστρατηγοὶ in Egypt, in the time of the Ptolemies, were upper or superior στρατηγοί.

622.

As in Mantinea, Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3. 6. They were different from the regular τέλη, Thuc. V. 47. In early times the δαμιουργίαι were of considerable duration, Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 3. Compare Æginetica, p. 134.

623.

See above ch. 4. § 2.

624.

See ch. 6. § 10. The notions of the ancients, on the subject of the Argive kings, seem very vague and doubtful.

625.

Book I. ch. 8. § 7.

626.

Diod. XII. 75.

627.

See particularly Thucyd. V. 29. 41. 44.—τὸ πλῆθος ἐψηφίσατο (404 B.C.). Demosth. de Rhod. Libert, p. 197.

628.

Thuc. V. 27, 28.

629.

See the passages quoted above, p. 56. note y. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “great civil power,” starting “See Thuc. V. 67.”]

630.

Aristotle Pol. II. 3. 5. calls them τοὺς γνωρίμους.

631.

Aristot. ubi sup. Diod. XII. 80. Thuc. V. 81. τὸν ἐν Ἄργει δῆμον κατέλυσαν, καὶ ὀλιγαρχία κατέστη. Cf. 76.

632.

In July of 417 B.C. Thuc. V. 82. Diod. XII. 80.

633.

Thuc. V. 84. Diod. XII. 81.

634.

Thuc. VI. 61. Diod. XIII. 5.

635.

C. 11.—πάντας, ὄντας ἑκατὸν, the emendation of Casaubon, who wishes to introduce the word ἑκατοστὺς; does not agree with what follows. Perhaps there were at that time ten tribes at Argos, as in Athens, and the χίλιοι λογάδες are here meant: but even then it would be difficult to fix the time of this event.

636.

Compare Plut. Alcib. 14. Nicostratus, who according to Theopompus ap. Athen. VI. p. 252 A. was προστάτης τῆς πόλεως at the time of Artaxerxes Ochus, was probably an officer of this description. Compare what was said on the demiurgi, ch. 8. § 5.

637.

Below, § 8.

638.

Diod. XV. 40.

639.

Diod. XV. 57, 58.

640.

Plutarch (Præc. Reip. ger. 17. p. 175.) reckons 1500 in all. He is followed by Helladius Chrestom. p. 979. in Gronov. Thesaur. Gr. vol. X.

641.

Plut. ubi sup. compare also Dionys. Hal. Archæol. Rom. VII. 66.

642.

Pausan. II. 20. 1.

643.

Isocrat. ad Philipp. p. 92 C. D. Even however after this time principes occur, Liv. XXXII. 38.

644.

Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 851. Phavorinus in ὀστρακίνδα. Compare Paradys de Ostracismo in the Classical Journal, vol. XIX. p. 348.

645.

See Aristid. II. p. 388.

646.

Isocrat. ubi sup.

647.

Ἀργεία φορὰ ap. Diogenian. II. 79. Apostol. IV. 28. Eustath. ad Il. β᾽. p. 286 Rom.

648.

Cicero Brut. 13.

649.

Ch. 5. § 1. ch. 8. § 5.

650.

See vol. I. p. 187 note a.

651.

Herod. VII. 99.

652.

Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 2.

653.

P. 94. note b. and p. 140. note m. [Transcriber's Note: These are the footnotes to “peace and war,” starting “Herod. VII. 148.,” and to “sacrifices of the prytanis,” starting “Hesychius κέρκος.”]

654.

Olymp. VII. 87. Callianax was one of the ancestors of Diagoras of the γένος Ἐρατιδῶν.

655.

Compare what Timocreon the Rhodian said in Olymp. 75. 4. 477 B.C. concerning the proceedings of Themistocles in this and in other islands, Plut. Them. 21.

656.

See Boeckh's masterly explanation of this ode at the end.

657.

See Thucyd. VIII. 35, 84. Xen. Hell. I. 1, 2. I. 5. 19. Diod. XIII. 38, 43. Pausan. VI. 7. 2. The correctness of what Androtion relates in this passage is very doubtful.

658.

Thuc. VII. 57.

659.

Thuc. VIII. 44.

660.

Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 5, 6. V. 5. 4. These three passages apparently refer to the same event; which (if this is the case) must have taken place at the time to which I have in the text referred it; for in the middle one the popular party is said to have been defeated by the nobles, πρὸ τῆς ἐπαναστάσεως, which cannot signify “before the revolution,” a meaning which neither the words nor the context will admit; but “before the congregation of the inhabitants of the three small towns to the city of Rhodes,” the ἀνάστασις ἐπὶ μίαν Ῥόδον. Goettling indeed (ad. l.) is of opinion, that the two first passages cannot refer to the same event, since in the first the constitution of Rhodes is stated to have perished through φόβος, in the latter through καταφρόνησις. But the same example might have been strictly applicable to both; the γνώριμοι dreaded the disturbances of the demagogues, and at the same time despised the irregular proceedings of the people, and therefore overthrew the democracy.

661.

Diod. XIII. 75. See also Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 155.

662.

Diod. XIV. 79.

663.

Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 20-22. Diod. XIV. 97.

664.

In the speech concerning the freedom of the Rhodians, cf. περὶ Συντάξεως, p. 194. The oligarchy of Hegesilochus (Theopompus ap. Athen. X. p. 444.) perhaps belongs to this period.

665.

If I correctly understand de Repub. III. 35. cf. I. 31. and the traces of the later constitution in Aristid. Rhod. Conc. II. p. 385. and Dio Chrysost. Orat. 31. passim.—With the passage in Cicero compare particularly Sallust. de Rep. Ord. 2., who states, that in Rhodes rich and poor sat together in judgment on both important and unimportant affairs. Tacitus also in Dial, de Cl. Orat. 40. represents the Rhodian constitution as democratic.

666.

Strab. XIV. p. 653 A.

667.

Meurs. Rhod. c. 20.—The supposed letter of Cleobulus to Solon, in which he says that Lindus δαμοκρατεῖ (Diog, Laërt. I. 93. Suidas in Κλεόβουλος) evidently cannot be used for the constitutional history of Rhodes.

668.

Pind. Olymp. XIII. 2. οἶκος ἄμερος ἀστοῖς.

669.

In early times a close friendship existed between Corinth and Athens, Herod. V. 75. 95. Thuc. I. 40, 41.

670.

See Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 3. sqq.

671.

IV. 4. 6. sqq.

672.

See particularly VII. 4. 6. The refugees from Corinth to Argos in Olymp. 101. 2. 375 B.C. (mentioned by Diodorus XV. 40.) were therefore democrats.

673.

Plut. Dion. 53. No conclusion can be drawn from the word δημοκρατία in Plutarch. Timol. 50. for it is there used only to signify the contrary of τυραννίς.

674.

Diod. XVI. 65, 66.

675.

Polit. V. 5. 9.

676.

Thuc. III. 73.

677.

See Dionys. Halic. Archæol. Rom. VII. 66. Diod. XIII. 48.

678.

Thuc. III. 81.

679.

For a βουλευτὴς could hope, by virtue of his office, to persuade the people to an alliance with Athens, Thuc. III. 70.

680.

Thuc. III. 70.

681.

Thuc. III. 70. IV. 46. Æneas Poliorc. 11. Diodorus XII. 57. however says only, τοὺς δημαγωγεῖν εἰωθότας καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ πλήθους προίστασθαι.

682.

Strabo lib. VII. Excerpt. 2. Proverb. Metric. p. 569. Schott.

683.

Concerning the ἐλεφαντίναι κώπαι of the Corcyræan whips, see Aristoph. ap. Hesych. in Κερκυραία μάστιξ, Schol. Aristoph. Av. 1463. Zenob. IV. 49.

684.

In Olymp. 92. 3. 410 B.C. Diod. XIII. 48. and in Olymp. 101. 3. 374 B.C. Diod. XV. 46.

685.

Æneas Poliorc. 11.

686.

See p. 138. note y. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “democratic age,” starting “See the great inscription.”] Perhaps five prytanes in the inscription in Mustoxidi, Illustr. Corciresi, tom. II. p. 87. [Δαμ]οξενος Μολωτα πρυτανευσας και οἱ συναρχοι [Δαμ]ων Μολωτα Ικεταιδας ... Κ[λεα]ρχος Λεοντος ... ρ..ρου θεοις.

687.

The inscription quoted above, p. 138. note y.

688.

Πρόδικοι and πρόβουλοι also occur in another inscription, not written in the Doric dialect, in Mustoxidi, tom. II. p. 92. n. 43., in which an ἀμφίπολος (as in Syracuse) is also mentioned.

689.

If Periander was the son of Gorgus, and the latter (according to Anton. Lib.) the brother of Cypselus, Neanthes of Cyzicus (ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 98.) was correct in stating that the two Perianders were ἀνεψιοί. Yet the hypothesis adopted in b. I. ch. 6. § 8. has its reasons. According to that, the genealogy would be [Transcriber's Note: The graph shows Cypselus the father of one Periander, and Gorgue (Gorgias) the father of another Periander.] and then also Psammetichus might be considered as son of the same Gorgias (Gordias), without supposing the oracle in Herodotus V. 92 to be false.

690.

Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 9. Plut. Erot. 23. p. 60.

691.

Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. The Spartans also assisted in overthrowing the tyranny, b. I. ch. 9. § 5.

692.

Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 9. According to Anton. Liber. 4. a tyrant Phalæcus also reigned at Ambracia, against whom an insurrection was caused by an oracle of Apollo, whom the Ambraciots considered as the author of their εὐνομία. This Phalæcus (as is evident from the passage quoted) is called Phayilus by Ælian. de Nat. Animal XII. 40. Compare the MSS. of Ovid's Ibis, 502.

693.

Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.

694.

Ibid. III. 11. 1. V. 1. 6.

695.

This I conceive to be the meaning of Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6. according to the reading of Victorius, Ἡλιαία is only a different form of ἁλιαία. See above, p. 88. note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “the Epidamnians,” starting “Aristot. Pol. V. 1. 6.”] The occasion of the revolution is perhaps related in V. 3. 4.

696.

In the clause ἄρχων ὁ εἷς ἦν ἐν (V. 1. 6.), it appears to me, that the word ἐστὶν, in III. 11. 1. and the context, require the omission of ἦν. [This conjecture has since been confirmed by the best manuscript of the Politics. See Goettling's edition, p. 391.]

697.

Ælian. V. H. XIII. 5.

698.

Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 13.

699.

See above, ch. 4. § 4.

700.

Strabo VII. p. 316 C.

701.

Aristot. Pol. IV. 3. 8. cf. Herod. IX. 93.

702.

Ælian. ubi sup.

703.

Ἐν Συρακούσαις τῶν Γεωμόρων κατεχόντων τὴν ἀρχὴν are the words of the Parian Marble, Ep. 37. ad Olymp. 41.

704.

See above, p. 113. note m. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Syracuse and Corcyra,” starting “Ib. § 7, 8.”]

705.

Ch. 4. § 4.

706.

See also Plutarch. Præc. Reip. 32. p. 201. In the account of the confiscation of Agathocles' property (Diod. Exc. 8. p. 549 Wess.) the geomori appear as the supreme court of justice.

707.

Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 57.

708.

Herod. VII. 155. Dion. Hal. VI. 62. Compare Zenobius, quoted above, p. 61. note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “from the Greek,” starting “Hesychius.”]

709.

This is stated by Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 6. The story in Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 1. Plut. Præc. Reip. ubi sup. refers to the dissolution of the ancient hereditary aristocracy, which Plutarch calls ἀρίστην πολιτείαν.

710.

Herod, ubi sup.

711.

Diod. XI. 26. Ælian. V. H. XIII. 36.

712.

Thuc. VII. 55. Demosth. Leptin. p. 506, &c.

713.

Pol. V. 3. 6. Compare, however, V. 10. 3.

714.

Herod. VII. 156. Diod. XI. 25. The reason why there was so great a number of foreign mercenaries in Sicily, is, that the native Sicilians would not serve as hired troops (Hesychius and Apostolius in Σικελὸς στρατ. Toup in Suid. vol. II. p. 614); the tyrants were therefore compelled to hire Condottieri, as for instance Phormis the Mænalian.

715.

Diod. XI. 72, 73.

716.

Diod. XI. 76. cf. Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 11. This is the πολιτογραφία and the ἀναδασμὸς, Diod. XI. 86. Compare Goeller de Situ Syracusarum, 3. p. 9.

717.

Οἱ χαριέστατοι Diod. XI. 87. Compare the χαρίεντες in Plutarch Phocion. 29. Dion. 28. Aristot. Eth. Nic. I. 4. 2. I. 5. 4. IV. 8. 10. Concerning the Petalismus, see, besides Diodorus, Hesychius in v. Rivinus in Schlaeger's Dissert. 1774. vol. I. p. 107.

718.

What sycophants were in a democracy, were the ὠτακουσταί and ποταγωγίδες in the tyranny of Hieron. (Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 3. comp. the vetus interpres ap. Schneider.), and of the Dionysii (Plut. Dion, de Curios. 16. p. 147. who supposed that the latter were men). Compare vol. I. p. 183. note n.

719.

See the mutilated Scholia to Hermogenes in Reiske's Orators, vol. VIII. p. 196. together with Aristotle ap. Cic. Brut. XII. 46.

720.

Siculi acuti, Cic. Verrin. III. 8. acuta gens et controversa natura, Brut. XII. 46. dicaces, Verr. IV. 43. faceti, Orat. II. 54.

721.

Diod. XI. 82. probably from Philistus.

722.

Thuc. VI. 32 sqq. 72 sq. Diod. XV. 19. 95.

723.

Thuc. VI. 35.

724.

Thuc. VI. 32, 41. Diod. XIII. 19.

725.

Hermocrates, of an aristocratic disposition, filled a public office.—The νεώτεροι in Thucyd. VI. 38. cannot, from the context, be generally the young men of the city; they must be a party of youthful aristocrats, who were peculiarly hostile to the people, and, according to the statement of Athenagoras, wished to take advantage of the fear of a war and the blockade of Syracuse, for the purpose of regaining their lost privileges. In this sense οἱ τε δυνάμενοι καὶ οἱ νέοι are combined in VI. 39. [See Arnold's History of Rome, vol. I. p. 332, note 29.]

726.

Diodorus XIII. 19, 55. calls him a demagogue.

727.

Aristot. Pol. V. 3. 6. Diod. XIII. 35. The δημηγοροῦντες cast lots merely for the succession in which they were to address the people, Plut. Reg. Apophth. p. 89, 90. The generals were still chosen from among the δυνατώτατοι, Diod. XIII. 91.

728.

Diod. XIII. 33, 35.

729.

Plut. ubi sup. p. 92.

730.

Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 5. V. 8. 4. Diod. XIII. 96.

731.

Diod. XIII. 94. cf. Polyæn. V. 2. 2.

732.

Diod. XIV. 45, 64, 70. See several passages in Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 20. The assemblies summoned by Dion, for example, against Dionysius the Second (Diod. XVI. 10, 17, 20. Plut. Dion. 33, 38.), must not be considered as in any way connected with the tyranny. Cicero de Rep. III. 31. denies that Syracuse in the reign of Dionysius was a Respublica at all.

733.

Plutarch. Dion. 28.

734.

Ibid. 53. σχῆμα—ἀριστοκρατίαν ἔχον τὴν ἐπιστατοῦσαν καὶ βραβεύουσαν τὰ μέγιστα. See above, ch. 1. § 7.

735.

Diod. XVI. 70.

736.

Plutarch. Timol. 37.

737.

Diod. XVI. 81. with Wesseling's note, Cic. in Verr. I. 2. 51.

738.

Diod. XIII. 35. XVI. 70.

739.

Diod. XIX. 3-5. After a democracy of this kind, and before the time of Agathocles, the state was legally governed by a synedrion of 600 of the most distinguished persons (χαριέστατοι), XIX. 6.

740.

Diod. XIX. 4. 6-9. He also sometimes convened public assemblies, when it pleased him to play the δημοτικός. Diod. XX. 63, 79.

741.

Otherwise it must have been newly appointed by election or lot at the death of Hieronymus, of which Livy XXIV. 22 says not a word. The seniores (c. 24.) are probably members of this senate; a γερουσία also probably existed at that time, which occurs in a late inscription in Castelli Inscript. Sic. V. 5. p. 44.

742.

Liv. XXIV. 27.

743.

See Hesychius, Suidas, and Zenobius in ἱππάρχου πίναξ; on this tablet were entered τὰ τῶν ἀτακτούντων ὀνόματα. In Diod. XIV. 64. ἱππεῖς appears to be the name of the class of knights.

744.

At Gela Cleander was tyrant, after a period of oligarchy (Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 4.), from 505 to 498 B.C. (Herod. VII. 157. Dion. Hal. VII. 1. Pausan. VI. 9.); then his brother Hippocrates 498-491 B.C. Gelon in 491 B.C. At Agrigentum there was a timocracy (Arist. Pol. V. 8. 4.), then Phalaris 555-548 B.C. according to Eusebius and Bentley, then Alcmanes and Alcander (Heracl. Pont. 36.), Theron 488-473 B.C. according to Boeckh, and Thrasydæus, who was expelled in the same year.

745.

Diod. XI. 53. κομισάμενοι τὴν δημοκρατίαν.

746.

See Diogen. Laërt. VIII. 66. Timæus Fragm. 2. ed. Goeller. Sturz Empedocles, p. 108.

747.

Aristot. ap. Diog. VIII. 63. The words, ὥστε οὐ μόνον ἦν τῶν πλουσίων ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν τὰ δημοτικὰ φρονούντων, do not present any difficulty.

748.

Cic. Verr. I. 2. 50.

749.

Gruter, p. 401. Castelli, p. 79, &c.

750.

Ἁλιασμα ἑκτας διμηνον Καρνειον ἑξηκοντος ΠΕΜΠΤΑΙ. See above concerning Rhodes, § 3.

751.

The Hierothytes was the παραπροστάτας of the βουλὴ (ΠΑΡΑΠΡΟΣΤΑΤΑ ΤΑΣ should be written).

752.

Verr. I. 4. 23, 39.

753.

Concerning the ἱεράπολοι see Boissonade in the Classical Journal, vol. XVII. p. 396.

754.

Maffei Mus. Veron. p. 329. Muratori, p. 642, 1. Castello, p. 84. cf. ibid. p. 25.

755.

Βουλας ἁλιασμα (vulg. ἁλιασματα) δευτερας ἑξαμηνου Καρνειου τριακαδι.

756.

Εδοξε τᾳ ἁλιᾳ καθα και τᾳ βουλᾳ, as the sense requires us to read with Castello.

757.

See also the Calymnian decree (Chandler, p. 21. n. 85.) εδοξε τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ γνωμα προσταταν.

758.

B. I. ch. 8. § 2.

759.

Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 7. p. 231.

760.

Thucyd. V. 81.

761.

Xen. Hell. VII. 1. 44.

762.

VII. 1. 45. VII. 3. 4.

763.

Ἄκρατος καὶ Δωρικὴ ἀριστοκρατία, Plutarch. Arat. 2.

764.

Some members of the oligarchical party of Argos also fled to Phlius, Thucyd. V. 83.

765.

Xen. Hell. V. 2. 8. sqq. V. 3. 10. sqq. V. 3. 21. sqq. Fifty persons of each party made a plan for a new constitution. Hell. V. 3. 25. The refugees residing at Argos, in 375 B.C. were manifestly democrats, the same as in Xen. Hell. VII. 2. 5. in 369 B.C.

766.

Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 18. Μεγαρεῖς Θεαγένη—ἐκβαλόντες, ὀλίγον χρόνον ἐσωφρόνησαν κατὰ τὴν πολιτείαν.

767.

See above, ch. 3. § 3. It appears to me nearly certain that the passage refers to Megara near Corinth.

768.

See above, ch. 1. § 4. ch. 4. § 8.

769.

V. 43, 66, 847. ed. Bekker. [See generally on the aristocratical tendency of the poetry of Theognis, and the constitution of Megara, Welcker, Prolegomena ad Theognin, pp. x-xli.]

770.

Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 6. V. 4. 3. Plut. ubi sup. I suspect that Theognis (v. 677.) speaks of this period, χρήματα δ᾽ ἁρπάζουσι βίᾳ, κόσμος δ᾽ ἀπόλωλεν, and in the whole political allegory of the passage. This was the time of the violence done to the Peloponnesian theori, Plutarch ubi sup. p. 59.

771.

Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 851. Phavorinus in ὀστρακίνδα.

772.

Aristot. Pol. V. 4. 3. IV. 12. 10.

773.

Thuc. I. 114. cf. 103.

774.

Thuc. IV. 66, 74.

775.

Thuc. ubi sup. et V. 31. In this aristocratic period the πρόβουλοι were magistrates of high authority in Megara, Aristoph. Acharn. 755.

776.

Diod. XV. 40.

777.

περὶ παραπρεσβείας, pp. 435, 436.

778.

Above, p. 113, note i. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “very late period,” starting “Ἐπὶ βασιλέος Πασγάδα.”]

779.

Plutarch. Symp. VIII. 8. 4. p. 319, where indeed the expression is very indefinite.

780.

De Corona, p. 255. and in another decree in Polyb. IV. 52. 4. They also occur in coins.

781.

In Caylus, Recueil, II. pl. 55. in the king's library at Paris. It is the same which Corsini F. A. I. 2. p. 469. considered as Delphian. It decrees a crown to a Ἁγεμὼν βουλὰς, and the eight persons whose names are subscribed are probably senators.

782.

Vol. I. p. 250, note l.

783.

See, besides other writers, Boettiger, Amalthea, vol. II. p. 304.—Of the hieromnemons Letronne has treated at full length, Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscriptions, tom. VI. p. 221, but without remarking that, besides Delphi, they are peculiar to Megara and its colonies,

784.

At least if Dineus (Dinæus) was king, see book I. ch. 6. § 9; this Dineus is, however, called by Hesychius Milesius, § 20, only general of the Byzantians, and τοπάρχης of Chalcedon. He appears, nevertheless, to be an historical personage. Concerning the bondslaves, see above, ch. 4, § 5.

785.

According to Hesychius Milesius, Λέων τις τῶν Βυζαντίων ἀριστοκρατίαν ἐδέξατο.

786.

Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 27. What the Thirty in Diodorus XIV. 12. are, whom Clearchus put to death after the magistrates, we are entirely ignorant, since the right explanation or emendation of the word Βοιωτοὺς is still a desideratum.

787.

Aristot. Pol. V. 2. 10.

788.

Theopompus ap. Athen. XII. p. 526 E. cf. Memnon. 23. ap. Phot. Biblioth. p. 724.

789.

Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3. The transit duties levied at the Bosporus are well known, Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 40.

790.

A decree of the senate before it had received the sanction of the people was also called ῥήτρα in Sparta; see above, ch. 5. § 8.

791.

It occurs on coins. See Heyne Comment. rec. Gotting. vol. I. p. 8.

792.

Pseud-Aristot. ubi sup.

793.

Chandler. Inscript. App. 12. p. 94.

794.

Æneas Poliorcet. 11. (ad calc. Polyb.) οὐσῶν αὐτοῖς τριῶν φυλῶν καὶ τεττάρων ἑκατοστύων. There must evidently have been more than four hundreds to three tribes, as Casaubon remarks. Perhaps we should read τεττάρων καὶ εἴκοσι ἑκατοστύων, or with Goettling (Hermes, vol. XXV. p. 155.) τεττάρων ἐν ἑκάστῃ ἑκατοστύων. Casaubon's emendation of τεττάρακοντα for τεττάρων is not admissible, as forty is not divisible by three without a remainder. The event probably took place before the 104th Olympiad, 364 B.C.

795.

See book I. ch. 6. § 10.

796.

See above, ch. 4. § 5.

797.

Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 6.

798.

This is evident from the context of the passage in Justin. XVI. 4.

799.

Compare with Justin Æneas Poliorc. 12.

800.

According to Polyænus II. 30. 2. Clearchus caused the whole senate of 300 to be put to death, which is here represented as a standing body.

801.

Of the Megarian colony Astypalæa have inscriptions in tolerable preservation, but not until the last times of independence, when the constitution became similar to that of Athens. An inscription, already quoted in vol. I. p. 116, note y, begins εδοξε τᾳ βουλᾳ και τῳ δαμῳ φιλ ... ενευς επεστατει γνωμα πρυ[τανιων επει]δὴ Αρκεσιλας Μοιραγενευς αἱ[ρεθεις] αγορανομος επεμεληθη του δαμου μετα πασας φιλοτιμιας, &c. Another contains συνθῆκαι between the δῆμος τῶν Ἀστυπαλαιέων and the δῆμος τῶν Ῥωμαίων; in this also we read, εδοξε τω δημω Ευχωνιδας Ευκλευς επεστατει πρυτανιων [γνωμα]. See Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. Nos. 2483, 2485.

802.

All this is stated in Plutarch. Qu. Gr. 4.

803.

Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 3, 11.

804.

The former by Hermippus ap. Diog. Laërt. VIII. 88. and Plutarch, in Colot. 32. p. 194. The latter by Theodoretus Græc. Aff. IX. 16.

805.

Thucyd. V. 84.

806.

Above, ch. 6, § 10, and ch. 7, § 1.

807.

Τεμένεα in the Homeric sense, Herod. IV. 161. Cf. Diod. Exc. 8. vol. II. p. 551. Wesseling. Τὰ τῶν προγόνων γέρεα in Herodotus, IV. 162. which Arcesilaus wished to regain, refers to the revenues, as well as to the privileges of which the kings had been deprived. Compare Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, p. 154. note.

808.

Diod. vol. II. p. 550. Wess.

809.

Herod. IV. 165.

810.

Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 266.

811.

Pyth. IV. 263. according to Boeckh's explanation.

812.

Heracl. Pont. 4.

813.

Aristotle Pol. V. 2. 11. says, that the founders of the democracy at Cyrene established other and more tribes; which statement must be referred to this time; for that by the τὸν δῆμον καθιστάντες Demonax is not meant, is evident from the circumstance that this person only instituted three tribes, and therefore could hardly have increased their number. See Thrige, Res Cyrenensium, pp. 103-192.

814.

See also concerning the contest between a democratic and aristocratic party in Olymp. 95. I. 400 B.C. Diod. XIV. 34.

815.

Plut. Lucull. 2.—Concerning the ephors of Cyrene see above, ch. 7. § 1.

816.

Ch. 6. § 10.

817.

Concerning these see above, page 52. note f. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “noticed above,” starting “So also ib Strab.”] From these Pelasgian bondsmen, bands of robbers, called περίδινοι, proceeded, according to Plato Leg. VI. p. 777. Cf. Athen. VI. p. 267.

818.

Polit. V. 2. 8. See Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 221.

819.

Aristot. Pol. VI. 3. 5. οἱ Ταραντῖνοι, κοινὰ ποιοῦντες τὰ κτήματα τοῖς ἀπόροις ἐπὶ τὴν χρῆσιν, εὔνουν παρασκευάζουσι τὸ πλῆθος. ἔτι δὲ τὰς ἀρχὰς πάσας ἐποίησαν διττὰς, τὰς μὲν αἱρετὰς, τὰς δὲ κληρωτάς; τὰς μὲν κληρωτὰς, ὅπως ὁ δῆμος αυτῶν μετέχῃ, τὰς δ᾽ αἱρετὰς, ἵνα πολιτεύωνται βέλτιον. These institutions can only be referred to this period, for the present tense παρασκευάζουσι shows their existence when the author was writing; ἐποίησαν refers only to the time of the institution, and the words ἵνα μετέχῃ again prove their actual existence.—As to the interpretation of the words κοινὰ ποιοῦντες τὰ κτήματα ἐπὶ τὴν χρῆσιν, it is known that at Rome, when the ager publicus was divided among the plebeians, it was either given them by assignation as absolute property (mancipium, dominium), in which case it ceased to be publicus; or it was held by possessiones, in early times by the patricians, who only occupied it with an usufructuary right, while the land remained publicus, was not marked out with limits, and could be at any time reclaimed by the state (See Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. II. p. 363. sqq. ed. 1. Eng. Transl. compare vol. I. note 443. ed. 2.). The occupation of the public lands of Tarentum was probably allowed to the poor on similar conditions. As to the δίττας ποιεῖν τὰς ἀρχὰς, Aristotle seems to mean, that if, for example, there had been two agoranomi, four strategi, &c. they then made four agoranomi, eight strategi, &c.: of whom two and four were chosen by lot, two and four by election.

820.

Strabo VI. p. 280.

821.

Which would also be proved by the Fragment of Archytas concerning the Spartan constitution (Stobæus Serm. 41. Orelli Opusc. Moral. vol. II. p. 254.), if it were genuine.

822.

Diog. Laërt. VIII. 79. six times, according to Ælian. V. H. VII. 14. cf. III. 17.

823.

Aristoxenus ap. Diog. L. VIII. 82. See Jamblich. Pythag. § 197. Hesych. Miles. in Vit. Archyt.

824.

Strab. p. 280. Demosth. Ἐρωτ. p. 1415. Plut. de Educ. lib 10. p. 28. Præc. ger. Reip. 28. p. 191. Cf. Fabric. Bibl. Gr. ed. Harles. vol. II. p. 30.

825.

Concerning the ἀσέλγεια and ὕβρις of the Tarentines, see particularly Dionys. Hal. ed. Mai. XVII. 5, 7.—A βουλὴ at Tarentum, whose προβούλευμα was necessary for a declaration of war, in Livy VIII. 27. A public assembly deciding concerning peace and war, Diod. XIX. 70. Plut. Pyrrh. 13. Cheirotonia of this assembly, Plut., Qu. Gr. 42. from Theophrastus.

826.

See above, p. 88. note l. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “and Heraclea,” starting “Ἁλία κατάκλητος.”]

827.

See b. I. ch. 6. § 12. and b. II. ch. 12. § 5.

828.

Jambl. Pythag. 7. p. 33. 15. p. 255, 257. Cf. Porph. Pythag. 21. 22.

829.

B. II. ch. 3 § 7.

830.

Jambl. Pythag. 9. p. 45. and Dicæarchus ap. Porphyr. 18. who calls the members γέροντες. Perhaps the σύγκλητος in Diod. XII. 9. is the same.

831.

Valer. Max. VIII. 15. ext. 1.

832.

See above, p. 140, note m. [Transcriber's Note: These is the footnote to “sacrifices of the prytanis,” starting “Hesychius κέρκος.”]

833.

Heraclid. Pont. 25.

834.

See below, ch. 11. § 6.

835.

Jamblich. 35. p. 260.

836.

See b. I. ch. 6. § 12.

837.

Diog. Laërt. VIII. 3. See Apollon. ap. Jamblich. 35. p. 254, 261. Justin. XX. 4.

838.

See above, ch. 5. § 4.

839.

The elucidation of this fact is without doubt the work of Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenschaften, vol. III. ch. 3. The reason why Plato, de Rep. X. p. 600, represents Pythagoras as one who had been a master of education not in a public but a private capacity, is, that the Pythagorean discipline and mode of living, the βίος ἐπὶ στάθμῃ, was only kept up as a private institution, while the public regulations of Pythagoras had long fallen into oblivion.

840.

Apollonius ap. Jamblich. 35. p. 255.

841.

Ibid. p. 257. cf. 260.

842.

Jambl. 35. p. 262.

843.

Polyb. II. 39. Jambl. 35. p. 263. See Heyne Opuscul. Acad. II. p. 178.

844.

II. 41. 5. and passim. Pausan. V. 7. 1.

845.

Thucyd. V. 80.

846.

Hell. VII. 1. 44.

847.

See, for example, Plutarch. Philopœmen. 7, 18.

848.

Liv. XXIV. 2, 3.

849.

B. II. ch. 1. § 8. Above, ch. 8. § 3.

850.

Above, ch. 6. § 10. From the passage quoted it is seen that even in Plutarch's time a βασιλεὺς, in name at least, existed.

851.

Above, ch. 8. § 8. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section number in that chapter.]

852.

Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1688, 1689, 1694, 1705. The Delphian archons Gylidas and Diodorus in Olymp. 47. 3. 590 B.C. and 49. 3. 582 B.C. (Argument. Schol. Pind. Pyth.) were, however, perhaps, prytanes.

853.

Ibid. No. 1693.

854.

Ibid. Nos. 1702. sqq.

855.

Αὐστηρὰ καὶ ἀριστοκρατικὴ πολιτεία, Plutarch. Comp. Lycurg. et Num. 2. According to Plutarch de Monarchia 2. p. 205. the government of Sparta was an ἀριστοκρατικὴ ὀλιγαρχία καὶ αὐθέκαστος. Isocrates Nicod. p. 31. D. says of the Lacedæmonians, οἴκοι μὲν ὀλιγαρχούμενοι, περὶ δὲ τὸν πόλεμον βασιλευόμενοι. Comp. Cragius I. 4.

856.

Isocrat. Panath. p. 287 A. Crete also was free from tyranny, according to Plato Leg. IV. p. 711.

857.

Isocrates Areopag. p. 152 A. says that the Lacedæmonians were κάλλιστα πολιτευόμενοι, because they were μάλιστα δημοκρατούμενοι. Plat. Leg. IV. p. 712 D. Aristot. Pol. II. 3. 10. IV. 5. 11. IV. 6. 4, 5. and compare Cicero de Rep. II. 23. who states that the respublica Lacedæmoniorum was mixta, but not temperata; and on the other side the pretended Archytas in Stob. Serm. 41.

858.

The king in the Doric constitution was said to honour the people, δᾶμον γεραίρειν, Pind. Pyth. I. 61.

859.

The Cretan constitution also, according to Plato (ubi sup.), united every form of government.

860.

To this, and not to conquests, the expression of Simonides, δαμασίμβροτος Σπάρτα, refers, according to Plutarch Agesil. 1. Compare Polyb. IV. 22. 2. Plut. Lycurg. 30. Præc. Ger. Reip. 20, 21. p. 181, 182. Lac. Apophth. p. 246. the verses of Ion the tragic poet in Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathem p. 69 A. and a Spartan inscription of late date, Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1350. ἡ πόλις M. Aur. Ἀφροδείσιον—τῆς ἐν τοῖς πατρίοις Λυκουργείοις ἔθεσιν εὐψυχίας καὶ πειθαρχίας χάριν.

861.

See Plutarch. Lycurg. 29, 30.

862.

Compare the Platonic Socrates, Criton. 14. Protag. p. 342 C. Repub. VIII. p. 544 C. with the Socrates of Xenophon, Mem. III. 5. 15. and what Antisthenes says in Plut. Lyc. 30.

863.

In Leocr. p. 166. 5. The words of Æschines, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ Λακεδαιμόνιοι (in Timarch. 25. 32.), are merely a ridiculous imitation of Cimon.

864.

Polybius IV. 81. 12. also calls the Spartan constitution καλλίστη πολιτεία.

865.

As, for example, the ignorant de Pauw, who was preceded among the ancients in an attempt to decry Sparta by Polycrates (probably the orator), Heyne de Spart. Rep. Comment. Gotting. vol. IX. p. 2.

866.

Concerning the similarity of Plato's state, and the Lacedæmonian government, see Morgenstern de Platon. Rep. p. 305.

867.

ῥυάχετος, Lysistrat. 170. Compare the λάβρος στράτος of Pindar quoted above, p. 9. note y. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “form of government,” starting “Herod. VI. 43.”]

868.

Thuc. IV. 22. Compare the excuses of Alcibiades VI. 89.

869.

Thuc. I. 77.

870.

Above, ch. 2. § 3.

871.

Herod. VI. 51. Compare above, ch. 6. § 9.

872.

See ch. 4. § 1. concerning the μνοία. Compare the τεμένη δημόσια of Byzantium in Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. 3.

873.

As also in Cyrene. See ch. 9. § 13.

874.

Ch. 3. § 6.

875.

Ch. 2. § 1.

876.

Ch. 3. § 6.

877.

Compare the supposed apophthegm of Lycurgus concerning the equal ricks of corn, Plut. Lyc. 8.

878.

See, among others, Timæus ap. Schol. Plat. Phæd. p. 68. Ruhnk. and ap. Diog. Laërt. VIII. 10. Meiners, Geschichte der Wissenschaft, III. 3 Cicero de Rep. IV. (p. 281. Mai.) ap. Non. in v. proprium, p. 689. Gothofr. compares Plato's Communitas bonorum. with the institution of Lycurgus.

879.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 6. 3, 4. Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 5. Plut. Lac. Inst. p. 252.

880.

Aristot. Pol. II. 2. 10.

881.

The apophthegm of Polydorus ap. Plutarch, p. 223. shows that this king set on foot a κλήρωσις of Messenia.

882.

Aristot. Pol. V. 6. 1.

883.

This agrees completely with a fact mentioned by Pausan. IV. 18. 2. that Tyrtæus appeased the internal troubles, which arose from Messenia having been left uncultivated, on account of the incursions of the Messenians from Eira.—It was doubtless on this occasion that the Spartans, who had lots in Messenia, called for a fresh division of the Spartan territory; and to quiet these complaints Tyrtæus composed his Eunomia.

884.

Plut. Agis 5. καὶ τῶν οἴκων ὃν ὁ Λυκοῦργος ὥρισε φυλαττόντων ἀριθμὸν ἐν ταῖς διαδοχαῖς, καὶ πατρὸς παιδὶ τὸν κλῆρον ἀπολιπόντος. See Heyne ut sup. p. 15.

885.

The difficulties have been well perceived by Friederich von Raumer, Vorlesungen über alte Geschichte, vol. I. p. 236.

886.

Thus Herodotus VI. 86. says of Glaucus the Spartan, οὔτε τι ἀπόγονον, οὔτ᾽ ἱστίη οὐδεμία νομιζομίων εἶναι Γλαύκον.

887.

Herod. VII. 205. Compare Diod. XV. 64. also Thucyd. V. 64.

888.

Heraclid. Pont. 2. πωλεῖν δὲ γῆν Λακεδαιμονίοις αἰσχρὸν νενόμισται (cf. Arist. Pol. II. 6. 10), τῆς ἀρχαίας μοίρας ἀνανέμεσθαι οὐδὲν ἔξεστι. Cf. Plut. Inst. Lac. p. 252.

889.

This is quoted as a Laconian law by Proclus ad Hes. Op. 374. p. 198. Gaisford.

890.

Younger brothers, however, inherited immediately, if the elder died without lawful issue, Plutarch. Ages. 4.

891.

Pollux I. 8. 75. X. 3. 20. with Hemsterhuis' note. Concerning the words derived from πάω, see Valckenær. ad Ammon. 3, 7.

892.

The members of a family might be said to eat together, to be ὁμόκαποι, notwithstanding the institution of the syssitia, for the public tables did not furnish all the food. Ὁμόκαπνοι (the reading of the best MS.) comes to the same thing; as the fire of the hearth was used by the Greeks more for cooking than for warmth; and in the summer for the former exclusively.

893.

Aristot. Pol. I. 1. 6.

894.

Hesychius, παῶται: συγγενεῖς, οἰκεῖοι.

895.

Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 21.

896.

The μικρὰ ἔχοντες in Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 7. 4. must be those who possess no κλῆρος of their own, like the μικρὰν οὐσίαν κεκτημένοι in Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 10.

897.

Lycurg. 16.

898.

When a family was entirely extinct, probably they passed to that next in order in the τριακάς.

899.

Mai Nov. Collect. Vet. Scriptor. vol. II. p. 384.

900.

Below, § 4. near the end.

901.

See Deuteron. xxv. 5-10. Michaëlis on the Laws of Moses, vol. II. p. 21-33. Engl. translation.

902.

Plutarch Agis 5.

903.

This circumstance is otherwise understood by Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 133. Tittmann, p. 660. Göttling ad Arist. Pol. p. 467. endeavours to exculpate Aristotle from this charge by supposing that under the word νομοθέτης he also comprises the later innovators of the constitution; but the author nowhere shows that he had any knowledge of these changes: otherwise he could not have stated that the destructive law of Epitadeus (for such in fact it was, which διδόναι καὶ καταλείπειν ἐξουσίαν ἔδωκε τοῖς βουλομένοις) was a part of the original constitution, as well as the corresponding laws respecting sacrifices.

904.

This also occurs in later times, Plut. Agis 13. Ætian. V. H. XIV. 44.

905.

II. 6. 10. To give away χρήματα or κειμήλια, was also permitted in early time, Herod. VI. 62. Plut. Ages. 4.

906.

See Clinton, F. H. vol. II. p. 383. ed. 2.

907.

Ἀτελῆ πάντων, e.g., of the contribution to the syssitia, Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 13. Ælian (V. II. VI. 6.) mentions five instead of four. Manso (I. 1. p. 128.) remarks that the law can hardly have proceeded from Lycurgus.

908.

See below, ch. 12. § 2.

909.

Pol. II. 6. 11.

910.

Plut. Ag. 5. According to Macrobius (Sat. I. 11.) at the time of Cleomenes there were only mille et quingenti Lacedæmonii, qui arma ferre possent.

911.

These only are called by Xenophon (Hell. III. 3. 5.) Σπαρτιᾶται, as is plain from the words; ὅσοι ἐν τοῖς χωρίοις Σπαρτιατῶν τύχοιεν ὄντες, ἔνα μὲν πολέμιον τὸν δεσπότην.

912.

Plut. Agis 5.

913.

Dionys. Byz. de Bosp. Thrac. p. 17. Hudson. Also Varro de Ling. Lat. V. (IV.) 36. p. 48. Bipont. says that the Sicilian Greeks (who were chiefly Dorians) used δωτίνη for dowry.

914.

Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 223. Ælian. V. H. VI. 6. Justin. III. 3. Compare the corrupt gloss of Hesychius in ἀγρετήματα.

915.

Plut. Lysand. 30. Apophth. p. 229. Ælian. V. H. VI. 4. With regard to the story of Lysander's daughters, it should be remarked, that the suitors could not have been deceived as to whether they possessed landed property or not; but they thought that the father had large personal property, and that this would be divided among them.—Lysander also left male issue, as appears from Paus. III. 6. 41. of whom one was named Libys, in memory of the proxenia of Lysander with the Ammonians. The name could hardly have been transmitted through Lysander's daughters, since it is certain that they were not heiresses.

916.

See Polit. II. 6. 10. In Plutarch (Agid. 6.) a very rich sister of a poor and distressed brother occurs. See also Plutarch Cleomen. I. concerning the wealth of the women in Sparta. But the rich wife of Archidamus II. (Athen. XIII. p. 566 D.), Eupolia, the daughter of Melesippidas, must have been an heiress.

917.

Compare Bunsen De Jure Hered. Attico I. 1. p. 18.

918.

Aristot. Pol. II. 8. 9.

919.

See, besides Bunsen, Platner, Beiträge, p. 117. sqq. Sluiter Lect. Andoc. 5. p. 80. sqq.

920.

Diod. XII. 18. Heyne Opusc. Acad. II. p. 119.

921.

This is evident from the Supplices of Æschylus, particularly v. 382. εἴ τοι κρατοῦσι παῖδες Αἰγύπτου σέθεν, νόμῳ πόλεως φάσκοντες ἐγγύτατα γένους εἶναι, τίς ἄν τοῖσδ᾽ ἀντιωθῆναι θέλοι;

922.

Isæus de Pyrrhi Hered. p. 54.—The Jewish law was strikingly similar. See Numbers xxvii. 1-11. The daughters had the inheritance of their father, but they were not permitted to marry out of the family; the nearest relation had the first claim, to her, if he relinquished it, the next followed, and so on, Ruth iv.

923.

See the law in Demosth. in Steph. p. 1134. 15. which I interpret thus: “Whatever woman is betrothed by her father, her brother by the same father, or her paternal grandfather, is a legitimate wife: if neither of these is living, and the woman is an heiress, she shall marry the nearest relation, the κύριος; but if she is not an heiress (e.g., if there are grandsons of the deceased alive), that relation shall give her in marriage to whom he pleases”—besides which it is his duty to portion her according to his valuation. The laws of Charondas also compelled the relation to marry the heiress, and to endow her if poor, Diod. XII. 18.

924.

Plutarch Solon 20.

925.

Thus Leonidas married Gorgo, the heiress of Cleomenes, as being her nearest relation (ἀγχιστεύς). It was however a common practice in Sparta to marry in the οἶκος. Thus Archidamus married his aunt Lampito, Herod. VI. 71; thus Anaxandridas married his sister's daughter, V. 39. Thus the wife of Cleomenes (Plut. Pyrrh. 26.) was of the same family as her husband; and so with regard to the wife of Archidamus V. Polyb. IV. 35. 15. Plut. Ag. 6.

926.

Herod. VI. 57.

927.

Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 11. Compare Manso I. 2. p. 131.

928.

See Demosth. in Macart. p. 1077. Compare Platner, Beiträge, p. 139.

929.

Herod. V. 39. VI. 61.

930.

Xen. Rap. Lac. I. 7-9. From Xenophon Plut. Lyc. 15. Comp. Num. 3.

931.

The ἐπεύνακτοι mentioned above in ch. 3. § 5.

932.

Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 1. In this passage it appears to me that the context requires πρῶτον, not πρῶτος. “By some the division of property has been considered a point of first importance in legislation; for which reason the first laws which Phaleas promulgated were on this subject.”

933.

Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.

934.

Aristot. Pol. VI. 2. 5.

935.

Aristot. Pol. II. 4. 4.

936.

Ch. 9. § 6.

937.

Aristot. Pol. II. 3. 7.

938.

Orchomenos, p. 407, 408. where, however, Aristot. Rhet. II. 23. is incorrectly applied (the passage refers to Epaminondas).

939.

Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 7. With regard to the νόμοι θετικοὶ of Philolaus, I also remark, that the οὐχ ὑπὲρ τὴν οὐσίαν ποιεῖσθαι τοὺς παῖδας is often recommended among the Greeks. See Plato de Rep. II. p. 372. with Hesiod Op. et Di. 374. This is the “liberorum numerum finire” of Tacitus, German. 19.

940.

Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8. where ἀνομάλωσις appears to signify a fresh equalization, as ἀναδασμὸς signifies a fresh division. Göttling writes Φαλέου for Φιλολάου: concerning which it is difficult to decide, as the passage is evidently much mutilated.

941.

Strab. VII. p. 315.

942.

VI. 46. 1.

943.

This, however, does not disagree with the accurate separation of the rulers and the countrymen, which still existed in the time of Aristotle, Pol. VII. 9. 1.

944.

Strabo X. p. 482.

945.

Od. XIV. 206.

946.

Pol. II. 6. 21. II. 7. 4.

947.

Κατὰ κεφαλὴν, Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.

948.

Eight chöeis, according to Plutarch. Lyc. 12.

949.

According to Schol. Plat. Leg. I. p. 223. Ruhnk.

950.

Dicæarchus ap. Athen. IV. p. 141 B.

951.

See Æginetica, p. 90. For this reason Plutarch ubi sup. mentions one medimnus.

952.

See the Scholia quoted in note l. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “dates,” starting “According to Schol.”]

953.

Herod. VI. 57.

954.

See Sphærus (the Borysthenite and Stoic, who had seen Sparta before the time of Cleomenes, Plutarch. Cleomen. 2.) Λακ. πολ. ap. Athen. IV. p. 141 B. Molpis, p. 141 D. cf. XIV. p. 664 E. Nicocles the Laconian, IV. p. 140 E. Perseus Λακ. πολ. ibid. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 3.

955.

Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4. ἐκ κοινοῦ (i.e. from the public revenue) τρέφεσθαι πάντας καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ παῖδας καὶ ἄνδρας.

956.

According to the Κρητικὸς νομος in Plat. Leg. VIII. p. 847.

957.

Aristot. Pol. II. 7. 4.

958.

Dosiadas ap. Athen. IV. p. 143 B. ἕκαστος τῶν γενομένων καρπῶν ἀναφέρει τὴν δεκάτην εἰς τὴν ἑταιρίαν. Every one (ἕκαστος) was therefore a member of an ἑταιρία, a company of persons who always ate together, which consisted of citizens; consequently he is speaking of citizens, and not of the Periœci, and therefore agrees with the passage just quoted from Aristotle. The διανέμειν εἰς τοὺς ἑκάστων οἴκους must have preceded the ἀναφέρειν, and the οἶκοι are manifestly the citizens' families included in the companies.

959.

See Boeckh's Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p 462. Engl. transl.

960.

See above, ch 4. § 1.

961.

In that case, Plutarch in the 12th, as well as in the 8th chapter of the Life of Lycurgus, means Æginetan medimni; and both passages were probably taken from some Lacedæmonian writer, such as Nicocles, Hippasus, Sosibius, or Aristocrates.

962.

See above, ch. 7. § 3.

963.

Polyb. VI. 49. 8. ἡ τῶν ἐπετείων καρπῶν ἀλλαγὴ πρὸς τὰ λείποντα τῆς χρείας—κατὰ τὴν Λυκούργου νομοθεσίαν. The case was probably the same among the Locrians of Italy. Heracl. Pont. 29. καπηλεῖον οὐκ ἔστι μεταβολικὸν ἐν αὐτοῖς, ἀλλ᾽ ὁ γεωργὸς πωλεῖ τὰ ἴδια.

964.

Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. I. 6.

965.

Ibid. ad fin. Compare Schneider ad Anon. Œcon. Præf. p. 16.

966.

See the passages quoted above, p. 201. note q. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such footnote on that page.]

967.

The leathern money is probably a mere fable; Nicolaus Damascenus, Senec. de Benef. V. 14. Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 389. Engl. transl. Concerning the money of Sparta, see Oudinet in the Mémoires de l'Académie des Belles Lettres. tom. I. p. 227.

968.

Plut. Lyc. 9. Lysand. 17. Comp. Arist. et Cat. 3. Pollux IX. 6. 79. Pseud-Æschin. Eryx. 100. and see Fischer ad c. 24.

969.

Plut. Lys. 17. Compare Pollux VII. 105.

970.

Hesych. in πέλανορ. The Scholia ad Nicand. Alexipharm. 488. incorrectly explain πελάνου βάρος to be the weight of an obolus.

971.

Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 220. τὸ σιδηροῦν ὅ ἐστι μνᾶ ὁλκῇ Αἰγιναία, δυνάμει δὲ χαλκοὶ τέτταρες.

972.

Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 7. 5. Plut. Lyc. 9.

973.

Ephoras and Theopompus ap. Plut. Lys. 17. Xenoph. de Rep. Lac. 7. 6. χρυσίον γε μὴν καὶ ἀργύριον ἐρευνᾶται καὶ ἤν τί που φανῇ, ὁ ἔχων ζημιοῦται. Comp. Nicolaus Damascenus, and Ælian. V. II. XIV. 29.

974.

Δημοσίᾳ μὲν ἔδοξεν εἰσάγεσθαι νόμισμα τοιοῦτον, ἢν δέ τισ ἁλῷ κεκτημένος ἰδίᾳ, ζημίαν ὤρισαν θανάτου. Cf. Polyb. VI. 49. 8.

975.

Plutarch. Lys. 18. Comp. Herod. I. 51. Posidonius ap. Athen. VI. p. 235 F. I do not mention the Thesaurus of Brasidas (Plut. Lys. 18.), because this general dedicated it, together with the inhabitants of Acanthus in Thrace, and moreover from Athenian plunder (Olymp. 89. 1.). See Plutarch. Pyth. Or. 14. p. 269. 15. p. 271. Lysand. I.

976.

Above ch. 2. § 3.

977.

Herod. I. 69. See book II. ch. 3. § 1. ch. 8. § 17. The story in Herodotus III. 56. we will not make use of, since Herodotus himself rejects it.

978.

King Areus appears to have been the first who coined silver money, and he imitated without exception the method employed by the kings of Macedon, Eckhel. D. N. 1. 2. p. 278. 281.

979.

Thus far Boeckh has carried the investigation, Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 385 sq. Engl. transl. Compare vol. I. p. 43. Heeren, Ideen, vol. III. part 1. p. 294. ed. 2.

980.

The latter however accords better with the Byzantine σιδάρεοι, which were tokens, than with the Lacadæmonian coins, which were really worth what they passed for.

981.

See above, ch. 2. § 3. and concerning the corn trade down to Corinth, b. I. ch. 4. § 7.

982.

The Epidamnians also, who retained much of ancient customs, paid great attention to the intercourse with foreigners. They held once in each year, under the superintendence of a πωλητὴς, a great public market with the neighbouring Illyrians, Plutarch. Qu. Græc. 29. p. 393.

983.

Herod. IX. 81.

984.

See above ch. 6. § 9. and Plut. Pericl. 22. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 855. from Ephorus.

985.

Proofs of wealth, if not of the possession of money, are the ἱπποτροφία, and the maintenance of race-horses for the Olympic games. King Demaratus had conquered in the chariot-race (ἅρματι), and allowed Sparta to be proclaimed conqueror. Herod. VI. 70. The horses of Euagoras had won three times at the Olympic games. Herod. VI. 103. before the 66th Olympiad, according to Pausan. VI. 10. 2. According to Pausanias VI. 2. 1. the Lacedæmonians incurred great expenses for horses after the Persian war; he mentions Xenarges, Lycinus, Arcesilaus, and his son Lichas, as conquerors, and cap. 1. Anaxander and Polycles. Concerning the female victors, see b. IV. ch. 2. § 2.

986.

V. 59.

987.

Plut. Agis 13.

988.

Herod. VI. 70. καὶ ἐπόδια λαβὼν ἐπορεύετο ἐς Ἦλιν.

989.

Which Plato Alcib. I. (cf. Hipp. Maj. p. 283 D.) says of earlier times. Compare Bitaubé sur les Richesses de Sparte, Mémoires de Berlin, tom. XII. p. 559. Manso, Sparta, II. p. 372. Boeckh, Public Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 43. Engl. tr.

990.

See above, p. 204. note z. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “moveable property,” starting “Plut. Lysand. 30.”]

991.

Anaxandridas (περὶ τῶν ἐν Δελφοῖς συληθέντων χρημάτων) ap. Plut. Lys. 18.

992.

Posidonius ap. Athen. VI. p. 233 F.

993.

He had been bribed by Pericles as being the adviser of Pleistonax. See Plut. Pericl. 22. Nic. 28. de Educ. Puer. 14. Timæus ap. Plut. Compar. Timol. 2. Ephorus ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 855. Diodorus XIII. 106. calls him Clearchus. He was afterwards banished, and went to Thurii (Thuc. VI. 104. see Wesseling ad Diod. XII. 23.), fought with the inhabitants of that town, against the Tarentines, but afterwards had a share in the foundation of their colony Heraclea. See B. I. ch. 6. § 12. Polyænus II. 10. 1. 2. 4. 5. relates several martial exploits of this Cleandridas, in the wars which he waged with the Thurians against Terina and the Lucanians. Niebuhr, in the 3rd vol. of his Roman history, considers the Cleandridas, who took a part in the foundation of Heraclea, as the same person as Leandrias the Spartan, who, according to Diod. XV. 54, fought at Leuctra on the side of the Thebans. This supposition, however, cannot be reconciled with the chronological succession of the events; since the battle of Leuctra was 75 years later than the colony of Thurii. The political contrivances, which Cleandridas, according to Polyæn. II. 10. 3, practised against Tegea, must fall in the war between Sparta and Arcadia, which ended in Olymp. 81.

994.

Plut. Pelop. 6. 13, &c.

995.

Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. πυνθανομένου τινὸς διὰ τί χοήματα οὐ συνάγουσιν εἰς τὸ δημόσιον.

996.

Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 23. εἰσφέρουσι κακῶς. The most opulent were bound to provide horses for military service (Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 11.), which burden was in Corinth, according to an ancient usage, imposed upon the families of orphans and heiresses (Cic. de Rep. II. 20. and compare Niebuhr's Roman History, vol. I. p. 408. ed. 2.); not so unfairly as at first sight it appears, since these did not furnish any armed man, and would therefore have an advantage, if their concerns were honestly managed.

997.

See above, p. 203. note p [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “from all taxes,” starting “Ἀτελῆ πάντων.”] and concerning the family of Anticrates, Plut. Ages. 35.

998.

Plut. Ag. 16.

999.

Above, ch. 10. § 3.

1000.

Thucyd. I. 80. χρήματα οὔτε ἐν κοινῷ ἔχομεν οὔτε ἑτοίμως ἐκ τῶν ἰδίων φέρομεν. Aristot. ubi sup.

1001.

B. I. ch. 9. § 2.

1002.

Thucyd. I. 120.

1003.

The Arcadian commerce of Ægina (Æginetica, p. 74.) was the basis of its other trade.

1004.

Concerning Ægina, see Æginetica, p. 79. Megara manufactured ἐξώμιδες in particular, Xenoph. Mem. Socrat. III. 7. 6. Compare Aristoph. Acharn. 519.

1005.

Heraclid. Pont. 5. Concerning the trade of Corinth, see above, p. 24. note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “value upon it,” starting “Plutarch, Lyc. 4.”]

1006.

Pseud-Aristot. Œcon. II. 2. Suidas in Κυψ. ἀνάθημα. See also vol. I. p. 184. note p. and Schneider Epimetr. ad Xen. Anab. p. 473. The tithe paid by the Syracusans for the building of temples was something extraordinary. Prov. Vatic. IV. 20. from Demon.

1007.

Æginetica, p. 89. According to Lucian περὶ πένθους 10. the Æginetan obolus was in his time still in circulation, as also among the Achæans, according to Hesychius in παχείᾳ (Æginetica, p. 90.); nevertheless, ever after the foundation of Megalopolis and Messene in Peloponnesus, the Athenian standard seems to have prevailed.

1008.

I am unwilling to make use of Romé de l'Isle's valuations of Greek coins, as in his Métrologie he shows such a complete want of historical talent and knowledge. It is at once evident that his 14 different kinds of drachmas are a mere absurdity; the very first of 60 grains, which he calls drachme d'Ægium ou du Péloponnèse, is nothing more than a half Æginetan drachma, which should properly, according to the ratio to the Attic drachma (of 82 grains), contain 137 grains, but they are generally much rubbed on account of their great antiquity. To these belong the ancient χελῶναι, the coins with the Bœotian shield in the early style, the Corinthian coins with the Coppa and Pegasus, also the early Thessalian coins, more especially those found in Thrace, and generally marked Lete; together with those of the Macedonian kings prior to Philip. To the drachme d'Egine he only assigns three coins.

1009.

Followed by Pollux IV. 24. 173. IX. 6. 80. The names frequently occurred in Sophron and Epicharmus as coins and weights, as may be seen from Pollux; cf. Phot, in λίτρα et ὀγκία.

1010.

I am of opinion, in opposition to Bentley Phalarid. p. 419, that the testimony of Pollux must be followed. In Hesychius also in v. τριᾶντος πόρνη, a τριᾶς is reckoned equal to 20 λεπτά; now the ὀγκία is generally made equal to the χαλκοῦς Ἀττικὸς (Aristot. ap. Poll.), and a τριᾶς is in that case equal to 21 λεπτὰ, which Hesychius gives in round numbers. Diodorus' estimate of the πεντηκοντάλιτρον at 10 drachmas, which is otherwise very inexact, is explained by Boeckh, Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 37. from the different prices of gold in Attica and Sicily.

1011.

Since copper was the basis of all coins in Italy, Epicharmus (but not an Athenian or Peloponnesian) could say χαλκὸν ὀφείλειν, æs alienum habere, Pollux IX. 6. 92.

1012.

That νόμος, not νοῦμμος, is the proper Greek form, is shown by Blomfield ad Sophronis Fragm. Classical Journal vol. V. p. 384. (See also Knight, Proleg. Homer, p. 29. note 4.)

1013.

Aristot. in Acragant. Polit. ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80. Æginetica, p. 9. Bentley, from not taking this statement as his foundation, has given a false direction to his inquiries.

1014.

According to Romé de l'Isle, p. 40.

1015.

According to Romé de l'Isle, 23-1/3; but see p. 223. note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “adapted to it,” starting “I am unwilling.”]

1016.

See the author's Etrusker, vol. I. p. 309-329.

1017.

Which is Boeckh's opinion, Public Economy of Athens, vol. I. p. 21. Engl. tr.

1018.

Ap. Poll. IX. 6. 80.

1019.

As Bentley supposes, ibid. p. 410.

1020.

See Aristot. ap. Poll. IX. 6. 87. Apollodorus ἐν τοῖς περὶ Σώφρονος ap. Schol. Min. et Venet. ad Il. V. 516. and Schol. Gregor. Nazianz. in Montfauc. Diar. Ital. p. 214. according to the correction of ΝΟΜΩΝ for ΜΝΩΝ, also Suidas in τάλαντον according to Scaliger, likewise Bentley p. 409. The Venetian Scholia on Il. XXIII. 269. mention several other talents, but without specifying the places where they were current.

1021.

Aristotle, as well as Apollodorus, states in the passages just quoted, that the νόμος was equal to τρία ἡμιωβόλια, which, according to the probable supposition of Salmasius and Gronovius, is a mistake for τρίτον ἡμιωβόλιον.

1022.

These reasons are, 1st, that the coins with the figure of Taras generally weigh 72 and 140-155 grains, and therefore they are manifestly not sesterces, but rather quinarii and denarii, as determined by the depreciated litra; which would therefore have been about equal to an Attic obolus. 2dly, that the great Inscription of Tauromenium in D'Orville and Castello without exception contains talents of 120 litras (according to which the νόμος would have been again equal to 5 or 10 litras), as may be seen at once from an item in the account: “ἔσοδος 56,404 talents, 88 litras, ἔξοδος 30,452 talents, 42 litras, λοιπόν 4935 talents, 112 litras, and χρήματα δανειζόμενα 20,016 talents, 54 litras (χίλια should be supplied),” therefore 56,404 talents 88 litras, are equal to 56,403 talents 208 litras, i.e., 1 talent, 88 litras. The well-known Epigram of Simonides, on the tripod of Gelon, also contains talents of more than 100 litras (fragm. 42. Gaisford.).

1023.

Strab. VI. p. 398.

1024.

Zenob. Prov. V. 4.

1025.

Above, ch. 6. § 3, 7. ch. 7. § 3, 4.

1026.

As is also proposed by Plato Leg. VI. p. 767.

1027.

According to Plutarch de Socrat. Dæm. 33. p. 365. the gerontes fined Lysanoridas (see above, ch. 10. § 11.), but it was probably the supreme court of public magistrates.

1028.

See above, ch. 5. § 8. p. 104. note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “carefully distinguished,” starting “It is a δίκη.”]

1029.

Plut. Ages. 30.

1030.

See above, ch. 9. § 1. 7. 10. But in Crete, and perhaps in Ægina (Æginetica, p. 133.), there were similar oligarchical institutions.

1031.

Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 200.—Of the courts of justice at Argos, we only know of that upon the Pron (Dinias ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 869, from which Scholia it is also seen, that the place of the public assembly, ἁλιδίας, whence ἡλιαία, was in the neighbourhood; see above, ch. 5. § 9.), which was perhaps similar to the Aeropagus of Athens, together with the court ἐν Χαράδρῳ without the city, before which generals after their return were arraigned (Thuc. V. 60.).

1032.

Thuc. I. 132.

1033.

Aristot. Pol. II. 5. 12. This may be compared with the Cumæan law, that the neighbours of a person who had been robbed should replace the stolen property (Heraclid. Pont. II. comp. Hesiod. Op. et Di. 348. and see strabo. XIII. p. 622.). Yet Ephorus (ap. Steph. in βοιωτία) praises the νόμων εὐταξία of his countrymen.

1034.

Plat. Leg. XII. p. 948.

1035.

Aristot. Pol. II. 9. 8.

1036.

Ἐξηγητὴς τῶν Λυκουργείων, in a late inscription, Boeckh No. 1364.

1037.

See above, ch. 9. § 7. and Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 111.

1038.

Meier de bonis damnatis, præf. p. 7.

1039.

Strabo VI. p. 260 A. comp. Heyne Opuscula II. p. 37.

1040.

Ap. Athen. IV. p. 140 E. 141 A.

1041.

Above, ch. 10. § 11. See Meier p. 198.

1042.

For example Thimbron, as appears from Xen. Hell. III. 1. 8.

1043.

Concerning the account in Plutarch. Amator. 5. see above, p. 123. note t [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “I even doubt,” starting “Plutarch. Erot. 5.”] comp. Meier p. 199.

1044.

According to Polyænus II. 21. defendants were heard in chains at Sparta, a statement which is not true in a general sense.

1045.

Isocrat. Archidam. p. 134 B sqq.

1046.

Concerning the ἀτιμία of this person, see Herod. VII. 231. Plut. Ages. 30. Xenoph. Rep. Lac. 9. 4, 5., who by the κακὸς chiefly means the τρέσας. According to Tzetzes Chil. XII. 386. ῥιψάσπιδες were put to death. The assertion of Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 166. 13. that in Sparta all persons μὴ θέλοντες ὑπὲρ τῆς πατρίδος κινδυνεύειν might be executed, is ambiguous, since the law to which he refers is lost.

1047.

Thuc. V. 34.

1048.

Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 139; Heyne, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 94.

1049.

Diod. XII. 12.

1050.

Plut. Ag. II. The meaning of Ælian V. H. III. 12. probably is, that a person convicted of the offence in question would be punished with death, if he did not voluntarily quit the country. (See B. IV. ch. 4. § 8.) Aristotle, Pol. IV. 8., indeed says, that the Spartan constitution was oligarchical, because a few persons had, as judges, the power of inflicting death or banishment; yet in this passage also banishment may be considered as a means of escaping from the penalty of death before the final passing of the sentence; for Aristotle's only purpose is to show that the decision of a few persons could deprive a citizen of life, or force him to quit the country. Concerning the power of the ephors to banish, see above, ch. 7. § 4.

1051.

For example, the boy in Xen. Anab. IV. 8. 25.

1052.

The polemarchs, who, according to Thucyd. V. 72, fled on account of disobedience in battle, and cowardice (δόξαντες μαλακισθῆναι), probably saved themselves from death: comp. Plut. Pericl. 22. Moreover, Clearchus, the leader of the mercenaries under Cyrus the Younger, was only an exile in this manner. He had been disobedient to the ephors at a military post, and on that account condemned to death. See Xenoph. Anab. I. 1. 9. II. 6. 4.

1053.

Herod. VII. 213.

1054.

Plut. Ag. 19. At Corinth the name of the public prison was Κῶς, Steph. Byz.

1055.

Herod. IV. 146. Valer. Max. VI. 6.

1056.

Plat. Phæd. 116. Olympiodorus ad loc.

1057.

Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. The prohibition at Rhodes, that the δημόσιος should not enter the city, rests on a similar principle, Dio Chrysost. Or. 31. p. 632 Reisk. See Wessel. ad. Diod. I. p. 624. Aristid. II. 44. 5.

1058.

P. 120 (171 Bekker.).

1059.

Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 197. See Thuc. I. 132.

1060.

In Leocrat. p. 156. (§ 65. ed. Bekker.)

1061.

Heracl. Pont. 7. Miscell. Lips. Nova. T. X. 3. p. 392. de Tenedia securi. Compare Meineke ad Menand. p. 70. See also the story in Nicolaus Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales. (Comp. book II. ch. 2. § 3.) and the account of the punishment of the μοιχὸς at Gortyna in Ælian. V. H. XII. 12. Also the strange account of a Cretan festival in Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 13. proves that rape was in that island once punished by decapitation. The very strict sumptuary and disciplinarian laws of Ceos were, in my opinion, of Cretan origin, and certainly not of Ionic. See Æginetica, p. 132., and Jacobs ad Meleag. Anthol. Palat. I. p. 449. Meineke ad Menand. Fragm. 135. p. 237. The existence of Cretan institutions in the islands of the Ægæan is made probable by the report that Rhadamanthus was legislator of the islanders, Apollod. III. 1, 2.

1062.

Ælian. V. H. XIII. 24. Valer. Max. V. 5. 3.

1063.

See Book IV. ch. 4. § 3. and compare the degrading punishments for adultery at Cume, Plut. Qu. Gr. 2. p. 378. and at Lepreum, Heracl. Pont. 14. The account of the punishment for adultery at Tenedos may indeed be a mere fiction, in order to explain the symbol on the Tenedian coins (see Thirlwall in the Philological Museum, vol. I. p. 118); yet the parallel cases in the text give it a certain degree of credibility. The axe in the hands of the Apollo of Tenedos (B. II. ch. 8. § 17) appears likewise to be not so much a weapon as an instrument of punishment.

1064.

See book II. ch. 8. § 5.

1065.

Leg. IX. p. 865. The Scholiast also quotes an oracle (p. 235 Ruhnk. p. 454 Bekk.), which however Plato cannot allude to in particular.

1066.

Book II. ch. 1. § 8.

1067.

Herod. II. 134. Plut. de sera Num. Vind. 12. p. 244.

1068.

τὰ περὶ τὰς δίκας, Plato de Leg. I. p. 625.

1069.

See Aristot. Eth. Nic. V. 5. 3.

1070.

Strabo VI. p. 397 D. Scymnus v. 313. Both follow Ephorus.

1071.

Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 46. The descent from the latter is also confirmed by the tradition concerning the expiatory virgins for the crime of Ajax the son of Oileus. See Heyne, p. 53. Orchomenos, p. 167.

1072.

From these was derived the Minerva, together with Pegasus (this goddess is also said to have given the laws to Zaleucus, see particularly Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 352 A.), and the Proserpine upon their coins; see Liv. XXIX. 18. The Corcyræan colony is very doubtful; see Heyne, p. 52.

1073.

Aristot. Pol. V. 6, 7.

1074.

See Polyb. XII. 5. 7. et sup. Heyne p. 53. Boeckh. ad Pind. Olymp. IX. 15. That the family of Ajax was one of them may be seen by comparing Servius ad Æn. I. 41. with Polybius.

1075.

Polyb. XII. 16. Concerning the courts of justice, see Diod. XII. 20. Stobæus Serm. 42. p. 240.

1076.

According to Eusebius. Comp. Bentley's Phalaris, p. 340.

1077.

Ap. Strab. VI. p. 260. Ephor. frag. n. 47. p. 150. ed Marx.

1078.

Olymp. X. 17.

1079.

Timæus, p. 20.

1080.

Ap. Stob. Serm. 47. p. 280.

1081.

See above, §. 4. The same law (pœnaque mors posita est patriam mutare volenti) is mentioned by Ovid Metam. XV. 29. in the story of the founding of Croton; the place appears from v. 19. to be Argos, but perhaps only by a misunderstanding; originally I believe it was Sparta.

1082.

Heyne p. 30.

1083.

Plut. de Curios. 8. p. 138. Diod. excerpt. Vat. VII.—X. 14. 2.

1084.

Above, ch. 10. § 5.

1085.

For example, the prohibition to drink pure wine, Ælian. V. H. II. 37. See book II. ch. 12. § 5.

1086.

Stobæus ubi sup. See above, ch. 7. § 8. 11. Cic. de Leg. III. 20. Græci hoc diligentius (quam Romani), apud quos Nomophylaces creantur, neque hi solum litteras—sed etiam facta hominum observabant ad legesque revocabant. The same is stated by Columella de Re Rust. XII. 3.

1087.

See above, § 1, 3.

1088.

This is the only way in which Cic. de Leg. II. 6. can be understood.

1089.

See above, p. 15. note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Pythian god,” starting “Xenoph. Rep. Laced.”]

1090.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 5. Plut. Pelop. 23.

1091.

See, besides, Plutarch, Polyæn. II. 1. 7.

1092.

B. I. ch. 4. § 9.

1093.

Οἱ ὲν ταῖς ἡλικίαις, Polyb. IV. 22. 8.

1094.

Agesilaus, when sixty-two years old, according to Xenophon's computation, was no longer ἔμφρουρος, Hell. V. 4. 13. Plut. Ages. 24.

1095.

Isocrat. Busir. p. 225 A. (quoted by Harpocration in v. καὶ γὰρ τὸ), where μάχιμος is evidently put for ἔμφρουρος. Comp. Xen. Rep. Lac. 5. 7.

1096.

Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 17.

1097.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 2. See above, p. 126. note x. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “number of men,” starting “Προκηρύττουσι τὰ ἔτη.”]

1098.

On this point see Petit. Leg. Att. VIII. 1. p. 548; but the subject has been treated far better by Boeckh in a programm of the Berlin university for 1819.

1099.

It was probably impossible to assemble the Periœci on a sudden summons of the army.

1100.

βοηθία τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων γίγνεται αυτῶν τε καὶ τῶν εἱλώτων πανδημεὶ, Thuc. V. 64.

1101.

Thuc. V. 68.

1102.

Herod. IX. 10.

1103.

Thuc. IV. 55.

1104.

The Brasideans (emancipated Helots) and Neodamodes (see c. 67.) appear to have not been included in the seven λόχοι; and in c. 68 they are understood together with the Sciritæ. In Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 454. writes, ὁ δὲ Θουκυδίδης ζ᾽ φησὶ χωρὶς τῶν ΣΚΙΡΙΤΩΝ.

1105.

Τὸ πολιτικὸν, Xen. Hell. V. 3. 25.

1106.

Ibid. IV. 2. 12.

1107.

Rep. Lac. 11. 4.

1108.

Enomotia quarta decuriæ (λόχου) pars, Ælian. Tact. 5.

1109.

Suidas, Timæus, Etym. Magn.

1110.

This was also the case with the rearguard of the 10,000.

1111.

Three times twelve, according to Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 12.

1112.

Hell. IV. 5. 11, 12.

1113.

See Plutarch. Pelop. 16. from Ephorus, Diod. XV. 32.

1114.

See the passages quoted by Cragius IV. 4. and add Etym. M. p. 590. 33. (where Martini Prol. de Spartiat. Mora. Ratisbonæ 1771. corrects 900 for 30), Biblioth. Coisl. p. 505. and Bekk Anecd. I. p. 209. Comp. Sturz Lex. Xen. in v. μόρα.

1115.

τάξις τις διὰ σφαγίων ἐνώμοτος, Hesychius.

1116.

Like one στίχος or versus, Ælian. Tact. 5.

1117.

Thuc. IV. 93.

1118.

Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 12.

1119.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 4. διὰ παρεγγυήσεως καθίστανται τοτὲ μὲν εἰς ἐνωμοτίας, τοτὲ δὲ εἰς τρεῖς, τοτὲ δὲ εἰς ἓξ, i.e. the enomoty was sometimes one, sometimes three, sometimes six men in width, as is evident from Hell. VI. 4. 12. In Hell. III. 2. 16. the enomoty is eight men wide, contrary to the usual custom. The single division of a lochus, in the common acceptation of the word, was also called λόχος, which, according to Schol. Arist. Acharn. 1073. Ælian. Tact. 4. Suidas, Tzetz. Chil. XII. 523, contained eight, or twelve, or sixteen men, that is, if the enomoty formed two, three, or four στίχοι. The τάξις, according to Ælian 9, contained eight lochi, or 128 men; in that case the enomoty had four στίχοι. Compare Sturz Lex. Xen. in λόχος, Perizon. ad Ælian. V. H. II. 44. D'Orville ad Chariton. p. 455.

1120.

Isocrat. Archid. p. 136. C. Comp. B. 1. ch. 9. § 9.

1121.

Xen. Anab. IV. 2. 11. IV. 3. 17. IV. 8. 10. Comp. Ælian, Suidas in ὀρθία, Sturz in ὄρθιος, in whose opinion the whole lochus formed one file.

1122.

Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 8. cf. Anab. IV. 3. 26.

1123.

See Hell. VII. 5. 22.

1124.

Rep. Lac. ubi sup.

1125.

Rep. Lac. 11. 10.

1126.

Hell. IV. 2. 5.

1127.

Rep. Lac. 11. 4. cf. Hieron. 9. 5. διήρηνται γὰρ ἅπασαι αἱ πόλεις αἱ μὲν κατὰ φυλὰς, αἱ δὲ κατὰ μόρας, αἱ δὲ κατὰ λόχους. That the number was six appears also from Xen. Hell. VI. I. 1. VI. 4. 17. and from Aristotle ap. Harpocrat. in μόρα (where Bekker's edition has the correct reading six instead of five). Diodorus XV. 32. proves nothing against the number six. The νεοδαμώδεις belonged to no mora, Hell. IV. 3. 15.

1128.

Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 17.

1129.

Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 4.

1130.

Hell. IV. 4. 10. IV. 5. 12. A square of fifty was called οὐλαμὸς, Plut. Lye. 23.

1131.

Xen. Hell. IV. 5. 15, 16. cf. IV. 4. 16.

1132.

Ib. IV. 5. 10.

1133.

See above, ch. 5. §. 6.

1134.

Plut. Lyc. 12. Lac. Apophth. p. 221.

1135.

Plut. Ag. 8.

1136.

See above, ch. 3. § 7.

1137.

According to Schol. Aristoph. Lysist. 454. there were six lochi at Sparta, five are named, ἔδωλος, σίνις, ἀρίμας, πλοὰς, μεσοάγης. The last is evidently ΜΕΣΟΑΤΗΣ; of the others I have nothing to say, except that the ἔδωλος λόχος is also mentioned by Hesychius. Neither can the four lochi of the king be easily explained (cf. Schol. Acharn. 1087); perhaps it is only another expression for the mora of the king (Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 6.). There were five (or six) lochi in Sparta, according to Aristotle, Photius in λόχοι, Hesychius, and his commentators. Xenophon Hell. VII. 5. 10. speaks of ten lochi; of twelve in VII. 4. 20. Dindorf, however, writes twelve in VII. 5. 10. with two manuscripts; by which the two passages are reconciled.

1138.

Thuc. V. 66.

1139.

Plut. Pelop. 23.

1140.

Ælian. Tact. 5.

1141.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 6.

1142.

See the instances of Amompharetus, Herod. IX. 53, and of Hipponoidas and Aristotle, Thuc. V. 71.

1143.

This was probably the real character of the ξεναγοὶ (Anecd. Bekk. vol. I. p. 284. cf. Xen. Ages. 2. 10.); and there having the command of σύμμαχοι in sieges, as in Thuc. II. 75. appears to be an exception.

1144.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 4. Hell. III. 5. 22. IV. 5. 7. See Sturz in v. λοχαγός.

1145.

Herod. VII. 173.

1146.

Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 14.

1147.

Herod. IX. 10. In this instance Pausanias fixed upon Euryanax, the son of Dorieus, of the same family; yet Dorieus cannot have been the son of Anaxandridas (Manso, vol. III. 2. p. 315.), as in that case he would have been king before Leonidas.

1148.

That is, δαμοσία σκηνὴ or τράπεζα.

1149.

Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 14. Rep. Lac. 13. 1, 7.

1150.

See above, ch. 1. § 9.

1151.

See above, p. 111, note f. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “public expense,” starting “De Rep. Lac.”]

1152.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 7. Nicol. Dam. The κρεωδαίτης also probably belonged to the same suite, Plut. Ages. 8.

1153.

Manso, vol. II. p. 377. III. 1. p. 214.

1154.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 11.

1155.

See above, p. 108, note m. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “armistice of Agis,” starting “Thuc. V. 63.”] Comp. Thuc. VIII. 39. Βουλιαῖοι occur in inscriptions of Fourmont's which Raoul-Rochette considers the same as the σύμβουλοι.

1156.

See above, p. 103, note o. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Agamemnon of Homer,” starting “A sacrifice to Zeus Agetor.”] See also Theopompus ap. Schol. Theocrit. V. 83. Eudocia, p. 251. concerning Ζεὺς Ἡγήτωρ, who was also worshipped at Argos as the god who had led the Heraclidæ into the country, a belief referred to by Tyrtæus in the verses quoted in vol. I. p. 52. note d.

1157.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 2. Comp. Zenob. Prov. V. 34. Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1415.

1158.

Plut. Lyc. 22. Qu. Symp. II. 5. p. 88.

1159.

Xen. Hell. III. 4. 2. IV. 1. 5, 30, 34. V. 3. 8. Plut. Ages. 6. 7. Lysand. 23.

1160.

Manso, vol. I. 1. p. 153. See also Herod. VIII. 124. Xen. Hell. 5. 3. 9. Plut. Reg. Apophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. p. 232. Dionys. Hal. Arch. II. 13. according to whom they were both horsemen and hoplitæ. The three hundred with Leonidas, although Herodotus VII. 205. calls them οἱ ΚΑΤΕΣΤΕΩΤΕΣ τριηκόσιοι, were not however ἱππεῖς; most of them were doubtless men of an advanced age; whereas the horsemen, as the false Archytas in Stob. Serm. 41. calls them, were κόροι.

1161.

Strab. X. p. 481.

1162.

Xen. Hell. VI. 4. 11.

1163.

Thuc. IV. 55. Xen. Hell. IV. 2. 16.

1164.

The ἅμιπποι (πρόδρομοι in Philochorus), Thuc. V. 57. Xen. Hell. VII. 5. 24. Harpocration and Hesychius in v.

1165.

30,000 cavalry and 30,000 infantry, Strab. VI. p. 280.

1166.

Ælian. Tact. 2., Steph. Byzant. in Τάρας, &c.

1167.

Also called λόχος, Diod. XV. 32. Hesychius and Etymol. M. in σκιρτὴς λόχος, Bekk. Anecd. I. p. 305. Schol. Thucyd. V. 67.

1168.

Thucyd. V. 67.

1169.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 12. 3. 13. 6.

1170.

Thuc. ubi sup. Diodorus represents them as standing round the king's person; he evidently confounds them with the knights.

1171.

Xen. Hell. V. 4. 52, 53. Diod. ubi sup.

1172.

This is also what Xenophon Cyrop. IV. 2. 1. says. Comp. Hesychius and other grammarians, Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 228.

1173.

Ἦν δὲ Ἀρκαδικὸς, Hesychius.

1174.

Λογάδες τῶν περιοίκων, Herod. IX. 11.

1175.

At the battle of Leuctra there were only 700 Spartans present, according to Xenoph. Hell. VI. 4. 15; but he must use the word in a very limited sense; for there were four moras (μόραι πολιτικαὶ) of men less than thirty-five years (ἀφ᾽ ἥβης), which could not have contained less than 2000 men. The whole army was however much more numerous; at Corinth it had contained 6000 hoplitæ, IV. 2. 16. See also above, ch. 2. § 3.

1176.

That at a latter time there were still many ψιλοὶ in the Peloponnesian army may be seen from Polyænus IV. 14.

1177.

See above, ch. 3. § 2. and p. 45. note t, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Periœci,” starting “According to the epitaph.”] where however it should be observed, that the epitaph must not be taken with the passage in VIII. 25; it refers to the battle before the surrounding of the army. The statement of some writers (Hegemon in the Palatine Anthology VII. 436. Isocrat. Archid. p. 136 D.) that 1000 Spartans were present at Thermopylæ is evidently erroneous.

1178.

Above, ch. 3. § 2. cf. Xen. Hell. IV. 8. 39.

1179.

Aristoph. Lysist. 563. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 307.

1180.

Xen. Hell. IV. 4. 17. see however IV. 15. 11. sqq. V. 4. 14.

1181.

Probably the Δωρικὴ ὅπλισις of Hesychius.

1182.

Herod. VII. 211.

1183.

Plut. Lyc. 19. Reg. Apophth. p. 130. Lac. Apophth. p. 194, 261. Dion. 18. The Δωρικὴ μάχαιρα only occurs as a sacrificing-knife, Eurip. Electr. 819, 836.

1184.

Xen. Rep. Lac. 11. 3. The ancient circular shields of Argos (see Spanheim ad Calim. Pall. Lav. 35.) are probably nearly the same which were really manufactured in that city, Pind. Hyporch. 3. p. 599. Boeckh; and see vol. I. p. 83. note r.

1185.

Tyrtæus Fragm. 2. v. 23. Gaisford.

1186.

See Critias (son of Callæschrus) ap. Liban. Or. XXIV. p. 86. Reisk. Plut. Cleom. 11. Hence Aristophanes Lysist. 107. uses the word πορπακισάμενος of a Spartan. See also Aristoph. Eq. 848. from which passage it is evident that the πόρπαξ was all that was most essential for managing the shield, and that the τελαμὼν or thong could be easily procured, so that it was considered as an appendage of the πόρπαξ. Compare Schneider's Lexicon in ὀχάνη.

1187.

Concerning the emblems on the Lacedæmonian shields, see Pausan. IV. 28. 3; besides which there were distinct ἐπίσημα, Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 240. The Cretans, according to the Scolion of Hybrias, also had λαισήια; the λαισήια πτερόεντα of Homer were probably similar to the shields furnished with leathern fringes, or wings, represented on vases, e.g., Tischbein IV. 51.

1188.

See Xen. Hell. III. 4. 18.

1189.

Ælian. Tact. 26, 27. Comp. Hesychius, Λάκων εἶδος παρὰ Τακτικοῖς.

1190.

Thuc. V. 71.

1191.

The latter was done by the Spartans at Thermopylæ, Herod. VII. 211; and according to Plato Lach. p. 191. at Platææ.

1192.

Herod. IX. 71.

1193.

Plut. Ages. 34. where however the fine of 1000 drachmas is very questionable.

1194.

Thuc. IV. 126.

1195.

See Herod. IX. 77. Thuc. V. 73. Plut. Lyc. 22. de cohibend. Ira. 10. p. 438. Lac.

1196.

Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 246.

1197.

Ibid. Ælian. V. H. VI. 6.

1198.

Plut. ibid. p. 214. with the note of Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 236.

1199.

Plut. Ages. 33.

1200.

VII. 9. 6.

1201.

See Strabo X. p. 448. with which comp. Il. II. 544. Archilochus, p. 144. ed. Liebel.

1202.

As, e.g., at the Hyacinthia and Carnea. That the passage in Herodotus VI. 106. refers only to the latter, and that in the Carneus alone the Spartans did not set out before the full moon, is shown by Böckh Index Lect. Æstiv. Berol. 1816. Yet Plutarch is not the only writer who has misunderstood this passage (see Diogen. Prov. VI. 20. Jo. Tzetz. Jamb. 161.); and Herodotus himself is not quite correct.

1203.

Xen. Hell. IV. 7. 2.

1204.

Thus also Brasidas only lost seven men in the action with Cleon, Thuc. V. 11.; and the Lacedæmonians, in the great battle of Corinth, only eight, Xen. Hell. IV. 3. 1.

1205.

Plut. Lyc. 13. Ages. 26. Lac. Apophth. p. 188. 222. Polyæn. I. 16. 2.

1206.

Compare what Archidamus in Isocrates says of the campaigns of the kings of his family: also Panathen. p. 286 E.

1207.

Thuc. I. 121. Herod. VII. 102. Comp. Hegemon in the Palatine Anthology VII. 436. Δώριος ἁ μέλετα.

1208.

Aristot. Pol. II. 6. 22. When the fleet was commanded by a king, as, e.g., Leotychidas, it was an exception; see Plut. Ages. 10.

1209.

In several apophthegms they are called women's apartments.

1210.

See Thiersch's Preface to Pindar.

1211.

For this reason the Cretan ἐξελιγμὸς was also called χόρειος; above, § 8. In Sparta the last in the chorus were called ψιλεῖς, Alcman Fragm. 108. Welcker. from Suidas and Hesychius.

1212.

See book IV. ch. 6. § 7.

1213.

Il. XVI. 617. quoted by Athen. V. p. 181. XIV. p. 630 B. Lucian de Salt. 7. Dio Chrysost. Orat. II. 31. 28. Heyne's interpretation, de motu declinantis et a telo sibi caventis, is unquestionably not to be preferred to that of the ancients.

1214.

Lucian ubi sup.

1215.

Il. XI. 49. XII. 77. with the Scholia, and Eustathius. That the expression for it was also Laconian follows from Hesychius in προυλέσι, according to Salmasius.

1216.

Among the Gortynians, according to Schol. Hom. Il. XI. 49: with whom πρύλις also signified a heavy-armed foot-soldier, Eustath. ad Il. κ᾽ p. 893. 35. Phavorinus, p. 390. ed. Dindorf. Likewise among the Cyprians (i.e., among the Greeks in Cyprus). Aristot. ap. Schol. Pind. II. 125. Callimachus Hymn. Jov. 52. also calls the dance of the Guretes by this name, this having been at a very early period identified with the Cretan war-dance.

1217.

Plut. Lyc. 21. Lac. Apophth. p. 207. de cohibend. Ira, ubi sup. The χίμαιρα was not however sacrificed to the Muses (Manso, vol. I. 2. p. 234.), but, as after the battle of Marathon, to Artemis Agrotera. See Xen. Rep. Lac. 13. 8. Plut. Lyc. 23. Xen. Hell. IV. 2. 20.

1218.

Sosistrates ap. Athen. XIII. p. 561 E. Ælian. V. II. III. 9.

1219.

As Dionysius of Halicarnassus says.

1220.

Xen. de Rep. Lac. 12. 6. 7.

1221.

Plut. Lyc. 22.

1222.

Herod. VII. 208. Xen. de Rep. Lac. 13. 9. Plut. Lyc. 22.

1223.

The appropriate expression for this was ξανθίζεσθαι, Bekker. Anecd. I. p. 284.

1224.

Xen. de Rep. Lac. 11. 3. 13. 8. Plut. ubi sup.

1225.

Concerning these, see, besides Xenophon and Plutarch, Ælian. VI. 6. Etymol. M. p. 385. 25. Suidas in καταξαίνειν, Aristot. Rep. Lac. ap. Moerin in φοινικίς, also Hesychius in πυτά. Comp. Meursius Miscell. Lac. I. 15. The ambassadors also wore a dress of this kind, Aristoph. Lysist. 1139. Plutarch. Cimon. 16. Lesbonax Protr. p. 24, 27. Reisk. The Cretan mantles were similar, only they were coloured with fucus, Meursius Creta III. 12.—As arms were considered the greatest ornament, the youths prayed in arms to the gods also armed. Plut. Lac. Apophth. p. 235. cf. Inst. Lac. p. 253.

1226.

Plutarch Lycurg. 13. de Esu Carn. II. 2. Reg. Apophth. p. 125. Lac. Apophth. p. 222. Quæst. Rom. 87. p. 363. Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et Di. 421.

1227.

Above, p. 110. note d. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “two royal families,” starting “Xen. Ages. 8.”]

1228.

Plutarch Lycurg. 13. Compare Lac. Apophth. pp. 179, 222.

1229.

Towards the street were the θύραι αὔλειοι (Herod. VI. 69.); in the house the ἐγγύτερω πύλη, Plutarch Lac. Apophthegm of Leotychides (ὁ Ἀρίστωνος is an error), p. 215. It was the custom at Sparta not to knock, but to call, at the outer gate, Plutarch Instit. Lac. p. 253. The same was also the custom among the Æolians, according to Alcæus, among the poems of Theocritus, XXIX. 39.

1230.

As it appears from Pausan. VI. 24. 2. Compare Strabo XIV. p. 646. concerning the ῥυμοτομία ἐπ᾽ εὐθειῶν in Smyrna.

1231.

Photius and Hesychius in Ἱπποδάμον νέμησις—οὗτος ἦν καὶ ὁ μετοικήσας εἰς Θουρίους Μιλήσιος ὤν. It was probably not long before this time that he built the Piræeus.

1232.

As Diodorus XII. 10. states.

1233.

Meursius Rhod. I. 10.

1234.

The following buildings of this archaic style are known to us from ancient writers and modern travellers. 1. The remains of three other treasuries near that described in the text. 2. One discovered by Gropius, on the Eurotas, not far from Amyclæ. 3. A ruin discovered by Dodwell near Pharsalus. 4. The treasuries of Minyas. 5. Of Hyrieus and Augeas. 6. The brazen vessels of the Aloidæ and of Eurystheus (Il. V. 387. Apollod. II. 5. 1.) 7. The brazen θαλαμὸς or chamber of Danaë, Alcmene, &c. 8. The subterraneous Cyclopian temple at Delphi, and several others.

1235.

Sir William Gell's Argolis, plate 7. Dodwell's Classical Tour, vol. II. pp. 229, 240. I have also made great use of some drawings of Lusieri (in the print-room of the British Museum), who has also ingeniously endeavoured to restore the whole.

1236.

Synopsis of the British Museum (19th edit.), Room 13. Nos. 220, 221.

1237.

See particularly Vitruvius IV. 1. whose account is not indeed historically accurate. At Athens the triglyphs were always called Δωρικαὶ τρίγλυφοι, Eurip. Orest. 1378; in which passage the original ones of wood are clearly marked by the apposition of κεδρωτὰ τέρεμνα. Also the Δωρικὸν κυμάτιον, i.e. the “hollow,” received its name from its use in this style of building, e.g. under the cornice; and the Λέσβιον κυμάτιον, the “ogee,” was borrowed from it by the Æolians, among whom the Lesbian style of architecture (Λεσβία οἰκοδομὴ) was native, which required a very moveable plumbline or κανὼν, Aristot. Eth. Nic. V. 10. 7. and Michael Ephesius ad loc.

1238.

Boeckh Explic. ad Pindar. Olymp. XIII. pp. 213. sq.

1239.

Hirt, Baukunst nach den Grundsätzen der Alten, 1809; and Geschichte der Baukunst bei den Alten, 1821.

1240.

According to Plato de Rep. V. p. 452 C. the Cretans were the first who wrestled naked (but their isolated situation prevented the extension of the custom), and the Lacedæmonians, who were the first, according to Thucydides I. 6. See also Hippasus ap. Athen. p. 14 D. The abandonment of all covering in the Olympic games is said to have originated with Acanthus the Lacedæmonian, and Orsippus the Megarian. The former, according to Dionys. Hal. VII. 72; and he, as we learn from Pausan. V. 8. 3, and Africanus, was victorious in the Diaulus, or Dolichus, in the 15th Olympiad (720 B.C.). The latter, according to Pausan. I. 44. 1. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1324. ed. Rom. Cf. Hesych. in ζώσατο, with the confused statements in the Venetian Scholia to Il. ψ᾽. 683. and Isidorus Orig. XVIII. 17. Pausanias' authority is a Megarian inscription, of which a restoration has been preserved to our days, and is now in the Cabinet des Médailies of the Bibliothèque du Roi at Paris, see Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1050; where Orsippus is stated to have regained a part of the Megarian territory which had been lost in war, and to have first run in the stadium at Olympia without a girdle. Now Orsippus, according to the certain testimony of Julius Africanus, was victorious in the stadium at Olympia in the 15th Olympiad; and this statement is confirmed by Eustathius and Hesychius ubi sup.; whereas the Etymologicum M. and the Scholia vulg. ad Il. ψ᾽. 683. place the victory of Orsippus at Olymp. 32. (652 B.C.); in which, according to Africanus, Cratinus of Megara was the conqueror. All these apparently contradictory statements have been reconciled by Boeckh ib. p. 554 sq. as follows. Orsippus, either accidentally, or at least to appearance accidentally, lost his girdle when running in the stadium; in training afterwards, Acanthus the Lacedæmonian laid aside his girdle altogether; and thenceforth it became the established practice at the games. In other contests, e.g., wrestling and boxing, the use of the διάζωμα was kept up till a later period; and was not altogether given up till a short time before Thucydides wrote (καὶ οὐ πολλὰ ἔτη ἐπειδὴ πέπαυται, I. 6).

1241.

See particularly Athenæus XIII. p. 566 E. Eustathius ad Il. p. 975. 41. ed. Rom.

1242.

Plato de Leg. VII. p. 805. 6.

1243.

Plutarch. Lac. Apophth. p. 235. Apostolius XVIII. 19.

1244.

Eurip. Androm. 598. (quoted by Plutarch. Comp. Num. iii.) αἱ ξὺν νέοισιν ἐξερημοῦσαι δόμους. Hence Propertius III. 12. 21. Lex igitur Spartana vetat secedere amantes; Et licet in triviis ad latus esse suæ.

1245.

To be inferred from Plutarch Lycurg. 14.

1246.

Plutarch Thes. 19.

1247.

Pausan. V. 6. 5. (concerning the history of Pherenice, see Boeckh Explic. Pindar. p. 166.) VI. 20. 6. Hence at Olympia unmarried women could contend for the prize, though only in the chariot-race; as, e.g., Cynisea, Pausan. III. 81. V. 12. 3. V. 6. 1. Xenoph. Ages. 9. 6. Plutarch Ages. 20. Lac. Apophth. p. 184; and Euryleonis, Pausan. III. 17. 6. In Cyrene, according to Pindar Pyth. IX. 102. (ἣ υἱὸν) married women were also admitted, see Boeckh Explic. p. 328; and they also, as we learn from an inscription in Della Cella, presided over gymnastic contests in that town.

1248.

κατάκλειστοι, Sappho Fragm. 15. ed. Wolf. Pseudo-Phocylid. v. 203.

1249.

Ἐπεὶ ἥ γε Ἑλληνικὴ ἐσθὴς πᾶσα ἡ ἀρχαίη τῶν γυναικῶν ἡ αὐτὴ ἦν, τὴν νῦν Δωρίδα καλέομεν, Herod. V. 88. Compare Eustath. ad Il. V. 567. Æginetica, p. 72.

1250.

Manso, Sparta, vol. I. part II. p. 162. Boettiger, Raub der Cassandra, p. 60.

1251.

Thus Herodotus V. 87. mentions the ἱμάτια of Doric women as corresponding to the Ionic χιτῶνες: and the different Scholiasts to Eurip. Hec. 933. call the Doric virgins sometimes μονοχίτωνες, sometimes ἀχίτωνες (the Fragment of Anacreon, p. 404. ed. Fischer. ἐκδῦσα χιτῶνα δωριάζειν is too mutilated to prove any thing). See also Horus ap. Etymol. Mag. p. 293. 44. who, besides Ælius Dionysius (who likewise states that the use of the χίτων was peculiar to the Dorians), follows Eustathius ad Il. XIV. 975. Compare also Hesychius in δωριάζειν, and the Sophista Anonymus in Orelli's Op. Mor. II. p. 214. Euripides (Androm. 599. and Hec. ubi sup.) calls the Doric dress inaccurately πέπλος, compare Hedylus in the Palatine Anthology VI. 292. Plutarch Cleomen. 38.

1252.

Herod. and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. where ἐπιπορπὶς appears to be the tongue of the clasp.

1253.

Περόναι, or clasps, were also used in the Ionic female dress, in order to close the slit-up sleeve. Ælian V. H. I. 18.

1254.

Wolf. Fragm. mul. pros. pp. 241, 242.

1255.

Pollux, Plutarch. Comp. Lycurg. 3. and Sophocles there quoted: καὶ τὰν νέορτον, ἇς ἔτ᾽ ἄστολος χιτὼν θυραῖον ἀμφὶ μηρὸν πτύσσεται, Ἑρμιόναν. Eurip. Androm. 599. γυμνοῖσι μηροῖς καὶ πέπλοις ἀνειμένοις. Compare Duris in Schol. Eurip. Hec. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες ἐβρυαζὸν ταῖς Δωρίαις στολαῖς. This writer also entertains the erroneous notion that the Athenian women wore short hair and the Doric dress, at the same time that the men wore long hair and the Ionic dress.

1256.

See Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Callimachus (Fragm. 225. ed. Bentl.) says of a Lacedæmonian virgin, ἔσκεν ὅτ᾽ ἄζωστος χἀτερόπορπος ἔτι. Ἄζωστοι καὶ ἀχίτωνες, according to Schol. Eurip. and Eustathius p. 975. 38; without girdles also according to Pausanias ibid. p. 975. 40. and Suidas in δωριάζειν.

1257.

Μονόπεπλος, Δωρὶς ὡς κόρα, Eurip. Hec. 928. Doris nullo culia palliolo, Juvenal III. 94. It is to this that the charge of nakedness, mentioned p. 273, in note b, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “virgins naked,” starting “See particularly.”] and p. 277, in note x, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “and in the chorus,” starting “Plutarch. Lycurg. 14.”] refers. Also in Plutarch. Pyrrh. 17. the Spartan virgins are distinguished, as being ονοχίτωνες, from the married women in ἱμάτια.

1258.

That the Corinthian costume was at that time different from the original Doric dress, I have already remarked (Æginetica, p. 64, note b.) from this fact, and from Herod. V. 87. The Syracusan ἐμπερόναμα had perhaps originated from the clasped χίτων of the Dorians, Theocrit. Idyll. XV. 34. compare Spohn Lect. Theocrit. I. p. 36, but it was drawn over the χιτώνιον. There was also a Corinthian female dress called παράπηχυ, Athen. XIII. p. 582.

1259.

Pythænetus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 589. Compare Theognis v. 1002, where the Λάκαινα κόρη brings crowns for the guests. So also the Doric Greeks of Sicily substituted a πάρθενος φιαληφόρος in the place of the παῖς, Polyb. XII. 5. 7.