Book 2 — Footnotes (continued 4)
George Cornewall Lewis translation
1803.
Herod. VI. 116. Paus. I. 15. 4. 32. 4. Harpocrat. in Ἡρακλῆς. Schol. Pind. OI. IX. 92. XIII. 184. cf. Boeckh Explic. p. 193. Elmsley ad Eurip. Heraclid. 32.
1804.
Aristoph. Ran. 504. Schol. ad 1. et ad 664. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1209. Harpocrat. in Μελίτη, Hesych. in ἐκ Μελίτης, Μήλων et Διομεία, Suidas in Διομεία. Tzetzes Chil. VIII. 192. Comp. Corsini Fast. Att. II. p. 335. where, however, there are some inaccuracies.
1805.
Together with Hebe, Alcmene, and Iolaus, Paus. I. 19. 3. This temple is frequently mentioned.
1806.
Paus. I. 31.
1807.
Diog. Laert. III. 41.
1808.
Steph. Byz. in Ἐχελίδαι. Hence, according to some writers, a dance called τετράκωμος derived its name, Pollux IV. 14. 99. 105. Athen. XIV. p. 618. Hesych. in τετράκωμος. There was a temple of Hercules, not far off, on the road to Salamis, Plutarch Themist. 13.
1809.
Book I. ch. 3. § 5.
1810.
Diod. XII. 45. Schol. Soph. Œd. T. 701.
1811.
Plutarch, Thes. 35. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 1333.
1812.
See the Κυκλικοὶ in Schol. II. T. 242. Herod. IX. 73. Paus. I. 41. 4. III. 18. 3. Isocrat. Encom. Helen, p. 211 E. Plutarch, Thes. 32. Steph. Byz. and Harpocrat. in Τιτακίδαι. To this also the verse of Callimachus refers, Frag. 234. ἄνδρ᾽ ελαιοι (write Ἔλαον) Δεκελειόθεν αμπρεύοντες, “dragging Elatus from Decelea,” i.e., as a guide to Aphidna. According to Alcman (Fragm. 3. ed. Welcker) and the inscription on the chest of Cypselus (Paus. V. 19. 1.) they even conquered Athens. How this is connected with the gloss in Hesychius, Ἀσαναίων πόλιν τὰς Ἀφίδνας, which probably refers to Alcman, does not appear.
1813.
Above, ch. 10, § 8.
1814.
See book I. ch. 3. § 2.
1815.
The striking difference between the two has been remarked, amongst others, by Dio Chrysost. Orat. 47. p. 523. B.C. The Alexandrine fiction of the twelve labours is satisfactorily treated of by Zoega (Bassiril. II. p. 46.) and also by Ouwaroff, Examen critique de la Fable d'Hercule.
1816.
Schol. Pind. Nem. Arg. p. 425. ed. Boeckh. Argus was also fabled to have there pastured the sacred cows of Here.
1817.
Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 498. comp. Orph. Fragm. 9. A fragment of Epimenides ap. Ælian. Nat. Anim. XII. 7. also mentions this fable, and Herodorus apud Tatian. I. p. 164. (ap. Justin. Martyr, ed. Col.), where for Ἡροδότου we should read Ἡροδώρου, and again by Euphorion Fragm. 47. p. 111. ed. Meineke. To the passages there collected add Hesiod. Theog. 331. Pindar Fragm. inc. 100. p. 660. ed. Boeckh. Callim. Fragm. 82. Plutarch de Facie in Orbe Lunæ 24. de Fluv. 18. 4. Steph. Byz. in Ἀπέσας. comp. Hygin. Fab. 30.
1818.
Compare the vase published by Millin. II. tab. 75. with the description of the metopes on the temple at Delphi in Eurip. Ion. 196. On the chest of Cypselus, however, he is represented as slaying them with arrows.
1819.
Heinrich Proleg. in Hesiod. Scut. pag. 69. Dissen. Explic. Pind. Isthm. V. p. 525. Buttmann ad Soph. Philoct. 726. On the chest of Cypselus Hercules was represented with arrows, and also with a sword: he is called αἰχμητὴς in Archilochus Frag. 60. ed. Gaisford.
1820.
Odyss. XI. 600. cf. VIII. 224. II. V. 393.
1821.
Athen. XII. p. 512 F. Strab. XV. p. 688. Eratosth. Cataster. 12. Suid. in Πείσανδρος comp. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 1197. concerning the brazen club of Hercules mentioned by Peisander.
1822.
See above, b. I. ch. 3. § 5.
1823.
Comp. Isocr. Archid. p. 119 D. Marm. Farnes. p. 152. in Marini and others.
1824.
I understand ἐν Πύλῳ ἐν νεκύεσσι, Il. III. 395 in the same manner as Pausanias does VI. 25. 3. Apollod. II. 7. 3. The wounding of Hades was also mentioned by Panyasis, Arnob. adv. Gent. IV. 25. According to the same author (ap. Clem. Alex. Protr. p. 25. ed. Sylb.) Here was also wounded at Pylus. The passage in the Iliad V. 392. leaves this undecided. Comp. Schol. Venet. ad Il. XI. 689. Lycophr. 39. with the Commentary of Tzetzes. The wounding of Ares is connected with the above by Hesiod Scut. 368. the battle with Apollo and Poseidon by Pindar Olymp. IX. 33. Boeckh Expl. p. 189.
1825.
Nevertheless there was also near Pylos Triphyliacus a sanctuary of Hades on mount Minthe.
1826.
Schol. Il. V. 392. Venet. II. 336. from the Κατάλογοι of Hesiod. Diod. IV. 31.
1827.
Apollod. II. 6. 2. Schol. Venet. Il. II. 88. Marm. Farnes. p. 151.
1828.
Ch. 11. § 1.
1829.
Olymp. XI. 57. The names of the conquerors were perhaps taken from public registers, ἀναγραφαὶ, which usually went back to the mythical period, like those of the priestesses of Here at Argos (see book I. ch. 7. § 2). Comp. with ibid. v. 59. Etym. Mag. Δαιτήριον ἐν Ἰλιάδι, read ΗΛΕΙΑΙ; the spot where Hercules distributed the booty of the Elean war.
1830.
Provided that Doryclus is the Δορυκλὲυς mentioned in Apollod. III. 10. 5.
1831.
Polyb. XII. 26. 2 comp. above, ch. 3. § 2.
1832.
See Pind. Olymp. III. 14. where the connexion seems to be as follows: Hercules, while chasing the hind of Artemis, arrives at the country of the Hyperboreans, at the source of the Ister, and there sees the beautiful olive-trees. Afterwards, when about to found the Olympic games, he remembers these trees, and procures some young shoots to plant the bare and sunny plains of Elis. On the κότινος of Olympia see Schneider Index Theophrast. vol. V. p. 424.
1833.
Pausan. VIII. 25. 5. 15. 2. comp. above, p. 220, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “some external influence,” starting “The temples are.”]
1834.
See the map of Peloponnesus.
1835.
Apollod. II. 6. 3.
1836.
See Heyne Excurs. 14. ad Æn. III. From hence the colony of Heraclea was sent.
1837.
ΟΙΚΙΜΤΑΜ on coins, i.e. οἰκιστής.
1838.
Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.
1839.
Mus. Pembrock. P. II. tab. 16. Eckhel N. Anecd. tab. I. No. 13, from whose explanation mine differs in some respects.
1840.
Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. § 115.
1841.
Athen. X. p. 441 A. from the Ἰταλικὴ of Alcimus.
1842.
See book I. ch. 6. § 3.
1843.
Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 58. p. 409. Nicomachus ap. Lyd. de Mensibus, p. 93.
1844.
Dissen. Expl. Pind. Isthm. V. p. 525. It may, perhaps, be collected from Ovid. Metam. VII. 369. that at this festival the women were disguised as cows. Perhaps the festival of Hercules was connected with that of Here, concerning which see Athen. VI. p. 262.
1845.
Laur. Lydus de Magistr. III. 64. p. 268. On the connexion between the Lydian worship of Sandon or Sandes and the Hellenic worship of Hercules see a paper by the author in the Rheinisches Museum, vol. III. p. 22-39.
1846.
Steph. Byz. in Ἀκέλη.
1847.
Berosus ap. Agath. Hist. Justin. II. p. 62. ed. Vulcan.
1848.
Strabo XII. p. 564 B. Solinus 42, &c. comp. Orchomenos, p. 293.
1849.
Κτιστὴς on the coins.
1850.
Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 131. Hence this genealogy was afterwards transferred to Hylas. In the Spartan fable, Elacatus was represented as the παιδικὰ of Hercules (Sosibius ap. Hesych. in Ἠλακάτια).
1851.
See the fragments of the Lytierses of Sositheus, Hermann, Opuscula, vol. I. p. 54. and above, ch. 8. § 12.
1852.
Amongst the passages quoted in Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. I. p. 326. those of Pherecydes, Pindar, and Apollodorus should be particularly noticed.
1853.
Aristot. ap. Ælian Var. Hist. V. 3. comp. Schwarz de Columnis Herculis, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 205. Peringer de Templo Herculis Gaditani. Concerning Hercules-Briareus, see also Zenob. Prov. οὗτος ἄλλος Ἡρακλῆς.
1854.
The African Hercules Maceris, according to Pausan. X. 17. 2; the Phœnician Διωδᾶς, according to Euseb. Scal. p. 26. in the Greek text. Islands of Hercules near New Carthage in Spain, Athen. III. p. 121 A. We find also an Iolaus connected with the Carthaginian Hercules, Polyb. VII. 9. 2. Eudoxus ap. Athen. IX. p. 392 D.
1855.
Pausan. ubi sup.
1856.
Sallust. Bell. Jugurth. 21. which passage also mentions his death in Spain. Comp. Strabo XVII. p. 828.
1857.
Pollux I. 4. 45.
1858.
Eudoxus ubi sup. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1702. 50. Zenobius in ὄρτυξ ἔσωσεν. Compare with these passages the very ingenious explanation of this fable in Heeren's Ideen, vol. I. part 2. p. 129.
1859.
Herod. V. 43. Paus. III. 16. 4.
1860.
Hence also the legend that Hercules was subject to epilepsy.
1861.
Od. XI. 605.
1862.
This worship certainly originated at Delphi, since the Delphic oracle in Demosth. in. Mid. p. 531. 7. orders the Athenians to offer sacrifices περὶ ὑγιείας to the supreme Zeus, Hercules, and Apollo προστατήριος. Concerning Hercules ἀλεξίκακος see Libanius Ep. 12. Dio Chrysost. Orat. I. p. 17. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1375. and Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1218. comp. Marini Ville Alban. p. 141. No. 152. This character of the hero is generally alluded to in the exclamations Ἡράκλεις, Me Hercules; and as such, representations of sheep were offered to him (otherwise the usual sacrifices were swine); and he was called Μήλων at Thebes, Pollux I. 1. 27. 30. and at Melite in Attica.—See Apollod. ap. Zenob. V. 12. Hesych. in Μήλων. Schol. Aristoph. Pac. 42. cf. 740. Suidas in Μήλιος.
1863.
Strab. XIII. p. 613. This, however, was not the original Grecian Hercules; above, § 8. Hercules ἀπόμυιος (the averter of flies) was worshipped at Rome, according to Clemens Alexand. Protrept. I. p. 24. ed. Sylb. a title of Zeus at Olympia.
1864.
According to Pausanias, who also gives an account of several Dædalian wooden images of Hercules. The divine worship at Sicyon (Paus. II. 10. 1.) may, however, be referred to the Idæan Dactylus, since this town was anciently connected with Phæstus.
1865.
Pind. Nem. I. 67. (cf. VII. 90) represents Hercules as engaged in this contest with the gods, probably a short time before his deification. The first representations of Hercules the giant-destroyer occur on the throne of the Amyclæan Apollo. Pausan. III. 18. 7. and some very ancient vases.
1866.
In making libations to Hercules not a drop was left in the goblet, Athen. XII. p. 1512 F. Those who wished to make libations brought him a measure of wine, Hesych. in Οἰνιστήρια.
1867.
For instance, Epicharmus in the Busiris, and The Marriage of Hebe (frequently quoted in Athenæus), and Rhinthon in the Hercules. See Athen. XI. p. 500 F.
1868.
See e.g., Eubulus ap. Athen. XIII. p. 567.
1869.
On this poem see Fabric. Biblioth. Gr. vol. I. p. 378. ed. Harles. Thermopylæ appears to have been the earliest locality of this fable (Herod. VII. 216. above, ch. 11. § 5.), but in this poem the scene was perhaps laid in Œchalia in Eubœa; at least Tzetzes, enumerating the poems attributed to Homer, mentions the Κέρκωπες next to the Οἰχαλίας ἅλωσις (ap. Bentl. Epist. ad Mill. p. 505, ed. Lips.).—Hence Diotimus, in his poem on the labours of Hercules, called the Cercopes Œchalians, viz., in Eubœa, whence they ravaged the territory of Bœotia (Suidas in Εὐρύβατος. Apostol. IX. 33. Schol. Lucian. Alexand. 4. 71.): Æschrion of Sardis, in his Ephesis, was probably the first who transplanted them to Lydia (Lobeck de Cercopibus el Cobalis p. 7.), and Xenagoras to the Pithecusæ (apparently in his treatise περὶ Νήσων, ap. Harpocrat. in Κέρκωπες. Lactant. Fab. XIV. 3. Zenobius, Apostol. XI. 24.). Among the Athenian comic poets Hermippus and Plato treated this fable; but the composition in Hancarville III. 88. in which Hercules reaches two monkey-shaped Cercopes in nets or cages to Eurystheus sitting on a throne, seems to be a representation of an Italian farce.
1870.
Millingen Peintures Inédites pl. 35. Tischbein III. 37. See Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 691.
1871.
See Reinganum's Selinus, plate 3. (Leipsig. 1827).
1872.
Μή τευ μελαμπύγου τύχοις. See the Parœmiographers, Photius, Suidas, &c., in this expression, Diod. IV. 31. and others. The proverb occurred in Archilochus, fragm. 106. ed. Gaisford.
1873.
Athen. VI. p. 260. from Hegesander, ibid. XIV. p. 615 D. from Telephanes. Perhaps Hercules had παράσιτοι here as well as at Cynosarges and other demi. See Diodorus of Sinope in Athen. VI. p. 239 E.
1874.
Book IV. ch. 6. § 9. 10. ch. 7.
1875.
Our knowledge of Macedonia has been much increased by the Travels of F. C. H. L. Pouqueville from Janina to Greveno and Castoria, of H. Pouqueville from Guilan to Mezzovo, and Barbié du Bocage's (the younger) Examination of the Ruins of Pella; although in the Voyage dans la Grèce (tom. II.) of the first-named writer some singular notions, arising from an imperfect knowledge of ancient geography (e.g., of Haliacmonts), somewhat confuse the description. But the Carte de la Grèce Moderne, by J D. Barbié du Bocage, is a work of great accuracy, and it has been implicitly followed in the annexed Map.
1876.
Its rise in these mountains, and course through Pæonia (Liv. XXXIX. 53. Strabo VII. p. 327. cf. Exc. 9. p. 330. ed. Casaub. Ptolem. p. 82. ed. Montan.). prove that it is the modern Cara-Sou.
1877.
Strabo VII. 9. p. 330. states that the Ludias runs out of the lake on which Pella is situated; which is now the lake of Jenidge. (According to modern maps it is not true that the lake is formed by an ἀπόσπασμα of the Axius; but in ancient times also the marshes reached to the east of Pella, Liv. XLIV. 46.) Compare Strabo VII. 8. p. 330. It is evident from Herodotus VII. 127. that the Lydias was next to the Axius. Λοιδίας was the reading found by Harpocration in Æschines de Fals. Leg. p. 44.
1878.
Herod. VII. 127. Scylax agrees with Herodotus, p. 26. ed. Hudson, where the places come in the following order: “Pydna, Methone, the mouth of the Haliacmon, Alorus, the Lydias, then Pella, the Axius, the Echeidorus, and Therma.” On the other hand, Strabo, who represents the Haliacmon as falling into the sea near Dium (VII. 8. p. 330.), perhaps confounding it with the Helicon, (Pausan. IX. 30. 4.) is supported by Ptolemy, p. 82. “Thessalonice, the Echeidorus, the Axius, the Lydias, Pydna, the Haliacmon, Dion, Pharybas (read Baphyras), the Peneus.”
1879.
Plutarch de Exilio 10.
1880.
Or Lacmus, in which mountain the Aous and the Inachus, a branch of the Achelous, have their source, Hecatæus ap. Strab. VI. p. 271. VII. p. 316. Steph. Byz. in v. Λάκμων. Sophocles ap. Strab. VI. p. 271. Herod. IX. 93. The Lingus of Livy XXXII. 13. is nearly the same mountain.
1881.
Ptolemy. It seems plain that the Καναλόουια ὄρη of Ptolemy, in which the Haliacmon rises, and the Κανδαουία ὄρη before Lychnidus, in Strabo, Cæsar, Cicero, and the Tab. Peuting. are the same name, and that the passage of Ptolemy is corrupt. The ridge is, indeed, broken by the Genusus.
1882.
See next note.
1883.
Strabo VII. Exc. 11. p. 330. This Bermius is a continuation of mount Barnus, at the foot of which the Via Egnatia passes (Strab. VII. p. 323.), and the same as the Bernus of Diodorus, fragm. 27. p. 229. ed. Bipont, or the Bora of Livy XLV. 29. 30. where it must be distinguished between what properly belongs to a regio and what adjicitur. See below, p. 459, note n. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such footnote number on that page.]
1884.
Mannert's Geographie, VII. p. 516.
1885.
Below, § 17.
1886.
Below. § 11.
1887.
VII. 113.
1888.
Herodotus (ubi sup.) appears also to call the mountain between the Strymon and Angites, Pangæum.
1889.
Herod. VII. 123. cf. 127.
1890.
Herod. VII. 124.
1891.
Thuc. I. 58.
1892.
Il. 99.
1893.
Herod. VII. 115. Diodonis XXVII. p. 229. also places the Bisaltæ to the west of the Strymon; somewhat differently Liv. XLV. 29, 30. Compare Gatterer's excellent Dissertations de Herodoti et Thucydidis Thracia, and Commentat. Gotting. vol. 5. p. 33.
1894.
Herod. VII. 124. cf. 127. It is, however, singular that Xerxes should go from Acanthus to Therma in Mygdonia, beyond Pæonia (on the Axius?) and Crestonica. This Crestonica is probably quite different from the Crestonæi at the source of the Echeidorus, and is a district of Chalcidice. See the author's Etrusker, vol. I. p. 96. Ἐν τῇ Κρηστωνίᾳ παρὰ τὴν τῶν Βισαλτῶν χώραν, Pseud-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 710. ed. Casaubon.
1895.
Herod. VII. 127.
1896.
VII. 123. Βοττιαΐδα, τῆς ἔχουσι τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν στεινὸν χωρίον πόλις Ἴχναι τε καὶ Πελλα. It does not follow that Pella was, in the opinion of Herodotus, a coast-town.
1897.
Of Apollo, according to Hesychius in Ἰχναίην. Macedonia had been called from it Ἰχναίη by some poet, Hesychius and Suidas in v. The city is mentioned by Eratosthenes ap. Steph. Byz. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. and Mela II. 3. Stephanus Byz. confounds with this town that in Thessaly. Themis was worshipped at Ichnæ, according to Strabo IX. p. 435.
1898.
Strab. VII. 8. p. 330. compare Scylax and Æschines above, in notes c and d.
1899.
Strab. VII. 9. p. 330.
1900.
In Polybius V. 97. 4. Bottia and Amphaxitis are also mentioned together.
1901.
Βοττία in II. 99. should probably be written Βοττιαία, as in II. 100. (or the reverse; see notes c and f in this page, and Etym. Mag. in v.) [Transcriber's Note: Note c begins “In Polybius V. 97. 4.” and note f begins “Thucyd. I. 65.”]
1902.
See below, p. 465, note k. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “according to Herodotus,” starting “VIII. 127.”]
1903.
Thucyd. I. 65, II. 79, 101. The passage of Theopompus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Αἰόλιον should be thus written: πόλιν Αἰόλιον τῆς Βοττικῆς (vulg. Ἀττικῆς) μὲν οὖσαν, πολιτευομένην δὲ μετὰ τῶν Χαλκιδέων. The inhabitants, however, are always called Βοττιαῖοι in Thucydides. Βοττιαία for Βοττικὴ, Dionysius ad Amm. I. 9. The great etymologist in Βοττεία also notices the distinction between Βοττικὴ and Βοττιαία; where write Βοττικὴ ἡ Χαλκιδικὴ γῆ (ΧΑΛΚΙΔΙΚΗ for ΧΑΛΔΑΙΚΗ).
1904.
VII. 127. Compare the expression οἱ οὐρίζουσι γῆν Βοττιαΐδα τε καὶ Μακεδονίδα, with VII. 123. ὅς οὐριζει χώρην τὴν Μυγδονίην τε καὶ Βοττιαιΐδα.
1905.
Pausan. IX. 30. 3. χώραν τὴν ὑπὸ ὄρος, τὴν Πιερίαν. Livy XLIV. 43. calls the mountain-forest above Pydna Pieria sylva.
1906.
With Strabo VII. 8. p. 330. who makes Pæonia extend to the Axius (and so Ptolemy, p. 82.); though he afterwards places Alorus to the south of the Lydias, and yet in Bottiæa. There is, however, much confusion in this passage.
1907.
See below, § 17.
1908.
VIII. 8. p. 330.
1909.
Liv. XLIV. 9, 20. Hence also Pausanias (IX. 30. 3. X. 13. 3.) appears to distinguish Dium (τὸ ὑπὸ τῇ Πιερίᾳ), and Strabo (IX. p. 410. X. p. 471.) Leibethrum, from Pieria. On the other hand, Arrian. Anab. I. 11. places the ξόανον of Orpheus at Leibethra (Plutarch Alexand. 14.) in Pieria.
1910.
I have placed Dium at the ruines in B. du Bocage; Platamona is perhaps the ancient temple of Hercules.
1911.
VII. 8. p. 330. comp. Wesseling ad Anton. Itin. p. 328. and Drakenb. ad Liv. XLII. 51. The Citium of Livy must be sought for near Edessa.
1912.
XLII. 53.
1913.
Il. 99.
1914.
Liv. XLV. 30.
1915.
Liv. XLII. 53. Compare Plutarch. Æmil. 9. βιαζόμενον κατὰ τὰς Ἐλιμίας (the passes of Elimea?).
1916.
Liv. XLIII. 21. see above, § 2.
1917.
Steph. Byz. in Παραυαῖοι. According to Arrian I. 7. the ἄκρα Τυμφαίας and Παραυαίας, between Elimea and Thessaly. Plutarch Qu. Gr. 13. cf. 26. places Parauæa in Molossis, Stephanus in Thesprotis, as well as Tymphe. Comp. Thuc. II. 80. It is now called Zagori. See Geographische Ephemeriden, vol. XVII. p. 429.
1918.
Strab. VII. p. 325. cf. 326. The Paroræa in Pæonia, Liv. XLII. 51. Plin. IV. 17. should be distinguished from it.
1919.
Strab. VII. p. 327. cf. 326. Liv. XLV. 30. According to Marsyas in Steph. Byz. in v. Αἰθικία, Æthicia lay between Tymphæa and Athamania. In Liv. XXXII. 13. should probably be written, in Tymphæa terra Molottidis, where you would arrive by mounting the course of the Aous. Plutarch Pyrrh. 6. connects Stymphæa and Parauæa: τήν τε Στυμφαίαν καὶ τὴν Παραυαίαν τῆς Μακεδονίας. Comp. Niebuhr's Römische Geschichte, vol. III. p. 536.
1920.
See particularly Polyb. II. 5. Scylax, p. 10. Comp. Thucydides, Livy, and Strabo as above. In Proxenus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Χαονία, for Ταραύλιοι, Ἀμύμονες read Παραυαῖοι, Ἀτίντανες. It is mentioned in Pseud-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 704. ed. Casaub. that Atintania borders on Apolloniatis; and hence in p. 710. for Ἀτλαντίνων read Ἀτιντάνων, or Ἀμαντίνων.
1921.
In Liv. XXXI. 40. Sulpicius goes from Elimea to Orestis, and from thence to Dassaretis (on the lake Lychnidus, XXVII. 32. near Lyncestis, XXXI. 33. XXXII. 9. cf. Polyb. V. 108. Ptolem. p. 83,), and conquers Pelion on the Erigon (see Arrian I. 5.).
1922.
Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται, Polyb. XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 34. cf. XLII. 38.
1923.
Or Ὀρεστιὰς, Strab. VII. p. 326.
1924.
Liv. XXXI. 40.
1925.
Mannert denies this (VII. p. 519.); but without the authority of any good map. See Pouqueville tom. II. p. 322. Orestia was beyond Macedonia, according to Steph. Byz.
1926.
This is evident from the following passages, Plin. H. N. IV. 15. In Thessalia autem Orchomenos Minyeus ante dictus, et oppidum Almon ab aliis Salmon. Schol. Apollon. II. 1186. δύναται δὲ καὶ Ὀρχομενοῦ μνημονεύειν τοῦ μεθορίου Μακεδονίας καὶ Θεσσαλίας. Steph. Byz. Μινύα πόλις Θεσσαλίας ἡ πρότερον Ἁλμωνία; Diod. XX. 110. where Orchomenus and Dium are mentioned together as cities in existence in Olymp. 119. 3; Eustath. ad Il. IX. p. 661. 4. ed. Bas. (cf. II. p. 206. 22.) who states that the Thessalian or Macedonian Orchomenus was in his time called Charmenas. See Orchomenos, pp. 139, 249. where it is also shown that the Halmopians, or Salmonians, were an ancient tribe of the Minyæ.
1927.
Livy XLV. 30. says of Eordæa, Lyncestis, Pelagonia, Atintania, Tymphæa, and Elimiotis, frigida hæc omnis duraque cultu et aspera plaga est.
1928.
Among the Macedonian gentile-names, such as Lyncestæ, Orestæ, Diastæ (Steph. Byz. in Δῖον), may also be included the Cyrrhestæ (Plin. H. N. IV. 17.) of the region Cyrrhus (Thuc. II. 100. Diod. XVIII. 4. Steph. Byz. in Μανδαραί).
1929.
Thuc. IV. 83. 124, 129. Liv. XXVI. 25. XXXI. 33. see p. 459, note m, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Edessa and Pella,” starting “Strab. VII. p. 323.”] p. 460, note x, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Lyncestis,” starting “By the road.”] and § 27.
1930.
Thuc. IV. 124. τὰς τοῦ Ἀρριβαίου κώμας. Heraclea Lyncestis appears to have been a late settlement.
1931.
Thuc. IV. 127.
1932.
Strab. VII. p. 323. This road, which, according to the tab. Peutinger. and the Itin. Anton. p. 318, 329, passes through Lychnidus, Heraclea Lyncestis, Cellæ, Edessa, Pella, and Therma, evidently in the higher parts followed the direction of an ancient pass, the εὔπορος ὁδὸς διὰ τῆς Δασσαρήτιδος (see p. 458, note a [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Illyrian Dassaretians,” starting “In Liv. XXXI. 40.”]) κατὰ Λύγκον, Plut. Flamin. 4. and also Liv. XXXII. 9. where for Lychnidum read Lyncum.
1933.
This follows from Liv. XLV. 29. Quarta regio trans Boram montem (with respect to which the tertia regio was versus septentrionem, and therefore versus meridiem of this), and XLV. 30. Quartam regionem Eordæi et Lyncestæ et Pelagones incolunt.
1934.
For example, the way in Livy XXVI. 25. cf. XXXI. 33. where the river Bevus is also mentioned, probably one of the branches, which, according to Strabo VII. p. 327, fall into the Erigon ἐκ Λυγκηστῶν.
1935.
In Liv. XLII. 53. Perseus goes from Pella through Eordæa to Elimea. The lacus Begorrites appears to be the lake Citrini.
1936.
See above, note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “south of it,” starting “This follows from Liv.”]
1937.
Arrian I. 7. The river Eordaicus, ibid. I. 5, probably runs from Eordæa into the Erigon.
1938.
Liv. XXXIX. 53. Strab. VII. p. 327. Places, Bryanium, Alcomenæ, Stymbara (Stubera Livy, Στύβερρα Polybius). In Livy XXXI. 39, 40. Sulpicius follows a mountain-road from Stubera to Eordæa, and then to Elimea; compare Polyb. XVIII. 6. 3.
1939.
Liv. XXXIX. 53.
1940.
See above, p. 459, note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “along the Erigon,” starting “Liv. XXXIX. 53.”]
1941.
By the road per Pelagoniam et Lyncum et Bottiæam in Thessaliam, Liv. XXVI. 25. That it borders on Deuriopus is shown by Liv. XXXI. 39.
1942.
Liv. XXXI. 28, 33. comp. Gatterer Commentat. tom. VI. p. 67.
1943.
Thucyd. II. 99. τῆς Παιονίας παρὰ τὸν Ἀξιὸν ποταμὸν στενήν τινα καθήκουσαν ἄνωθεν μέχρι Πέλλης καὶ θαλάσσης. The same strip of land was included by Æmilius Paulus in his tertia regio, according to Livy XLV. 29. Adjecta huic parti regio Pæoniæ, qua ab occasu præter Axium amnem porrigitur.
1944.
See above, p. 454, note p. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “from Bottiaïs,” starting “Herod. VII. 123.”]
1945.
II. 99. where Sitalces is going to make a descent into Lower Macedonia, the country of Perdiccas, from Doberus κατὰ κορυφήν. He then invades (II. 100.) Eidomene, Gortynia, Atalante, and Europus (Europos ad Axium amnem, Plin. IV. 17.), probably places in Pæonia, but certainly not Bottiæa or Mygdonia.
1946.
II. 98. Παίονες Δόβηρες, Herod. VII. 113.
1947.
II. 98.
1948.
Herod. V. 15. Concerning the settlements of the Sintians, see Mannert. vol. VII. p. 502.
1949.
Doberus coincides with the modern Doiran. The Κερκινῖτις λίμνη, Arrian I. 11, is probably the lake near Doiran.
1950.
τῶν γὰρ Μακεδόνων εἰσί.
1951.
ὑπήκοα, as the Magnetes to the Thessalians.
1952.
Those of Perdiccas.
1953.
τὴν παρὰ (according to Bekker) θάλασσαν νῦν Μακεδονίαν.
1954.
The substance of the clauses omitted is given below.
1955.
VII. 128. cf. 131, 173.
1956.
See book I. ch. 1. § 3.
1957.
Above, p. 457, note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Cambunian mountains,” starting with “Liv. XLII. 53.”]
1958.
Thus Thuc. IV. 83. comp. Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 38.
1959.
Above, p. 458, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Orestian Macedonians,” starting “Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται.”] Thucydides II. 80. distinguishes the Orestæ from the Macedonians, viz., from those of Perdiccas.
1960.
Thuc. II. 80. Perhaps from his name he was of the family of the Aleuadæ.
1961.
Thuc. IV. 79. 83.
1962.
Strab. VII. p. 326. Comp. book I. ch. 7. § 15.
1963.
Περδίκκας ἦγεν ὧν ἐκράτει Μακεδόνων τὴν δύναμιν against Arrhibæus, Thuc. IV. 124.
1964.
Herod. VIII. 137, 138.
1965.
II. 100. These were, according to Herodotus, Perdiccas, Argæus, Philip, Aeropus, Alcetas, Amyntas, Alexander, and Perdiccas.
1966.
Edessa on the Via Egnatia, 28. m. p. from Pella, 62-66. from Heraclea Lyncestis (Antonin. Itinerar. pp. 319, 330; the tab. Peuting. gives less accurately 45 and 77 m. p.) is probably the modern Vodina.
1967.
See Dexippus ap. Syncell. p. 262. Euseb. Scal. p. 47. cf. 37. Justin VII. 1. Solin. IX. 14. Dexippus quotes Theopompus for Caranus. Marsyas (perhaps the cotemporary of Alexander and Antigonus) related a fable concerning Cœnus, the successor of Caranus, Etym. Mag. p. 523. 40. Etym. Gud. p. 332. 41.
1968.
Diod. XIX. 52. XXII. p. 307. Bip. Plin. IV. 17. Solin. IX. 14. comp. Justin. VII. 2.
1969.
See below, § 17.
1970.
Herod. V. 21. VIII. 136. Justin VII. 3.
1971.
Consequently the story that Xerxes gave Alexander all the country between mounts Olympus and Hæmus (Justin VII. 4.) is not entirely fabulous.
1972.
Gatterer Commentat. vol. IV. p. 96. vol. VI. p. 15. is more accurate on this point than Poppo Thucyd. vol. II. p. 421.
1973.
Herod. VII. 112. Although Ἠιὼν ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης in Thuc. IV. 7. cannot be that on the Strymon, yet Eustathius ad Il. II. 566. p. 217. ed. Bas. is incorrect in distinguishing Ἠιὼν in Pieria from that on the Strymon (comp. Steph. Byz. in Ἠιὼν, Schol. Thuc. I. 98.); and Raoul-Rochette, Histoire des Colonies Grecques, tom. III. p. 207, should not have followed him, since Pieria, viz. New-Pieria, reaches in this point to the Strymon. But the Ἠιὼν of Thucydides is not in Pieria, but in Chalcidice.
1974.
Thuc. II. 99.
1975.
The expression of Thucydides, καὶ ἔτι καὶ νῦν Πιερικὸς κόλπος καλεῖται, proves that the circumstance had taken place long before. Hence arose the fabulous genealogies of Pierus and Emathius, the sons of Macednus, &c; Marsyas ap. Schol. Il. XIV. 226. comp. Pausan. IX. 29. 1.
1976.
VIII. 127. Thucydides also includes the Bottiæans, I. 57. (cf. IV. 57.) among those ἐπὶ Θρᾴκης. Βοττιαῖοι ἐν Θρᾴκῃ, Callimachus fragm. 75, 41.
1977.
Herod. V. 94. Concerning the position of Anthemus, see Plin. H.N. IV. 17. Hence the τάγμα Ἀνθεμουσία of the Macedonian army, Hesychius in v. Ἴλη ἑταίρων Ἀνθεμουσία, Arrian II. 9. [See Thirlwall's Hist. of Greece, vol. V. p. 194. note.]
1978.
An objection which might be derived from Thucyd. I. 58. where, according to the old reading, Mygdonia is distinguished from the kingdom of Perdiccas, is removed by omitting the τε after Μυγδονίας, which Bekker and Poppo have expunged, with good MSS.
1979.
The distinction taken by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 419. between the Ἤδωνες and Ἠδωνοὶ, viz., that the former dwelt on the coast, the latter inland, cannot be supported. For instance, Thucyd. I. 100. calls those by Amphipolis Ἠδωνοί.
1980.
VII. 114.
1981.
Herod. V. 11, 24.
1982.
Thuc. IV. 107.
1983.
But τὰ ἐντὸς Μακεδόνουν ἔθνεα, Herod. VI. 44, are not the nations in Macedonia (Heyne Opuscul. Acad. IV. p. 164.), but those between Macedonia and Persia. See Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 483. note.
1984.
Forty stadia beyond Pydna, Strabo.
1985.
Plutarch Qu. Gr. 11.
1986.
Aristot. ap. Strab. X. p. 447. Conon Narr. c. 20. Raoul-Rochette, Histoire des Colonies Grecques, tom. III. pp. 198 sqq.
1987.
Pydna, however, early belonged to the Macedonians, Thucyd. I. 137. Diod. XIII. 49. Scylax, p. 26. calls Pydna and Methone Greek cities; but that proves nothing for their independence.
1988.
Above, p. 455, note g. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “according to Herodotus,” starting “VII. 127.”] No one surely will distinguish between γῆ ἡ Μακεδονὶς and ἡ Μακεδονία.
1989.
Above, § 16. Herodotus also mentions together, among the allies of Xerxes, VII. 185, the Eordians (in Physca, see below, p. 468. note k [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Physca in Mygdonia,” starting “According to Ptolemy, p. 83.”]), the Bottiæans (near Olynthus), and the Chalcideans. Concerning the Brygians, see below, § 30.
1990.
Besides VII. 127. see also VII. 173. concerning the road from Lower Macedonia to Thessaly.
1991.
πρῶτοι (πρῶτον Bekker) ἐκτήσαντο.
1992.
Near the pass Volustana, Liv. XLIV. 2, which led to Elimea, p. 457, note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Cambunian mountains,” starting with “Liv. XLII. 53.”]
1993.
VII. 131.
1994.
V. 17.
1995.
Herod. V. 15, 16.
1996.
See Poppo Thucyd. vol. II. p. 434. Mannert, vol. VII. p. 495.
1997.
Herod. VIII. 116.
1998.
In Syncellus and Eusebius Scal. the reading is Dardanians for Eordians; the latter, which is evidently the correct reading, is preserved in the Armenian Eusebius, p. 168. ed. Mai. who follows Diodorus.
1999.
According to Ptolemy, p. 83. In Steph. Byz. it should probably be written, Ἐορδαῖαι, δύο χῶραι, Μακεδονίας καὶ Μυγδονίας.
2000.
Thuc. II. 100. cf. I. 57. VI. 7.
2001.
Thuc. I. 57.
2002.
I. 59.
2003.
According to Schol. Thuc. I. 57.
2004.
Hence perhaps we might separate ξύμμαχα καὶ ὑπήκοα in the beginning of the chapter, and refer the former rather to Lyncus, the latter to Elimea.
2005.
Aristot. Pol. V. 8.
2006.
Xen. Hell. V. 2. 38.
2007.
Athen. XIII. p. 557. C. cf. X. p. 436 C.
2008.
To be inferred from Lycophron. Cass. 802. with Tzetzes.
2009.
Diod. XVII. 7.
2010.
Arrian VI. 28.
2011.
Pliny H. N. IV. 17. mentions Almopians, together with Eordians, on the banks of the Axius; and in Ptolemy p. 83. Almopia is the country near Europus; it was to this place that the Almopians probably fled. This also explains the genealogical connexion with Pæon and Edonus. Orchamenos, p. 250, note 2.
2012.
Of ancient wars of the Macedonians, not mentioned by Thucydides, I may mention the fabulous battle between Caranus and Cisseus (Pausan. IX. 40. 4.), probably a king of Cissus, near Therma, which is the explanation given by Strabo VII. exc. 10. p. 330. of Cisseus the Thracian in Il. XI. 221. Euripides transferred this war, as well as the story of the goats, into his tragedy called Archelaus, perhaps only written from flattery, fragm. 33. ed. Musgr. Hyginus Fab. 219. See also Lycophr. 1237. Concerning the supposed war with the Phrygians, see below, § 30.
2013.
See Mannert, vol. VII. p. 281. In the catalogue of nations, however, in Appian Illyr. 2. Pæonian and Thracian (Mædi, Triballi) are mixed with Illyrian tribes.
2014.
Herod. IV. 93. V. 3. Menander ap. Strab. VII. p. 297. The language of the Getæ was Thracian, Strab. VII. p. 303.
2015.
Herod. VII. 75, &c.
2016.
According to Strabo VII. p. 305, 315. cf. VII. p. 323.
2017.
Strab. VII. p. 316. According to which passage they extended more to the north as far as the Illyrian Dardanians. The Thracians beyond Crestona, mentioned by Herodotus V. 3. are probably the same people.
2018.
Conon Narr. c. 20. calls the Bisaltæ Thracians (Ἄργιλος was also a Thracian name according to Heraclid. Pont. 41); and the Panæans, whom Thucydides II. 101. calls Thracians, were an Edonian nation according to Stephanus Byz.
2019.
Strabo X. p. 471. does not appear to make this supposition, but perhaps in VII. p. 321.
2020.
By Thucydides II. 29. and by earlier writers.
2021.
See above, p. 11.
2022.
Iliad XIV. 225. sqq.
2023.
Gatterer Commentat. VI. p. 37. Mannert, vol. VII. p. 487.
2024.
Solin. IX. 2, &c.
2025.
See particularly Appian Illyr. I. But as in later times Pæonians and Illyrians were confounded (Appian Illyr. 14.) the Paunonians also were called Illyrians.
2026.
Herod. V. 13. comp. VII. 20, 75, and see Prolegomena zur Mythologie, p. 351. The legend concerning the great expedition of the Teucrians is well given in Lycophron v. 1341.
2027.
Yet Strabo VII. p. 295. has the contrary tradition of the Mysians.
2028.
I. 196.
2029.
Gottleber ad Thucyd. I. 57.
2030.
Herod. V. 20.
2031.
Herodot. V. 22. and see Valckenaer's note. The Attic orators evidently exaggerate; there is, however, perhaps a slight hyperbole in what Weiske de Hyperbole, p. 19. says on the other side.
2032.
See Scylax, p. 12. and the metrical Dicæarchus, p. 3. Comp. Salmas. Exercit. Plin. p. 100 A.
2033.
The passage of Hesiod appears to be from the Ἠοῖαι (above p. 4. note n [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Hesiod and Hellanicus,” starting “Ap. Constant.”]), and these poems come down as late as the 40th Olympiad (Orchomenos, p. 358). After Hesiod Solinus IX. 13. calls Macedo Deucalionis maternus nepos. comp. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 427.
2034.
The account of the Greeks living on the Pontus, according to Herod. IV. 8-10.
2035.
Although Mannert, vol. VII. p. 492. considers the Macedonians to be of Illyrian and Pæonian descent, Comp. p. 421.
2036.
See above, p. 460. note z. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “and the coast,” starting “Thucyd. II. 99.”] Pliny H. N. IV. 17. appears to say that the Eordi were Pæonians; and it is not improbable that this was the fact, though the passage of Pliny is corrupt. Herodotus VII. 185. mentions together Thracians, Pæonians, Eordians, Bottiæans, Chalcidians, Brygians, Pierians, Macedonians, and Perrhæbians.
2037.
E.g. Thuc. IV. 124.
2038.
E.g. Thucydides II. 96. mentions Thracians between mounts Hæmus and Rhodope, Getæ and mountain Thracians together, as if the Getæ were not Thracians. Instances of this use are very common; e.g. the common case of Ionians and Athenians.
2039.
Il. XIV. 226. And hence in the Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 39. (according to Matthiä's and Ilgen's conjecture), although Emathia does not suit very well there, and the preceding word (neither Λεύκον nor Λίγκον is in its place) remains uncertain. The Roman poets, as is well known, use the name in a very wide sense, Heyne ad Virg. Georg. I. 492.
2040.
Plin. H. N. IV. 17. Justin. VII. 1. Gell. XIV. 6. 4. Solinus IX. 1. distinguishes between the Edonian, Mygdonian, Pierian, and Emathian territory, and IX. 12. derives the name of Emathia, as being that of the most ancient Macedonia, from an Autochthon Emathius. Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Op. I. Chiliad. VI. 90. states, from the Delphica of Melisseus, that Aëropus, the eldest son of Emathion, had reigned over Lyncus, which had previously been called Pieria,—a very confused account.
2041.
See Justin VII. 1.
2042.
Pag. 84.
2043.
In Ptolemy the word is Κύριος. See above, p. 458. note h. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Macedonian inflexion,” starting “Among the Macedonian.”]
2044.
II. 100. comp. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. The tabula Peuting. which places Idomenæ 53 m. p. from Therma, and 35 from Stoboi (Istip), agrees very well with Thucydides, Ptolemy, and Pliny.
2045.
Since he entirely separates Bottiæa from Pieria.
2046.
XXIV. 8. Liv. XV. 3. Justin VII. 1. says of Emathia, Populus Pelasgi, regio Bœotia dicebatur, where Bottiæa is a more probable correction than Pæonia, and is confirmed by the Vatican fragments of Diodorus, p. 4. Mai.
2047.
I. 56. cf. VIII. 43. and see book I. ch. 1. § 10.
2048.
I. 56. Δωρικὸν ἐκλήθη. And yet, according to Herodotus himself, they were governed by Dorus in Hestiæotis.
2049.
Constantin. Porphyrog. II. 2. λέγεται δὲ καὶ Μακεδονίας μοῖρα Μακέτα, ὡς Μαρσύας ἐν πρώτῳ Μακεδονιακῶν. καὶ τὴν Ὀρεστιάδα (vulg. Ἠρέστειαν δὲ) Μακέταν λέγουσιν. See above, p. 458. note c. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “valley of Orestis,” starting “Or Ὀρεστιὰς.”] Scymnus calls the Macedonians γηγενεῖς, and makes them come from Macessa and Emathia, v. 657.
2050.
Appian Syr. 63. Ἄργος ἐν Ὀρεστείᾳ (ὅθεν οἱ Ἀργέαδαι Μακεδόνες). Concerning the name of the Argeadæ see Pausan. VII. 8. 5. and the note of Siebelis. Perhaps the entire legend of the Argive origin of the Macedonian kings properly refers to this Argos Orestikon.
2051.
VII. p. 324. sqq.
2052.
Bulini, near the modern Valona, Mannert, vol. VII. p. 388.
2053.
Near Epidamnus, according to Thuc. I. 24. Appian. Bell. Civ. II. 39. and extending as far as the Dalmatians according to Appian Illyr. 24.
2054.
Also near Epidamnus according to Liv. XXIX. 12. XLIII. 21. to the south of the Taulantians according to Plin. H. N. III. 26. Mela. II. 3. The country of the Parthini was called ἡ Πάρθος, Polyb. XVIII. 30. 12. as ἡ Λύγκος (Thuc. IV. 83.) ἡ Δευρίοπος above, § 11. ἡ Κύρρος.
2055.
See below, p. 481, note k. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “with the Dassaretians,” starting “Scymnus Chius.”]
2056.
Read πλησέον δέ που κατὰ (vulg. καὶ) τὰ ἀργύρια.
2057.
Besides this passage Damastium is only known by its silver coins, Eckhel D. N. I. II. p. 164. Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p. 54.
2058.
Here those in the neighbourhood of Apollonia are meant, see below, p. 483, note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “strange deities,” starting “As the Encheleans.”]
2059.
Probably the Dassaretians (Sesarethians) near Lychnidus.
2060.
In Northern Sicily.
2061.
Not mentioned elsewhere.
2062.
See particularly Thuc. II. 80. Scymn. 444. Concerning their ἐκβάρβαρωσις see Plutarch Pyrrh. 1.
2063.
Scylax, p. 12. Dicæarchus, p. 3.
2064.
Pag. 10.
2065.
Illyr. 7.
2066.
See above, p. 458, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Orestian Macedonians,” starting “Μακεδόνων οἱ Ὀρέσται.”]
2067.
Polyb. XVIII. 30. Liv. XXXIII. 34. Liberi Amantini et Orestæ, Plin. H. N. IV. 17. Hence Steph. Byz. makes Orestis reach to Molossia, in v. Ὀρέσται. These have been generally followed by modern geographers. Lyncus alone is mentioned by Steph. Byz. in v. πόλιν Ἠπείρου.
2068.
According to the probable supposition of Mannert, vol. VII. p. 390.
2069.
Strab. VII. See Exc. 3. p. 329.
2070.
This usage first occurs in Cæsar Bell. Civ. III. 34. although there it is not quite clear; on the other hand, Dio Cassius XLI. 49. distinctly says, ἐν τῇ γῇ τῇ πρότερον μὲν Ἰλλυριῶν τῶν Παρθινῶν, νῦν δὲ καὶ τότε γε ἤδη Μακεδονίᾳ νενομισμένῃ: the boundaries are given by Pliny N. H. III. 26. (from Lissus to Oricum) and Ptolemy.—Dexippus also, quoted by Constantinus Porphyr. de Them. II. 9. includes Epidamnus in Macedonia, and the tabula Peuting, has only Macedonia between Dalmatia and Epirus.
2071.
See e.g. Thuc. I. 24. Liv. XLV. 26.
2072.
It would lead me too far to treat here of the Thesean, Abantian, Laconian, and ancient Ionian κουρά.
2073.
Book IV. ch. 2. § 4. The proper Thessalian appellation was, according to the Great Etymologist, ἄλληξ, whence allicula.
2074.
See Etrusker, vol. I. p. 265.
2075.
Theophrast. Hist. Plant. III. 9.
2076.
Schneider's Lexicon in πέτασος.
2077.
Plutarch Amat. 16. Pyrrh. 11. Herodian. IV. 8. 5. Dio Chrysostom. Or. 72. p. 628. ed. Reisk. Pollux X. 162. Valer. Max. V. 1. ext. 4. Antipater Thessal. apud Brunck. n. 10. Suidas in Καυσίν. Compare Valcknaer ad Adoniaz. p. 345.
2078.
Polyb. IV. 4. 5.
2079.
Heracl. Pont. 17.
2080.
Eckhel Doct. Num. I. 2. pp. 83. 155. 158. A clear notion of the causia may be obtained from the representations of Macedonian coins in Pellerin Recueil de M. de Rois Pl. 1. n. 1. of Ætolian in Combe Numi Mus. Britann. Pl. 5. 24. 25. and of Illyrian in Eckhel Numi. Vet. Anecd. (1775.) Pl. I. tab. 6. 22. 23.
2081.
Philip, the son of Amyntas, first conquered the country as far as the lake Lychnitis, Diod. XVI. 8. The Taulantians in the time of Alexander had their own king, Arrian I. 5. The Illyrian king Argon ruled (about 240 B.C.) as far as Epirus, and the Atintanes were his subjects, Appian Illyr. 7. 8. When the Romans first went to Illyria they were joined by the Parthini and Atintanes, Polyb. II. 11. Atintania was first conquered by Philip the son of Demetrius, Schweighæuser ad Polyb. II. 5. p. 356. In the peace he only lost Lychnidus (with Dassaretis, Polyb. V. 108.) and Parthus (i.e. the Parthini), Polyb. XVIII. 30. 12. Liv. XXXIII. 34. The only countries which even Perseus possessed beyond the mountains were Atintania and Tymphæa, Liv. XLV. 30. See also Palmer Græc. Ant. I. 14. p. 78.
2082.
From ἄμαθος, sea-sand.
2083.
V. II. 1.
2084.
Suppl. 257.
2085.
Apollod. III. 8. 1. Ælian de Nat. An. X. 48. Steph. Byz. in Ὠρωπός.
2086.
σύνοικοι, Herod. VII. 73.
2087.
Herod. VIII. 138. Conon Narr. I. Concerning these roses see also Nicand. Fragm. 2. p. 278. ed. Schneider. Conon ibid. and Apollodorus ap. Strab. XIV. p. 680. also speak of ancient mines near mount Bermius.
2088.
It might be inferred from Thuc. I. 61. that Berœa had not even then become a Macedonian possession; but it seems that ἀπανίστανται merely signifies “they prepare to leave Macedonia.”
2089.
In Herod. VII. 73. Conon ubi sup. Xanthus placed it after, but probably soon after the Trojan war.
2090.
Justin VII. 1.
2091.
Scymnus Chius v. 433. Strab. pp. 326, 327. There were Βρίγες in Dyrrhachium, according to Appian B.C. II. 39. who states that they returned from Phrygia; comp. Steph. Byz. in Βρύξ. Herodotus indeed plainly distinguishes from the Βρίγεσφρύγες (VII. 73.) the Βρύγοι Θρήικες (VI. 45. VII. 185.) in Macedonia, who revolted to Mardonius and came with Xerxes; and Strabo also appears completely to separate the Βρύγοι as an Illyrian people (in p. 327. write Βρύγων) from the Thracian Βρίγες, who are said to have entirely left Europe (VII. p. 295): still their names and settlements seem to establish a national affinity.
2092.
Mygdon, a prince of the Phrygians, is mentioned in Iliad III. 186. Comp. Strabo VII. p. 295.
2093.
Aristotle ἐν τῇ Βοττιαίων πολιτείᾳ ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. Qu. Gr. 35. A similar, though still stranger, legend concerning the Bottiæans may be seen in Strabo VI. pp. 279. 282. Compare Etymol. Magn. in Βόττεια. The Cretan traditions may perhaps have found a resting-place in the temple at Ichnæ.
2094.
Thuc. II. 100. Plin. H. N. IV. 17. The name Europus (Justin. VII. 1. speaks of an ancient king Europus in this country, and according to Steph. Byz. Εὐρωπὸς and Ὠρωπὸς were the sons of Macedon) reminds us of Demeter Europa, the Hermionean Europs, and the Cretan Europa. The Cretan Ἰδομενεὺς implies the existence of a place named Ἰδομένη.
2095.
I. 57. Compare Orchomenos, p. 444. note 1.
2096.
See above, p. 458, note f. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “far from Pieria,” starting “This is evident.”]
2097.
Πύδνα occurs again in the sacred Pytna of Crete. The poetical associations chiefly clung to the district above Dium, where Pimple and Leibethrum were situated.
2098.
See above, p. 472, note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “narrow strip of land,” starting “See above.”] Strabo, who calls the Eordi Illyrians (above, § 26.), yet speaks only of the Macedonian inhabitants of Eordia. Hesychius and Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1342. call the Eordi Macedonians. Stephanus Byz. in Ἄμυρος has a confused passage on the Amyri, who, according to Suidas, were Eordi.
2099.
Liv. XLV. 30.
2100.
Compare now Heyne Opusc. Acad. IV. p. 165. Macedonas e multis barbarorum populis, Thracum inprimis et Pelasgorum, quibus Græcorum exigua pars accesserat, coaluisse. Schlözer Weltgeschichte, vol. I. pag. 290. The Macedonians, brothers of the Thracians, and entirely different from the Greeks, among whom they were long called barbarians, wandered about their mountainous country, divided into 150 hordes, when a Heraclide, &c.
2101.
Solinus, IX. 16.
2102.
Thuc. II. 100.
2103.
Solinus, IX. 17.
2104.
XLV. 30. ferociores eos et accolæ barbari faciunt, nunc bello exercentes, nunc in pace miscentes ritus suos. An intercourse in peace, among free and hardy nations, presupposes a certain degree of resemblance. At the present time the wild Orestæ are stated to be very different from the mild and social Zagoriots (Parauæans), Geographische Ephemeriden, vol. XVII. p. 430.
2105.
As the Encheleans appear to have carried from the Bœotian incursion (Orchomenos, p. 231.) the worship of Cadmus and Harmonia both to the region of Buthoë (Scylax, p. 9. Steph. Byz. in Βουθόη), and to the Ceraunian mountains (Dionys. Perieg. v. 391. Apoll. Rh. IV. 517. for there were Encheleans in both places). Compare Apollodorus III. 5. 4. Scymnus Chius v. 437. Eustathius ad Dionys. Perieg. v. 389. Interpret. Virg. Æn. I. 243. ed. Mai.
2106.
Amerias ap. Hesych. in v.
2107.
Hesychius in Δευάδαι.
2108.
Hesychius et Favorinus in v.
2109.
Hesychius in v.
2110.
Plutarch Alex. 2. Polyæn. Stratag. IV. 1. Compare Athenæus V. p. 198 E. Etym. Mag. et Suidas in Κλώδονες, Lycoph. v. 1237. Conon Narr. 45. Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. III. p. 194. sq.
2111.
Jovis templum, veterrimæ Macedonum religionis, Justin XXIV. 2. Archelaus established Olympic games (Arrian I. 11.), who had himself been a conqueror at the Olympic games at Elis, Solin. IX. 18. Perhaps also Musea in Macedonia, according to Arrian ubi sup.
2112.
Hesych. in Ἐδεσσαῖος.
2113.
Hesych. in Ἄρητος.
2114.
See above, p. 455, note z. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “an ancient temple,” starting “Of Apollo.”]
2115.
Book II. ch. 11. § 2.
2116.
Eckhel D. N. I. 2. p. 74. The Macedonian Venus, Zeirene (Hesyvch. in v.) was perhaps the Zerynthian. Mars, according to Hesychius, was in Macedonia called Thaumus or Thaulus.
2117.
Herod. V. 6. Strab. VII. p. 315. Comp. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 169 A.
2118.
Polit. VII. 2. 6.
2119.
According to Hegesander ap. Athen. I. p. 18 A.
2120.
Herod. V. 4; according to Solinus X. 2. apud plurimos.
2121.
Herod. V. 5. comp. Solinus X. 3.
2122.
Solinus X. 1. concludes Thracibus barbaris inesse contemtum vitæ ex quadam naturalis sapientiæ disciplina.
2123.
See besides Herod. V. 5. Heraclid. Pont. Polit. 27. Strab. VII. p. 297. Salmas. Exerc. Plin. p. 112 A.
2124.
Herod. V. 6. Heraclid. ubi sup. Solin. X. 4.
2125.
Solin. X. 5.
2126.
Thuc. II. 100. The ἄνω ξύμμαχοι are the Lyncestæ, &c.
2127.
Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 41. V. 3. 1. cf. Thuc. I. 61, 62.
2128.
Polyb. V. 27. 6. Curtius VI. 8. 25. (with Freinsheim's note) VI. 9. 34. Crophius Antiq. Maced. I. 6. II. 4.
2129.
Hence, for example, it cannot be inferred from the distinction between the Illyrian and Macedonian languages in Polyb. XXVIII. 8. 9. that the nations were originally of a different descent. Sturz De Dialecto Macedonica et Alexandrina has not sufficiently distinguished the third period from the two first.
2130.
For example, Steph. Byz. in v. Βορμίσκος—οὓς κύνας τῇ πατρῴᾳ φωνῇ ἐστερικὰς καλοῦσιν οἱ Μακεδόνες. The barbarous word σκοῖδος, signifying a kind of steward, which was used by Alexander in letters, and adopted by Menander (Photius, p. 523. 5.) can hardly be oriental. See also the collection of Sturz in the words ἄβαγνα, ἄδδαι, ἀδῆ, ἀκρέα, ἄξος, &c.
2131.
The Athamanes were Epirots according to Strabo, Illyrians according to Steph. Byz. in v. The words are not Grecian.
2132.
See above, Σανάδαι, and Athenæus III. p. 114 B. concerning the Macedonian and Athamanian word δράμις or δράμιξ.
2133.
This fact may be believed on the testimony of Curtius VI. 9. 35.
2134.
Apollonius de Construct. III. 7. calls it the Macedonian or Thessalian usage. Sturz, p. 28. 5. infers chiefly from this that the Macedonian language was originally nearly the same as the Dorian. The coins, I may remark incidentally, prove nothing, as they were struck for intercourse with the Greeks. Adelung, on the other hand, considers the Macedonians as Thracians (to which nation he also refers the Illyrians), with a tinge of Greek civilisation, Mithridat, vol. II. p. 359.
2135.
See above, p. 3. notes g and h. [Transcriber's Note: These are the footnotes to “native dialect,” starting “Compare, for example,” and to “Æolic,” starting “E.g. the nominatives.”]
2136.
Above, p. 467. note c. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “on Pieria,” starting “Near the pass Volustana.”] Hence the Cambunian mountains are now called Volutza.
2137.
Above, p. 453. note g. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Candavian chain,” starting “Ptolemy.”] The first syllable of this name appears to be the same as of Cambunii montes, in which the second part is probably the word βοῦνος, which in modern Greek still means “a hill.” In the names of Macedonian mountains, Barnus, Bermius, and Bertiscus (Ptolemy), there is probably the same root.
2138.
Pausan. X. 6. 5. οἱ μὲν δὴ γενεαλογεῖν τὰ πάντα ἐθέλοντες, &c.
2139.
Ἕλληνος δ᾽ ἐγένοντο θεμιστοπόλον Βασιλῆες Δῶρός τε Ξοῦθός τε καὶ Αἴολος ἱππιοχάρμης. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 284. and Schol. Apoll. Rh. III. 1085. Other poems of Hesiod are made use of by Schol. Hom. Od. χ'. 2.
2140.
Apollodorus I. 7, 3. Pausan. V. 1, 2. &c. from the circumstance that Achæus and Ion are represented as the only sons of Xuthus, I have inferred above that the Ionians were probably of an Achæan race.
2141.
Schol. Hom. Od. κ. 2. οἱ δὲ λέγουσιν ὅτι Ἕλλην γόνῳ μὲν ἦν Διὸς, λόγῳ δὲ Δευκαλίωνος. Compare Pindar Pyth. IV. 167. who alludes to this fable, and Eurip Melan. IV. 2.
2142.
Il. II. 684. and compare IX. 395, 474. XVI. 595. The verse ἐγχείῃ δ᾽ ἐκέκαστο Πανέλληνας καὶ Ἀχαιοὺς, II. 530, has been properly condemned by the Alexandrine critics.
2143.
Or rather “near Phthia.” Homer distinguishes Hellas and Phthia (Il. IX. 395, 478, 479. Od. XI. 495.); the tetrarchy of Phthiotis in later times included both.
2144.
Æginetica, p. 155.
2145.
Hesiod. Op. et Di. 526. Βράδιον δὲ Πανελλήνεσσι φαείνει. Compare Strabo VIII. p. 370. It may be observed, that in the three most ancient passages in which the collective name of the Greeks occurs, viz., the verse in the Works and Days, the spurious line in the Iliad, and the passage in the Ἠοῖαι referred to by Strabo, they are called, not Ἕλληνες, but Πανέλληνες.
2146.
Apollodorus I. 7. 6.
2147.
Hes. Theog. 129. 371.
2148.
Ap. Plutarch. Lycurg. 6. according to a certain emendation. See book III. ch. 5. § 8.
2149.
Book III. ch. 12. § 5.
2150.
Book II. ch. 1. § 8.
2151.
See book I. ch. 1. § 9.
2152.
See particularly Plato de Leg. I. p. 636. VI. p. 752. Κνωσίους πρεσβεύειν τῶν πολλῶν πόλεων.
2153.
See Strabo X. p. 476. compare p. 481. after Ephorus.
2154.
Archilochus ap. Heraclid. Pont. πολιτ. Κρητῶν. fragm. 86. Gaisford.
2155.
Hom. Od. XIX. 175. sqq.
2156.
See book III. ch. 1. § 8.
2157.
The eclipse of the sun, however, mentioned by Herodotus, does not agree, and must be an error. VII. 37.
2158.
Συλλεγομένων ἐς τωύτὸ τῶν περι την Ἑλλαδα Ἑλληνων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω φρονεόντων, καὶ διδόντων σφίσι λόγον καὶ πίστιν, Herod. VII. 145.
2159.
VII. 157. ἔπεμψαν ἡμέας Λακεδαιμόνιοί [τε καὶ οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι] καὶ οἱ τούτων σύμμαχοι. The words included in brackets are wanting in the family of the Passioneus and Florence MSS., and appear to be interpolated from c. 161.
2160.
Herod. VII. 176. where the words οἱ Ἕλληνες include both the troops and the congress.
2161.
The former in the first full-moon after the solstice, the latter about the second, Corsini Fast. Att. I. 2. p. 453.
2162.
Diodorus speaks of a decree of this nature, but the oath on the Isthmus is a rhetorical invention, XI. 29.
2163.
Pericl. 39. παρὰ τὰ κοινὰ δίκαια καὶ τοὺς γεγενημένους ὅρκους τοῖς Ἕλλησι.
2164.
Aristid. 21. γενομένης ἐκκλησίας κοινῆς τῶν Ἑλλήνων, ἔγραψεν Ἀριστείδης ψήφισμα, συνιέναι μὲν εἰς Πλαταιὰς καθ᾽ ἔκαστον ἐνιαυτὸν τοὺς ἀπὸ τῆς Ἑλλάδος προβούλους καὶ θεωροὺς, ἄγεσθαι δὲ πενταετηρικὸν ἀγῶνα τῶν Ἐλευθερίων.
2165.
ἀναφορὰ εἰς τὸν πόλεμον, Plutarch. Aristid. 24.