Book 2 — Footnotes (continued 3)

1218.

Orchomenos, p. 383. compare Schwarz Miscell. Polit. hum. p. 89. Creuzer Symbolik, vol. III. p. 166.

1219.

Od. XV. 402. cf. III. 280. XI. 171. Il. XXIV. 759. Artemis kills women for him, as in Pindar Pyth. V. 10. On Artemis and Apollo, as gods of death, see Nast's Opusc. Lat. P. 11. n. 12. p. 293 sqq.

1220.

Ἕκατος, ἑκάεργος, ἑκηβόλος, ἑκατηβελέτης, ἀφήτωρ.

1221.

Il. IV. 508. VII. 21.

1222.

XV. 308. XVI. 703.

1223.

See Pind. Pyth. IV. 86.

1224.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. Del. 13.

1225.

Homer represents Aphrodite as the protector of Æneas and antagonist of Diomed, and Ares in battle for the Trojans, in a disadvantageous light; and describes, with evident irony, the weakness of the goddess, and the brutal confidence of the god. In like manner, Diana and the river-god Scamander sometimes play a very undignified part. Apollo, alone, always maintains his dignity.

1226.

Il. XXI. 464. cf. XXIV. 40. ᾧ οὔτ᾽ ἂρ φρένες εἰσίν ἐναίσιμοι.

1227.

Il. XXIV. 606.

1228.

Od. XI. 517.

1229.

Il. VIII. 227. He overcomes Phorbas in a boxing-match, Eurytus in a contest of archery, to which the latter had challenged all the gods; hence he is in general supposed to preside over contests with the cæstus (Il. XXIII. 660. Plutarch. Quæst. Symp. VIII. 4); and amongst the Dorians, who loved the sports of the field, was particularly considered as a patron of archery and huntsmen. Il. XXIII. 872. Soph. Œd. C. 1091. Pollux V. 5. 39.

1230.

Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον, καὶ σὺ μὲν τοὺς αἰτίους Πήμαινε, καὶ σφᾶς ὄλλυ᾽ ὥσπερ ὀλλύεις. Fragm. 79. ed. Gaisfoid. Compare Blomfield ad Æsch. Agam. 66. Gloss.

1231.

Ἀπὸ σ᾽ ὀλέσειεν Ἄρτεμίς τε χὠπόλλων, Fragm. 16. ed. Welcker.

1232.

Æschyl. Agam. 1091. Plato Cratyl. p. 405. and Eurip. Phaeth. (above, p. 306. note m. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “wont to destroy them,” starting “Ὦναξ Ἄπολλον.”]) allude to the same derivation.

1233.

Hermann Ueber das Wesen der Mythologie, p. 107.

1234.

Pausan. I. 43. 7. Anthol. Palat. VII. 154. On a coin of Prusia Apollo is represented with a scourge in his hand, Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p. 482.

1235.

Herod. III. 52. Walpole's Travels, p. 541. In an Asiatic inscription of the cod. Sherard. these fines are called ἱεραὶ δραχμαί.

1236.

Agamem. 55.

1237.

Gellius N. A. V. 12.

1238.

Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 1446.

1239.

Plut. Quæst. Græc. 24.

1240.

Plut. de Ει 21. p. 246. de Defect, Orac. 7. p. 309. non posse suav. vivi sec. Epicur. 23. p. 124. Perhaps, likewise, the Apollo Philesius should be referred to this head.

1241.

Ἀκήσιος. Paus. VI. 24, 5. ἀκέστωρ, Eurip. Androm. 900.

1242.

Ἐπακούριος, Paus. VIII. 32-41. 5.

1243.

Ἀλεξίκακος, ibid. I. 3. 3. Aristoph. Pac. 420. Compare Visconti, Museo Pio-Clement. I. p. 27.

1244.

Ἀποτροπαῖος, Orac. ap. Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. 27. Inscript. in Walpole's Travels, p. 547. No. 38. Stuart's Antiquities of Athens, vol. I. p. 25. called προστάτης, in the colonies on the Pontus, above, ch. 2. § 6. comp. Soph. Trach. 208. with Hermann's note. He is invoked in his character of Προστατήριος to avert nightly terrors, in Soph. Elec. 638; in Aj. 187 he keeps off madness; in Eurip. Herc. Fur. 821, the fury. Πύθιοι καὶ σωτήριοι θέοι. Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1693.

1245.

Pind. Pyth. v. 63. cf. IV. 270. Aristoph. Plut. 8. Soph. Œd. T. 149. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 72. See, however, Il. XVI. 527. He was called Λοίμιος at Lindus, Macrob. Sat. I. 17. Medicus at Rome about 416 A.U.C. Ἰατρὸς, Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 1206.

1246.

Demosth. in Mid. ubi sup.

1247.

Il. v. 401, 899. with Schol. Venet. cf. Od. IV. 232. Aristarchus considered Apollo and Pæon in Homer as identical, yet Hesiod distinguishes them in the fragment in Eustath. ad Od. p. 1493. Schol. Min. ad 1. (cf. Hemsterhuis in Gaisford's Poetæ Min. p. 551), and perhaps also in Brunck's Analecta, vol. I. p. 67.

1248.

Hom. Hymn, ad Apoll. Pyth. Eurip. Ion 128, 140. Pindar's Pæan in the Fragments.

1249.

Proclus apud Phot. ἰδίως ἀπέκειτο τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι καὶ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι.

1250.

Hom. Hymn. 272, 320.

1251.

Proclus ubi sup. Hesych. In Soph. Œd. T. 152. a song of a chorus resembling a pæan has these words; Φοῖβος—σωτήρ θ᾽ ἵκοιτο καὶ νόσου παυστήριος. cf. Schol. ad v. 114. et Suid. in ἰηίων.

1252.

Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 21. Næniæ and pæans opposed to one another. Eurip. Iph. T. 183. The god of death was honoured with no pæan. Æsch. Niob. Frag. 5. Pæans to Hades, the Furies, &c. are an oxymoron; see Monk ad Eurip. Alc. 431.

1253.

Comp. the pæans of the Spartans at the Gymnopædia for the battle of Thermopylæ. Etymolog. Mag. p. 243, 4. Apollo and Artemis, gods of victory, Soph. Trach. 207.

1254.

See Æschyl. Theb. 250. The ὀλυλυγμὸς (ululatus) which is here mentioned was in part the ἐλελεῦ, which according to Plutarch Thes. 22. occurred in singing the pæan and at the libation (in this passage σπένδοντες is evidently the right meaning). Hence Apollo is called ἐλελεὺς in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. From this also comes the ἐλελίζειν which Xenophon often mentions, but distinguishes it from the pæan, and represents it as performed to Enyalius or Ares, Anab. I. 8. 18. cf. V. 2. 14. Hell. II. 4, 17.

1255.

Callim. Apoll. 113. Apoll. Rhod. II. 710. cf. Athen. XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etym. Mag. in ἰηίε.

1256.

Thuc. VII. 44. cf. IV. 43.

1257.

Æsch. Again. 99.

1258.

Eurip. Hippol. 1373. Æsch. ap. Stob. Serm. p. 121.

1259.

Æsch. Agam. 518.

1260.

Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 352.

1261.

Dieuchidas in Megaricis ap. Schol. Aristophan. Vesp. 870. Harpocrat. In Tegea (derived from Sparta) Paus. VIII. 53. I. 2.

1262.

Above, ch. 4. § 2.

1263.

Demosth. in Mid. p. 331. comp. Varro ap. Porphyr. ad Horat. Carm. IV. 6. 28. ex responso sui (Pythii) oraculi in viis publicis urbis suæ Athenienses statutis altaribus sacrificare Apollini instituerunt et Agyeum appellare. Also Eurip. Ion 186. to which Eustath. ad Il. p. 166. Rom. refers. Varro is probably followed by Euanthius De Tragœdia et Comœdia: Athenienses cum Apollini Nomio vel Ἀγυιαίῳ (as Osann. Auctar. Lex. p. 82. corrects), i.e. pastorum vicinorumque (read vicorumque) præsidi deo constructis aris festum carmen solenniter cantarent.

1264.

Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 870. Thesm. 496. Eq. 1317. Schol. Eurip. Phœn. 634. Harpocrat. Hesych. Helladius ap. Phot. cod. 279. p. 1596. Plautus Mercat. IV. 1. 9. Steph. Byz. in ἀγυιὰ, also Otto de Diis Vialibus, et Zoëga De Obeliscis p. 210. The Agyieus often occurs on coins, instead of other emblems of Apollo, where numismatic writers have not recognised the symbol. See the coins of Apollonia in Epirus, Aptera in Crete, Megara, Byzantium, Oricus, Ambracia, where the statue is surrounded with fillets.

1265.

Eurip. Ion. ubi sup.

1266.

κυισσᾶν ἀγυιὰς, Demosth. ubi sup. and Stephens's Thesaurus, ed. Lond. vol. I. p. 1048.

1267.

Ἀβέλιος, the Cretans and Pamphylians, Hesych. in v. Comp. Hemsterhuis ad Hesych. in θάβακον, Koen ad Greg. Corinth. p. 354. ed. Schæfer. βέλα ἥλιος καὶ αὐγὴ, a Laconism according to Hesychius.

1268.

The jocular etymology of Plato from πολεῖν, and the absurd one from ἀπολὺς, mentioned by Cicero de Nat. Deor. II. 27. Plutarch, de Ει 9. p. 228 (because Apollo was τὸ ἓν, De Iside 76. p. 207). cf. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. and others in the Etymol. M., I may be excused from examining.

1269.

Maittaire, p. 152, 264.

1270.

Festus in v. Comp. Schneider, Lat. Gram. vol. I. 1. p. 12.

1271.

There appear to be two radical forms, having nearly the same meaning, from which the word ΑΠΕΛΛΩΝ might be derived. First ϜΕΛ or ϜΕΛϜ, VOLVO, “to roll,” “to press together,” and ΕΛ, “to push, strike, drive,” &c. Ἐλάσαι, ἐλαύνειν, &c., are evidently derivatives of this ΕΛ; from which it is probable that ἀπέλλων or ἀπόλλων is derived, as Homer constantly uses ϝέλϝω, but ἐλάσαι, &c., as well as Ἀπόλλων, without the digamma.

1272.

See Apollon. Lex. Hom. p. 833. ed. Villoison. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 301.

1273.

Aesch. Suppl. 222. Pindar Pyth. IX. 66. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 243. De Exilio 17. p. 386. Apollo sanctus, Cicero Tusc. Quaest. IV. 34. Montfaucon Inscript. vol. I. pl. 52. No. 10. The term φοιβονομεῖσθαι was used of the Thessalian diviners, when they lived apart on the ἀποφράδες ἡμέραι, Plutarch, de Ει.

1274.

Plutarch. de Def. Orac. 2.

1275.

Theophrast. de Lapid. 37.

1276.

Compare φοῖβον ὕδωρ Apollon. Lex. in v. Lycophr. v. 1009.

1277.

Sturz. de Lingua Macedonica.

1278.

Agamemn. 1084, 1088. cf. Eurip. Alcest. 22.

1279.

Aesch. Theb. 696, 865. Eurip. ap. Plutarch, de Ει 20. p. 246. λοιβαὶ νεκύων φθιμένων ἀοιδαὶ ἃς ὁ χρυσοκόμας Ἀπολλων οὐκ ἐνδέχεται, which Hermann has received in Eurip. Suppl. 999. Hesych. in ἀκερσεκόμης. Creuzer Meletem. vol. I. p. 31.

1280.

Paus. X. 14. 4. The names of the chief priestesses were here registered, Plutarch. Pericl. 21.

1281.

Plutarch. Pyrrh. 32. For Athens see above, p. 264. note c. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “festival of Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”] On the sanctity of the wolf there, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.

1282.

Elect. 6. cf. Schol. ad 1. et ad Æsch. Theb. 147. Plutarch. de Sol. Anim. 9. p. 155. Hesych. in λυκοκτόνος. Paus. II. 9. 7.

1283.

Il. XV. 239. cf. Antonin. Liber. c. 28. Ælian. H. A. X. 14. Aristoph. Av. 516. [The translators conceive that nothing more is meant in the passage of Homer than that Apollo flew swiftly as a hawk flies swiftly.]

1284.

Od. XV. 525. Apollo γυπαιεὺς, “the god of vultures,” was worshipped on the top of a hill near Ephesus, Conon, Narr. c. 35. There was also a kind of wolf called κίρκος, Oppian. Cyneg. III. 304.

1285.

Æsch. Theb. 147. καὶ σὺ, Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ, λύκειος γενοῦ στρατῷ δαΐῴ, where see Blomfield. Comp. Agam. 1266, and Soph. Œd. T. 203. Λύκει᾽ ἄναξ τὰ σὰ βέλεα. In a milder sense in Æsch. Suppl. 694. Soph. Œd. T. 920. Elect. 656. in which last tragedy Apollo throughout appears as armed with his highest and noblest attributes. See particularly v. 1379.

1286.

See Voss on Virgil's Georg. p. 408. Creuzer Comment. Herod. vol. I. p. 417.

1287.

Il. IV. 101, 119. cf. Heyne.

1288.

See Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Pyth. 266.

1289.

Schol. Soph. Elect. 6.

1290.

Perhaps the Apollo ἔναυρος in Hesych. in v. belongs to this class of attributes. Also there were temples of Apollo on the promontories of Leucæ, Leucatas.

1291.

Aristot. H. A. VI. 29 Otherwise Ælian. H. A. IV. 4. Apostol. XII. 18. comp. above, p. 287. note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “twelve days and nights,” starting “Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35.”]

1292.

Apostol. XII. 21.

1293.

Among the moderns see Payne Knight, Symbol. Lang. § 124. Gail Philologue, tom. I. p. 300, (comp. Boissonade in Millin's Magasin Encyclopédique, tom. 118. p. 346.) where Λοξίας is brought into connexion with Λυκεῖος. It seems to me probable that the word Λοξίας first expressed the oblique position of the archer, who always has ὄμματα λοξά.

1294.

Comp. Paus. VI. 8. 2.

1295.

Theopompus apud Polyb. XVI. 12. 7. Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 39. p. 398. Paus. VIII. 38. 5. On the ἄβατον see Amphis ap. Hygin. Poet. Astron. II. 1 p. 35. cf. IV. p. 362. ed. Muncker.

1296.

Pausan. X. 24. 4. Comp. Pindar Pyth. IV. 4. Ζεὺς βασιλεὺς was worshipped at Delphi, Xenoph. Anab. V. 9. 22. and also Ζεὺς εὔυπνος, Hesych. in v. Perhaps, too, the god Ἐλωὸς, whom Hesychius (in v.) calls the Doric Hephæstus, may be the real Zeus; a conjecture which is confirmed by the circumstance that the temples of Zeus at Dodona and in Laconia were called Ἑλλὰ, Hesych. in v. cf. in Ἔλα. That this Elous might have been originally derived from the El or Eloha of the people of Israel, I do not deny; but it is an etymology which leads to nothing but hopeless and uncertain conjecture.

1297.

Ἕκατος Διὸς υἱὸς, Aleman ap. Hephæst. p. 66. ed. Gaisf.

1298.

Æsch. Eumen. 19. 616. compare the ἱέρειαι in Macrobius Sat. V. 22. Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 791. Soph. El. 660.

1299.

Concerning the exception of the Messenians see above, p. 151. note t, [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Terpander,” starting “I mention Eumelus.”] and for his birthplace at Tegyra above, ch. 2. § 11. Apollo was also said to have been born at Amphigenia in Triphylia, Steph. Byz. in v. and there was a temple of Latona, Strab. VIII. p. 349. Antimachus Fragm. 78. p. 111. ed. Schellenberg.

1300.

Ἐν χρόνῳ, i.e. “time was requisite for his birth;” “some time elapsed before Apollo could be born,” Pindar ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 383. ed. Potter.

1301.

Homer, Hymn. Apoll. 305. comp. Hygin. Fab. 54.

1302.

Fragm. Prosod. I. p. 587. ed. Boeckh.

1303.

Pindar ibid.

1304.

Comp. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 36. 273.

1305.

Pindar Fragm. Prosod. 1. Boeckh. This ode must then have been written before the earthquake in Olymp. 72. 3. see Herod. VI. 98. which confirms the assertion of Dissen that Isthm. I. 4. is not alluded to, since this poem, as the same critic shows, was written after Olymp. 80. 3. Herodotus, again, had no knowledge of the earthquake which took place at the breaking out of the Peloponnesian war (Thucyd. II. 8.), and Thucydides had never heard of the other, which occurred before his time, nor read the statement of Herodotus. Comp. Mucian. apud Plin. H. N. IV. 12. Aristid. Orat. VI. p. 77. 78. Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 11. &c.

1306.

Above, ch. 2. § 13.

1307.

Pausan. I. 18. 5. VIII. 21. 2. IX. 27. 2. Comp. Herod. IV. 35. The confusion of Eileithyia and Fate, by Olen, is only a supposition of Pausanias.

1308.

Pausan. IX. 27. 2.

1309.

Spanheim ad Callim. Del. 308.

1310.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 16. 19. Callim. Del. 206. compare the map of the island in Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom. I. pl. 31.

1311.

See Æschyl. Eumen. 9. Theognis v. 7. Herod. II. 170. Eurip. Ion 169. Iphigen. Taur. 1105. Call. Apoll. 59. Del. 261.

1312.

Pausan. VIII. 48. 2. conf. Hom. Odyss. VI. 167. Schol. ad Eurip. Ion. 932. Ælian. V. H. v. 4. Hygin. Fab. 53. 140. Catull. XXXIV. 8. For the palm as an emblem of Delos on Greek vases, see Tischbein I. 24. Il. 12.

1313.

Strabo X. p. 486, &c.

1314.

A fabulous reason is given by Callimachus, Fragm. 9. Hygin. fab. 247.

1315.

When four days old, according to Hygin. fab. 140. cf. Eurip. Iphig. Taur. 1252. Macrob. Sat. 1. 17.

1316.

Clearchus of Soli in Athen. XV. p. 701 C. Duris ap. Etymol. Mag. in Ἰήϊε, where for ἥλιον read Ἀπόλλωνα. comp. Bast ad Greg. Corinth, p. 834. This legend agrees with the compositions on the Greek vase in Tischbein III. 4. The plane-tree occurs also in Theophrast. Hist. Plant. IV. 13. Plin. H.N. XVI. 44. and in a bas-relief at the Villa Albani, Zoëga de Obeliscis, p. 212.

1317.

Apoll. Rh. II. 707. comp. Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 10.

1318.

Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 2.

1319.

Comp. Hygin. fab. 140.

1320.

Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17. The fountain there spoken of, and not that of Castalia, is the one which the serpent was supposed to haunt. Comp. Hesych. in Τοξίου βοῦνος; a mound erected over the Python, in a ravine near Delphi, which is sometimes placed at Sicyon, Paus. II. 7. 7.

1321.

Apoll. Rhod. II. 706. Schol. (where also Δελφύνης is in the MS.) Dionys. Perieg. 441. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 208. An ἡμίθηρ κόρη, according to later writers, in Apollod. I. 6. 3.

1322.

Lucian de Astrol. 23. The symbol of the goat is connected with the Python (since Αἴξ is called a child of the Python, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 12.), also a river Αἰγᾶς, and the πεδίον Αἰγαῖον at Delphi (Hesiod ap. Steph. Byz.), and the ὀμφαλὸς Αἰγαῖος, Hesych. in v. cf. Pausan. X. 11. 4. and Diod. XV. 26. The same animal was likewise sacred to Apollo at Elyrus in Crete (above, ch. 1. § 5.) and Tylissus; in the coins of which town Apollo is represented with a goat's head in his hand. At Delos the altar Κερατὼν, or Κεράτινος, was made of goat's horns by Apollo while a boy, Plutarch. Thes. 21. de Solert. Animal. 35. p. 201. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 51. The same story was told of the Κεραιστὴς τόπος at Miletus (Callim. ap. Etym. Mag. 584. 10.), where there was a strange story of a he-goat which gave milk. It cannot be doubted that the goat was originally one of the unclean animals of the worship of Apollo.

1323.

Apollo, according to Simonides (ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 52. 39.), slew the monster with an hundred arrows (as an explanation of ἑκατηβελέτης). The battle is represented on the coins of Croton; see Eckhel Num. Anecdot. plate I. No. 13.

1324.

Callim. ap. Tertull. de Cor. 7.

1325.

See in particular Boeckh de Metr. Pind. III. 4. p. 182. Pollux IV. 10. 81. calls the performance ἄχορον αὔλημα Πύθιον.

1326.

Plutarch. Quæst. Gr. 12. p. 383. de Def. Or. 14. 21. Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 422. also alludes to the burning of the καλιὰς, which he calls σκηνή.

1327.

Orchomenos, p. 220.

1328.

In Plutarch de Def. Orat. 14. read ἔφοδος ᾗ αἱ Ὀλεῖαι (also in Hesych. in αἰόδα) τὸν ἀμφιθαλῆ κόρον ἡμμέναις δᾳσὶν ἄγουσιν for ἔφοδος μὴ αἰόλα δὲ τὸν, the women having the same name as those of Orchomenus, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 38. Compare Orchomenos, p. 166.

1329.

Above, ch. 1. § 2; and on the different tradition of Tarrha, ib. § 5.

1330.

In a verse of Sophocles, cited by Plutarch de Def. Orac. 14. Alcestis said of Apollo, οὑμος δ᾽ ἀλέκτωρ αὐτὸν ἦγε πρὸς μύλην, “My husband led him to the mill.” The name of the tragedy seems to have been Ἄδμητος; see the words of Plutarch ubi sup. A tragedy, I say; for, although Hermann (Præf. ad Eurip. Alcest. p. xv.) thinks that the line is from a satiric drama, the verses quoted in Schol. Pind. Pyth. IV. 221. which appear to be from the same play, are evidently of a tragic complexion. On the imitation of the servitude of Apollo, see also the words of Plutarch ib. 15. αἵ τε πλάναι καὶ ἡ λατρεία τοῦ παιδὸς οἵ τε γιγνόμενοι περὶ τὰ Τέμπη καθαρμοί.

1331.

Hesych. in Ἀδμήτου κόρη.

1332.

See particularly Æschyl. Eumen. 726. Eurip. Alcest. 10. Apollod. I. 9.

1333.

See Schol. Aristoph. Vesp. 1231. (but the Scholion Ἀδμήτου λόγον, &c. has nothing to do with this point), and Zenob. Prov. Ἀδμήτου μέλος.

1334.

Eubemerus ap. Minut. Felic. c. 21. 2. Fulgent. Expos. Germ. Ant. p. 168. Porphyr. Vit. Pyth. 16.

1335.

Several coins appear to represent this lustration; e.g., one of Chalcedon, in Mionnet, No. 88; one of Perinthus, ibid. No. 329; see also those of Alexandria Troas in Mionnet, Nos. 109, 115, 116.

1336.

Thus Pherecydes ap. Schol. Eur. Alcest. 2. (cf. ap. Schol. Pind. Pyth. III. 96.) who drew his information from Hesiod. Hesiod related this tradition in the part of the Ἠοῖαι or catalogue which treated of the daughters of Leucippus, one of whom is said to have been the mother of Æsculapius. Tzetzes ad Hes. Theogon. 142. Compare Athenagoras Legat. p. 134. and Schol. Eurip. ubi sup. Apollod. III. 10. 4. I. 9. 15. Diod. IV. 71. Excerpt. p. 546. ed. Wesseling. Orph. Argon. 176, also Eurip. Alcestis, and Asclepiades in the Scholia. The religious tradition is given by Anaxandridas the Delphian in Schol. Eurip. Alcest. 2. (περὶ τῶν συληθέντων ἐν Δελφοῖς ἀναθημάτων, Vatic. Prov. I. 5.) and Plutarch, perhaps from the same authority. Those who in Iliad I. 399. wrote καὶ Φοῖβος Ἀπόλλων, attributed his banishment to a rebellion against Zeus. See also Æschylus ap. Plutarch de Exilio 17.

1337.

Il. XXI. 443. θητεύσαμεν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν. Thus also Pherecydes and the others. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 323. μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτὸν, from an epic poet. Plutarch. Amator. 17. gives the whole verse; Ἀδμὴτῳ πάρα θητεῦσαι μέγαν εἰς ἐνιαυτόν.

1338.

Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 611; see the very confused account in Eratosth. Catast. 29. with Schaubach's note. p. 110.

1339.

Odyss. XI. 580 Pausan. III. 18. 7. (on the Amyclæan throne) X. 11. 1. Pind. Pyth. IV. 90.

1340.

Διὸς νημερτέα βουλὴν, Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 132. comp. Hymn. Merc. 471, 533.

1341.

Ælian. V. H. XI. 5. Also sacrifices of cakes at Athens, Harpocration and Hesychius in ἔνθρυπτα, Suidas in ἔνθρυπτος Ἀπόλλων. comp. Hemsterhuis ad Lucian. vol. II. p. 411. ed. Bipont.

1342.

See above, ch. 2. § 2.

1343.

Aristot. in Δηλίων πολίτεια ap. Diog. Laert. VIII. 13. Timæus ap. Censorin. de die nat. 2. (Tim. fragm. 62. ed. Goeller). Compare Macrobius Sat. III. 6. Clem. Alex. Strom. VII. p. 717. Porphyr. de Abstinent. II. 28. (see Rhoerp. 153.) Jamblichus Vit. Pythagor. 5. 7. Cyrillus in Julian. IX. p. 307 B. Concerning the horn altar, see above, p. 325, note d. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “inner sanctuary,” starting “Lucian de Astrol. 23.”]

1344.

Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 14. The first-fruits of the year were also carried round at the Attic Thargelia, Hesychius in Θαργήλια.

1345.

Schol. Pindar. Argum. p. 298. ed. Boeckh.

1346.

See particularly Crates ap. Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725. Suidas in εἰρεσιώνη. Menecles ap. Suid. in διακόνιον. cf. in προηποσία. Thes. 22. Apostal. Prov. XXI. 24.

1347.

Also the χύτρα ἀθάρησ καὶ ἔτνους, which was used at this festival, referred more to the gods of husbandry.

1348.

The ancient Greeks considered the winter as the season when the gods of the infernal regions were predominant, and a state of impurity existed; while they looked on spring and summer as a pure and sacred season.

1349.

Meursii Græcia Feriata in Θαργήλια. Compare Orchomenos, p. 106. An historical tradition respecting the first φαρμακὸς, from a work of Istrus περὶ τῶν Ἀπόλλωνος ἐπιφανειῶν, is preserved in Harpocration and Etymol. Magn. in v.

1350.

Parthen. Erot. 9. Hesychius in Θαργήλια ad fin. where the correction of Hemsterhuis is disapproved by Welcker on Schwenck's Mythologische Andeutungen, p. 341.

1351.

Archilochus fragm. 46. ed. Gaisford.

1352.

Servius ad Æn. III. 57. from Petronius. Apollo Delphinius was worshipped there, Strabo IV. p. 179 B.

1353.

See the verses of Hipponax in Tzetzes Chil. V. 743. also in Athen. IX. p. 370 A. and his testimony in Plutarch de Musica 8. comp. Hesychius in κραδίης.

1354.

Above, ch. 2. § 10.

1355.

Pausan. II. 7. 7. Perhaps there was a local tradition that the Python was killed in Sicyon; see above, p. 324, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “supplied from the Styx,” starting “Plutarch de Pyth. Orac. 17.”]

1356.

Plutarch. Thes. 18. The number is evident from the context.

1357.

In order to show the correspondence between the sacred seasons at Athens and Delphi, it should be remarked that at the latter place the nine months of spring, summer, and autumn were sacred to Apollo, and during them the sacrifice was accompanied by the pæan; while the three winter months were sacred to Bacchus, and hence in them the dithyramb was played at the sacrifices (Plutarch. de Ei 9. p. 229.); and that in Athens also the festivals of Bacchus were celebrated between Poseideon and Elaphebolion, and those of Apollo during the other months.

1358.

See Æginetica, page 152. That the testamentum Epictetæ belongs to Thera, is proved by Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Gr. No. 2448.

1359.

Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argument.

1360.

See particularly Callisthenes and Anaxandridas (the same person who is mentioned above) in Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. Thucydides V. 1. cf. 18. 24. also places the Pythian festival at the end of Elaphebolion. The first passage has been often misunderstood (e.g. by Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 193.): its meaning is, “The annual armistice remained suspended; there was again war, until the Pythian games.” Without going further into the complicated inquiry concerning the time of the Pythia, and without denying that in later ages the festival was transferred to autumn, I think that the arguments in the text fully justify me in assuming that the celebration of the victory over the Python (which celebration was the chief subject of the Pythia) took place in spring.

1361.

This is plain from the fable of Theseus, above, ch. 3. § 14. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]

1362.

Plutarch. Sympos. VIII. 1. 2. p. 342. de Ei 17. p. 238. Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. 767. Dionys. Hal. de Art. Rhet. 3. p. 243. ed. Reisk. comp. Valckenaer de Aristobulo Judæo § 37. p. 13.

1363.

Diog. Laert. III. 2. II. 24. Apollod. fragm. p. 413. 415. ed. Heyn. It is probably a fiction that Socrates was born on the former, Plato on the latter day.

1364.

The κωπὼ of the Daphnephoria (Proclus ap. Phot. p. 987.) has some resemblance to the εἰρεσιώνη, or olive-branch, which was also carried round at the Thargelia (Suidas in v.), and is also called a ἱκετηρία, Schol. Aristoph. Eq. 725.

1365.

The Athenians, according to Proclus as above, honoured the seventh day as Ἀπολλωνιακὴ, δαφνηφοροῦντες καὶ τὸ κανοῦν ἀποστρέφοντες (ἐπιστέφοντες Scalig.) καὶ ὑμνοῦντες τὸν θεόν.

1366.

Pontedera Antiq. p. 208. According to Scaliger Emend. Temp. vol. I. p. 54, this was anciently the beginning of the year; which is denied by Petavius Doctrin. Temp. I. 34. p. 42. compare Dodwell de Cyclis V. 12. p. 256.

1367.

Above, ch. 4. § 2. It was then probably that the festival of the Theophania was celebrated, Herod. I. 51.

1368.

Concerning which see above, ch. 1. § 2. ch. 2. § 12. 14. ch. 3. § 1. And for the ancient octennial Pythian games see Demetrius of Phalerum in Eustathius ad Od. γ'. p. 1466. ed. Rom. Schol. Med. ad Od. γ'. p. 267.

1369.

This too, as well as the olive-branch, was always borne by a παῖς ἀμφιθαλὴς, a boy who had both parents alive.

1370.

See a verse from an epic poet quoted by Plutarch, Præc. Reip. ger. 19. p. 178. Ἥκομεν οἱ κτείναντες, ἀπότρεπε λοιγὸν, Ἄπολλον.

1371.

Æsch. Choeph. 1035. Eumen. 43. στέμματα Δελφικά. Suidas in Ἐμπεδοκλῆς.

1372.

Eumen. 326.

1373.

Ibid. 238, 280, 446, 581. This expiation is also represented on several vases; see Tischbein II. 16. and more completely in Millin Vases II. 68. Monumens inédits I. 29. where see the accurate explanation. Orestes sits, half kneeling, on the ὄμφαλος, covered with a net, exactly as Æschylus describes it: by his side are Athene and the Furies; next the tripod is the sacred laurel, with fillets, and votive tablets; and by it is Apollo, standing, with a laurel chaplet, and his mantle thrown back; the spirit of Clytæmnestra and Pylades in the background. On a vase in the British Museum (No. 102), Orestes is represented as kneeling, with a sword in his hand, and a travelling cap thrown from his head, before an altar; woollen fillets, in the form of a chain, fall from one arm; Apollo, with a branch of laurel and a patera in one hand, stands by him; and in the other, as it appears, a pair of shears, with which he is going to cut off a lock of his hair. See also Museo Pio Clementino, V. pi. 22.

1374.

Ap. Schol. Eurip. Orest. 268. The purification of Orestes was likewise referred to the very ancient temple of Apollo at Trœzen; in front of which there was a building called the tent of Orestes (σκηνὴ Ὀρέστου); where he lived secluded from the world, until he was purified, And from the materials used in the purification (what Homer calls λύματα), which were buried close by, a laurel was said to have sprung, Pausan. II. 31. 11. comp. I. 22. 2. and above, ch. 2. § 8. It was also supposed to have been performed at Rhegium; see the passages quoted above, p. 278, note o. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “rites and festivals,” starting “Respecting the ablutions.”] The ἐνιαυτισμὸς, or seclusion of Orestes, took place in Parrhasia, according to Schol. Eurip. Orest. 1678.

1375.

Hellanic. fragm. 98. ed. Sturz.

1376.

In later times the ephetæ decided cases of unpremeditated and justifiable homicide in the Palladium, Delphinium, Prytaneum, and Phreattys: while the Areopagus, the court for murder, was separate: but in early times these aristocratic judges appear to have sat in all the five courts, each armed with full jurisdiction. Demosth. in Macart. p. 1069. 7. They were ἀριστίνδην αἱρεθέντες, according to Pollux VIII. 125. Philochorus (ap. Maxim. Proœm. ad S. Dionys. Areop. p. 19. fragm. ed. Siebel.) gives the same number for the Areopagites, i.e., as they were before the time of Solon.

1377.

Pollux ubi sup. This explains how the Areopagus might be of great antiquity (Aristot. Polit. II. 8. 2. &c), and yet never have been mentioned by Draco, who only spoke of the ephetæ, Plutarch, Solon. 29.

1378.

Suidas in ἀπενιαυτίσαι. Hesychius in ἀπενιαυτισμὸς. Schol. Eurip. Hippol. 35. and see Barnes's note. The term of banishment was always called ἐνιαυτὸς (Apollod. II. 8. 3. cf. III. 4. 2.), and was generally eight years (an ἐνναετηρὶς) in ancient times (see below, ch. 11. § 9.); but at Athens it was probably undetermined.

1379.

Ἐὰν θέλωσι Demosth. ubi sup.

1380.

Ἐὰν γνῶσιν οἱ πεντήκοντα καὶ εἷς ἄκοντα κτεῖναι ibid. cf. Pantænet. p. 983. 15. in Nausimach. p. 991. 3. where Reiske's alteration is wrong. See also particularly the θεσμοί in the speech of Demosthenes against Aristocrates. Plato, too, would have expiation and purification only in the case of involuntary homicide, de Leg. IX. p. 869. It was against every principle of law for the relations to compound for a wilful murder (see Pseudo-Demosth. in Theocrin. p. 1330. extr.); and thus, too, the case in Il. VI. 632. is mentioned as an exception. See, however, Apollod. II. 7. 6.

1381.

On this point more will be found below, in ch. 11. § 9. In this place I only observe, with reference to the assertion of Lobeck (de Præc. Myst. II. p. 6.), “that all expiations in the heroic mythology were invented by the historians,” that, according to Arctinus (Æthiopis ap. Prod. Chrestom. comp. Tychsen de Quinto Smyrnæo p. 61.), Achilles, after the murder of Thersites, fled to Lesbos, to be there expiated by Ulysses, after sacrifices to Apollo and Diana. It may indeed be shown from the Scholia to Il. XXIV. 484. that the original reading in this passage was not ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἀφνειοῦ, but ἀνδρὸς ἐν ἁγνίτεω, “in the house of the expiator, or purifier.” See Lobeck's Aglaophamus, vol. I. p. 300. vol. II. p. 1351.

1382.

Above, p. 264. note c. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “festival of Boedromia,” starting “Callim. Hymn.”]

1383.

Below, § 17.

1384.

See Book III. ch. 11. § 4.

1385.

Æschyl. Eum. 62.

1386.

Theocrit. Id. XXIV.

1387.

Plutarch. Conviv. Sept. Sapient. 14.

1388.

Boeckh's Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Compare also the fact mentioned in the first spurious Epistle of Æschines, p. 658. ed. Reisk.

1389.

Hesych. in v.

1390.

See Casaubon ad Theophrast. Char. 16.

1391.

Hence Manto is also called Daphne; and one of the sons of Priam, a prophet, was named αἴσακος, i.e. a laurel-bough, Apollod. III. 12. 5. cf. Hesych. in v.

1392.

Tischbein I. 33. Millin. Vases, tom. I. pl. 6.

1393.

Plutarch, Sympos. III. 9. 2. p. 148. ed. Hutten. Schol. Od. XIX. 86. διὰ τὸ κουροτρόφον τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος. Compare Eustathius p. 683. 40. ed. Bas. Hesych. in κορυθαλία, where the olive-branch is so called. See also Creuzer's Symbolik, vol. II. p. 161.

1394.

Ἀλήθεια is often used in oracles to signify the confirmation by events of the prediction; thus Antiphon wrote a treatise περὶ τῆς ἀληθείας, i.e. on the fulfilment of oracles. Apollo is called ἀληθὴς by Tryphiodorus v. 641. where see Wernicke's note. Diviners were called by the Spartans καταλαθισταὶ, Hemsterhuis ad Tim. p. 113.

1395.

See particularly Plin. jun. Epist. V. 6.

1396.

Above, ch. 1. § 2.

1397.

Ovid's Metamorphoses and Hyginus fab. 203. where see Muncker's note. It is also related to have taken place at Amyclæ, at Claros, and also on the banks of the Ladon; the latter on account of Apollo Oncæus. In several coins of Metapontum, e.g., on two in the Paris cabinet, Apollo is represented as placing or planting a laurel on a low altar; and he is frequently drawn with a laurel in his hand, sometimes bound with woollen fillets.

1398.

See Od. IX. 200. XX. 278. Pausan. I. 21. 9.

1399.

See particularly Od. XVI. 403. and Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 394. compare Ælian V. H. III. 43, 44. Diod. V. 67. Harpocration in θεμιστεύειν, &c. Themis was worshipped, together with Apollo, at Delphi (which also seems to be stated in the corrupt gloss of Hesychius in θέμις), and in the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67.

1400.

Ap. Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 21. p. 282. (p. 333. ed. Schleiermacher.) Herod. VII. 111. also appears to a certain degree to praise the simplicity of the Delphic oracles, as also Philostratus Vit. Apollon. VI. 11.

1401.

Hom. Hymn. 24. Æsch. Choëph. 1037. Eurip. Ion 474. Plutarch. Num. 9.

1402.

See Plato de Rep. IV. p. 179. 7. Leg. VI. p. 428. 12. ed. Bekker.

1403.

The divination from dreams is also opposed by Euripides (Iphig. Taur. 1264) to the prophecies of Apollo; and he also refers to it the combat between the goddess Γαῖα and Phœbus.

1404.

All regular divination was of an early date, according to Pausan. I. 43. 3.

1405.

Above, ch. 2. § 14.

1406.

Hymn. Hom. III. 213, 544. Sophocl. Ed. T. 965. Alexander's Δελφικὰ. ap. Steph. Byz. in Πάρνασσος, Paus. X. 6. 1. comp. Plin. H. N. VII. 57.

1407.

Μάντεις Πυθικοὶ at the sacrifice, Eurip. Androm. 1107, 1116. see above, ch. 2. § 12. ch. 3. § 2.

1408.

Hom. Hymn. III. 552. Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 45, and Schol. Etym. Magn. p. 455. 51. Anecd. Bekk. p. 265. Zenobius V. 75. Steph. Byz. in Θρία. compare Hesychius in the obscure gloss Θριὼ, and the vase in Millingen's Diverses Peintures 29. Κλῆροι at Delphi are also mentioned by Plutarch de Ει 16.

1409.

Il. I. 602. Hesiod. Scut. 200; and see Heinrich's note. So also on the chest of Cypselus, with the verses in Paus. V. 18. 1, and Pindar Nem. V. 24.

1410.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 200. Pindar Fragm. 115. ed. Boeckh. Apollo himself, as a boy, is represented dancing on a tripod in a coin of Cos (Mionnet tom. III. p. 401).

1411.

Orchomenos, p. 381.

1412.

See, e.g. Athen. XIV. p. 636 E. Hence the κίθαρος was a fish sacred to Apollo, Apollod. Fragm. p. 395. ed. Heyn.

1413.

See the Homeric Hymn to Hermes. But even there the lyre is frequently confounded with the cithara (the seven-stringed in v. 51, which proves that this hymn is later than the time of Terpander). Comp. Apollod. III. 10. 2, where Apollod. is said to receive the pipe (σύριγξ) also from Mercury, and Eratosth. Catast. 24. The Æolian lyric poets made frequent mention of this fable, and hence it frequently occurs in Horace.

1414.

Pyth. V. 63.

1415.

Fragm. Pæan. 2. ed. Boeckh.

1416.

The frequent use of music in medicine in the most ancient times is certainly not a fiction; thus Apollo, when a player on the cithara and an ἰατρόμαντις, has offices nearly allied to one another, Æsch. Suppl. 261. Eumen. 62.

1417.

Paus. X. 7. 2. According to Schol. Pind. Pyth. Argum. 3. he was himself the καθαρτής.

1418.

Plutarch de Music. 42.

1419.

Diog. Laert. VIII. 24. Jamblichus Vit. Pythag. 26, &c.

1420.

Hence no flute-player was allowed to enter the temple of Tennes the son of Apollo, Diod. V. 83.

1421.

This fable, and the various representations of it in ancient art, are well known. See Bœttiger in Wieland's Attisches Museum, vol. I. p. 285. Visconti Museo Pio-Clementino V. 4. Millin. Vases vol. I. pl. 6. The accompaniments in the plate given by Tischbein IV. 6. show that Phrygia, those in I. 33. and Millingen pl. 6. that Delphi is meant.

1422.

Il. X. 13. The passage XVIII. 495. cannot be considered as equally ancient, see Eustathius and the Venetian Scholiast.

1423.

Hesiod. Scut. 281.

1424.

Athen. XIV. p. 624 B. Welcker ad Alcman. p. 6. Fragm. 86.

1425.

See Marm. Par. Ep. 10. and the commentators.

1426.

Boeckh ad Pindar. Fragm. p. 292.

1427.

Alcman. Fragm. 38. ed. Welcker. Plutarch de Mus. 14.

1428.

Aristoxenus ap. Plutarch. de Mus. 15. The same musician also composed the νόμος Πολυκέφαλος in honour of Apollo, Plut. ib. 7. Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. XII. p. 345.

1429.

See the author's History of Greek Literature, ch. 12. § 6.

1430.

Plutarch de Mus. 14. Paus. V. 7. 4. V. 14. 4. τὸ Πύθιον, Athen. XII. p. 538 F.

1431.

Or perfect (τέλειοι αὐλοὶ), Aristides de Music. 2. p. 101. ed. Meibom.

1432.

Paus. II. 22. 9. X. 9. 3.

1433.

Paus. IX. 29. 3. Philochorus ap. Eustath. ad Il. p. 1163. 57. ed. Rom.

1434.

Conon Narr. c. 19. Paus. II. 19, 1 (his tomb was in the temple of Apollo). comp. Propertius II. 10. 8. A θρῆνος Ἀργεῖος is mentioned by Aristides Eleus. p. 259. Apollo is only his poetical father (Apollod. I. 3. 2. Theocritus, Eustathius); but his mother Psamathe and his brother Psamathus must have some meaning. With the ceremony mentioned in the text was connected a festival called Arnis or Cynophontis, at which a number of dogs were publicly slaughtered. Ælian. N. A. XII. 34. Statius Theb. VI. 65. Conon ubi sup. Athen. III. p. 99 F. The dog, as was frequently the case in ancient mythology, evidently represents Sirius, and generally the scorching heat of summer, so fatal to all vegetation. It appears, therefore, that they destroyed the emblem of that power by which the death of Narcissus was occasioned.

1435.

Hesiod ap. Eustath. ubi sup.

1436.

Hom. Il. XVIII. 569. Hesiod ubi sup. Euripides ap. Athen. XIV. p. 619 C.

1437.

See Stanley ad Æsch. Agam. 123. The proper name was perhaps οἶτος Λίνου, and the first words αἶ Λίνε.

1438.

Pollux I. 1. 38. cf. Il. ubi sup.

1439.

Barbarian Αἴλινοι in Eurip. Orest. 1402.

1440.

Schol. Apoll. I. 1135.

1441.

Orchomenos, p. 293.

1442.

Æsch. Pers. 1059 (where it is a melancholy tune to the lamentations of the chorus) and Schol. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 791.

1443.

Æsch. Pers. 941. and Schol. Eustath. ubi sup. Pollux IV. 7. 54.

1444.

Schol. Theocrit. X. 41. Apostol. XII. 7. Hesychius in Μαριανδυνῶν θρῆνος.

1445.

Pollux IV. 10. 76.

1446.

II. 79. comp. Clearchus ap. Hesych. Pollux ubi sup.

1447.

Eustath. ad Il. A. 20. The name Cinyras was changed so as to resemble Κινυρός. The love which Apollo bore him (Pind. Pyth. II. 16. cf. Schol. Theocrit. I. 109) merely signifies that he was fond of music.

1448.

Paus. X. 7. 2. Concerning the antiquity of the musical contests at Delphi see Plutarch Sympos. II. 4. 1. p. 83. Demetrius Phalereus quoted above, p. 338, note e. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote on page 337 to “earliest times arranged,” starting “Concerning which see above.”] Philostrat. Vit. Apollon. Tyan. VI. 10.

1449.

Proclus ap. Phot. Χρυσόθεμις ὁ Κρὴς πρῶτος στολῇ χρησάμενος ἐκπρεπεῖ, καὶ κιθάραν ἀναλαβὼν εἰς μίμησιν τοῦ Ἀπόλλωνος μόνος ᾖσε νόμον.

1450.

Suidas in νόμος κιθαρῳδός.

1451.

Callim. Hymn. Del. 304. comp. Apoll. Rhod. I. 537.

1452.

Proclus ubi sup.

1453.

Plutarch de Music. 4. from Timotheus.

1454.

See the passages quoted by Fabricius vol. I. p. 207. 210. ed. Harl. It was also called versus Deliacus, if the reading in Atilius Fortunatus, p. 2690. ed. Putsch. is correct. At Miletus also there were ancient hexameter hymns to Apollo and Zeus, which were attributed to Branchus, Terent. de Metris 5, 165. comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. p. 647.

1455.

Heraclid. Pont. ap. Plutarch de Music. 3. comp. Schol. Od. XVI. 432. Syncellus Chronogr. p. 162. Fabricius vol. I. p. 214. ed. Harles.

1456.

Plutarch de Music. 5.

1457.

The hymns of Terpander were, like the most ancient songs, partly in hexameter metre, ἔπη (Plutarch Symp. III. 4. Proclus ubi sup.): yet Terpander was the first to introduce a great variety of metre.

1458.

The reason of Thamyris the Thracian being called the son of Philammon (Paus. IV. 33), is probably the near neighbourhood of the Delphians and Thracians of Parnassus.

1459.

Il. I. 473. cf. XXII. 391.

1460.

Plat. Symp. 4. Philochorus ap. Athen. XIV. p. 630 sq. cf. IV. p. 179. XI. p. 503 E. from Antiphanes, Xenoph. Symp. 2. 1. Hence τελεσίερος, Hesych. in v.

1461.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 514 sqq. In Delos also pæans were sung round the altars, Eurip. Herc. Fur. 690.

1462.

Xenoph. Ages. 2. 17. The passage of Athenæus XIV. p. 631 C. if properly written, does not refer to that point. There was always a person named ἐξάρχων who accompanied the song on an instrument. Thus Archilochus Fragm. 50. ed. Gaisford. αὐτὸς ἐξάρχων πρὸς αὐλόν Λέσβιον παιήονα (after the time of Terpander), Vit. Sophocl. μετὰ λύρας τοῖς παιανίζουσιν ἐξῆρχε. Compare the verses on the chest of Cypselus quoted above, p. 349. note 2.

1463.

Plutarch de Ει 16.

1464.

Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25.

1465.

See Menander de Encom. p. 27. ed. Heeren.

1466.

Il. XVIII. 590. cf. Od. IV. 18.

1467.

Sosibius ap. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. and Simonides ap. Athen. V. p. 181 B. Plutarch Sympos. IX. 15. explained by Boeckh ad Pind. Fragm. p. 597.

1468.

Lucian. de Saltat. 16.

1469.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 162. πάντων δ᾽ ἀνθρώπων φωνὰς καὶ κρεμβαλιαστὺν Μιμεῖσθαι ἴσασιν. Κρεμβαλιαστὺς means extravagant gestures, such as clapping of hands, striking of castanets, &c.

1470.

See Plut. Thes. 21. Callim. Hymn. Del. 317. with Spanheim's note. The leader of the dance was called γερανουλκὸς (Hesych. in v.) Blows also were given, and hence the expression Δήλου κακὸς βωμὸς (Hesych. in v.); and there were also various turnings and windings, παραλλάξεις and ἀνελίξεις (Dicæarchus apud Plut. ubi sup.): when at rest, the chorus stood in a semicircle, with leaders at the two wings, Pollux IV. 4. 101.

1471.

Athen. XIV. p. 630. Compare the extant fragments of the pæans of Pindar.

1472.

Plutarch de Music. 9, 10. Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 127. That the hyporcheme was native in Sparta may be seen from Pindar Fragm. 8. p. 603. ed. Boeckh.

1473.

Plutarch de Music. 10. where for ΜΑΡΩΝΑ καὶ Κρητικὸν ῥυθμὸν should probably be written ΠΑΙΩΝΑ. A fragment of a pæan in pæons in Aristot. Rh. III. 7. 6.

1474.

It is called ἁβρόν τι μέλος by Bacchylides.

1475.

Pind. Olymp. XIV. 12. and the Schol.

1476.

There was at Delos an ancient statue, according to Plutarch de Music. 14. which Tectæus and Angelion appear to have imitated (Pausan. IX. 35. I.); whose work is perhaps copied in the Gem in Millin's Galerie Mythologique, p. 33. No. 474. Comp. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. The Graces had a flute, a lyre, and a pipe in their hands. There was another ancient statue (ξόανον) at Delos, which was referred to Erysichthon, Plutarch, Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten.

1477.

Orchomenos, p. 182. and see Panyasis Fragm. I. 14. 18. ed. Brunck.

1478.

Also the Hyacinthia in the Amyclæum, Strab. VI. p. 278. Hyacinthus was the son of Amyclas and of Diomede the daughter of Lapithas (so named from the Lapithæum in the neighbourhood), according to Apollod. III. 10. 2. Amyclas is mentioned, instead of Hyacinthus, by Simmias περὶ μηνῶν, ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμύκλα.

1479.

Orchomenos, p. 327. The month Hyacinthus was also introduced into Sicily by the Ægidæ, Castelli Prol. XII. p. 74.

1480.

Hyacinthus is himself called Καρνεῖος in Coluthus Rapt. Hel. 237.

1481.

Paus. II. 35. 4.

1482.

Paus. III. 19. cf. IV. 33. 5.

1483.

Hesychius in Πολύβοια; and see below, ch. 10. § 3.

1484.

A worship of the dead was also offered to the πάρθενοι Ὕακινθίδες of Athea.

1485.

Eurip. Hel. 1490.

1486.

Crowns of ivy were given at the Hyacinthia, according to Aristot. ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 18. Hence perhaps the Κισσεὺς Ἀπόλλων of Æschylus ap. Macrob. ibid. with Lobeck's correction ad Soph. Aj. 814. See Classical Journal XIX. p. 111.

1487.

Manso, Sparta, vol. III. part II. p. 201. has properly followed Dodwell on this point, whose arguments also convince me.

1488.

Hesych. Σταφυλοδρόμοι τινὲς τῶν Καρνεατῶν παρορμῶντες τοὺς ἐπὶ τρύγῃ. A different account is given in Bekker's Anecd. p. 305.

1489.

Clemens of Alexand. (Str. I. p. 349.) infers from two verses of the ancient poem Europia that Apollo was also represented at Delphi as a κίων ὑψηλός; but they prove nothing; for the high column, on which arms and trophies were hung, was certainly not the god himself.

1490.

Called Κουρίδιος, Hesych. in v. Sosibius ap. Zenob. Prov. I. 54. Apostol. II. 54.

1491.

Paus. III. 11. Perhaps this was the regular form of the Carnean Apollo, Paus. III. 26. 5.

1492.

Above, p. 195. note k. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “before conquered,” starting “Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12.”]

1493.

Aristides ap. Steph. Byz. comp. Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 12. p. 266. Apostol. XVIII. 28. and the coins of Tenedos (Mionnet tom. II. p. 671.); those of Pitana (tom. II. p. 627. No. 722.) of Iasos (tom. III. p. 352.), and particularly those of Thyateira (Buonarotti Medaglie Antiche IX. 9.), in which the symbol of the axe is variously combined with Apollo.

1494.

The latter god was called by the title of Χρυσαορεὺς (Strab. XIV. p. 660.); and consequently the epithet χρυσάωρ, as applied to Apollo, originally (e.g. in Il. V. 509. see Heyne's note, and ad Apollod. p. 274.) signified his golden armour, although Pindar (Pyth. V. 104.) uses it for the golden ornaments of his cithara; but in an oracle of Bacis it is again applied to Artemis, i.e. to the armed goddess (Herod. VIII. 77. compare Mitscherlisch and Ilgen ad Hom. Hymn. Cer. 4. Boeckh Explic. Pind. p. 293.)

1495.

Travels in Greece, vol. II. p. 200. pi. 7. Alcuni bassi-relievi della Grecia, Roma 1812. The Apollo upon the Capitoline Puteal appears to be a copy, but a far more modern copy, of the same original. The same shape of Apollo may be also observed in the reliefs with the carrying off of the tripod.

1496.

Pind. Pyth. V. 42. There was also shown at Tegea a gilt Apollo by Cheirisophus a Cretan, see Thiersch, Ueber die Kunstepochen, vol. II. p. 25.

1497.

Tryphiodor. 643. and see book IV. ch. 1. § 3. Concerning the Δελφικὴ μάχαιρα see Aristotle Polit. I. 1. 5. and Hesychius in v. Compare Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535. At Tarsos also they used a sacred μάχαιρα, tempered in the water of Cydnus, Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 41. p. 368.

1498.

In this temple also there was a wooden statue of Apollo, θύϊος (probably θύϊνος) Ἀπόλλων, Hesychius.

1499.

For this account see a paper Ueber den Apollon des Kanachos, in the Kunstblatt for 1821, No. 16. This also serves to confirm the conjecture of Visconti that the bas-relief of the Museo Pio-Clementino V. 23. represents Menelaus dedicating the arms of Euphorbus to the Didymæan Apollo; for the god upon the pillar has nearly the form in question. To the copies of this Apollo many might now be added.

1500.

Strab. VII. p. 319 B. comp. Pliny N. H. IV. 27. XXXIV. 18.

1501.

Pausan. I. 4. 3. The reader should guard against supposing with Visconti (Museo Pio-Clementino tav. I. p. 26. tav. 7. p. 93.) that these statues of Apollo in temples had the elegant proportions and light character of the later works of art.

1502.

Æginetica, p. 106. Concerning the ancient statues of Apollo see also Winckelmann's Kunstgeschichte vol. I. p. 191. note. vol. III. p. 548.

1503.

This important statement is given in Aristides Fragm. ap. Mai. Vet. Script. Nov. Syll. I. 3. p. 41. It has first explained fully the epigram of Antipater to the Apollo of Onatas, Brunck Analect. vol. II. p. 14. No. 30.

1504.

A statue of Apollo by Myron is mentioned by Cicero in Verr. II. 4. 43.

1505.

E.g. those of Mytilene, Croton, and also those of Philip the First.

1506.

E.g. the head in the Louvre, No. 133. Catalogue de Clarac.

1507.

A bronze found at Argos, of the same character, is mentioned by Pouqueville, Voyage en Grèce, tom. IV. p. 161. Heads having a great resemblance to the Belvedere Apollo occur in many collections, some of which have even more heroic forms.

1508.

Lucian. Anachars. c. 7. In a coin of Thessalonica the Pythian Apollo is represented in this position, with the laurel in his right hand, the cithara beside him, and the bow at his feet (Mionnet No. 396.); similar to those of Germe, Apollonia in Mysia, Chalcedon, and Cos.

1509.

The statue of this class in the Museo Pio-Clementino I. tav. 13. is, according to Vis conti's conjecture, a copy of the Palatine Apollo of Scopas, Plin. N. H. XXXVI. 4. 7. This form of the Apollo Musagetes was most in vogue in the time of Nero. There is a remarkable statue of this god described and figured by Raffei in his Ricerche sopra un Apolline delta villa Albani. He is represented as sitting, half-clothed, on a tripod covered with a skin, with his right hand on his knees (to be kissed, as was the custom in temples); in his left hand is a serpent; and his feet rest upon a cortina, also covered with a skin: by the side of this is a lion's skin; the hair is interwoven with laurel leaves, and falls in a broad cluster over the back. The style is neither very ancient nor good, but the symbols and position are singular in many respects.

1510.

See Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 423. and Julian (ap. Cyrill. p. 153.) on this subject.

1511.

Above, ch. 3. § 7. and book III. ch. 9. § 16.

1512.

Porph. Vit. Pythag. 41. According to Aristoxenus apud Diog. Laert. VIII. 21. he received the fundamental doctrines of his philosophy from Themistocleia, a Pythian priestess. See Fabric. Bibl. Græc. vol. I. p. 881. ed. Harles. and Apostol. Prov. XVII. 86.

1513.

One of the important parts of the Pythagorean worship was the pæan, which was sung to the lyre, in spring-time, by a person sitting in the midst of a circle of listeners: this was called the κάθαρσις, or purification. See Schol. Ven. Il. XXII. 391. Jamblich. Vit. Pythag. 25. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. 32. This is evidently an application of ancient rites of the worship of Apollo. The Pythian oracle likewise commanded the Greeks of Lower Italy to sing pæans in the spring as a means of atonement. Aristoxenus p. 93. ed. Mahn. apud Apollon. Hist. Mir. 40.

1514.

See Creuzer's Symbolik.

1515.

Pindar. Nem. VI. 42. IX. 4. Compare Hymn. Homer. XXVII. 14. and the ἀρὰ Ἀμφικτυόνην in Æschin. Ctesiph. p. 70. 36. Ἀπόλλωνος τοῦ Πυθίου καὶ τᾶς Λατὸς καὶ τᾶς Ἀρτάμι[τος] in the great Delphian inscription in Boeckh No. 1688. The whole family was also in the temple at Cirrha, Pausan. X. 36. 7.

1516.

See above, ch. 7. § 6.

1517.

Pindar. Nem. IX. 4. At Sparta also Apollo Pythaëus was joined with Latona and Artemis, Pausan. III. 11.

1518.

Chishull's Antiq. Asiat. p. 133. The Artemis Cnagia at Sparta came from Crete, according to Pausan. III. 18. 3. Amnisian nymphs of Artemis, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 15. See above, ch. 1. § 5.

1519.

Above, p. 342, note s. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “thirst for revenge,” starting “On this point.”]

1520.

Antonin. Liberal. c. 1.

1521.

Inscription in Walpole's Travels, p. 578. ὑδροφόρος Ἀρτέμιδος Πυθίης.

1522.

Above, ch. 2. § 3.

1523.

Σαρπηδονία in Cilicia, Strab. XIV. p. 676.

1524.

Hyginus fab. 186. Whether the Artemis of Rhegium (Thuc. VI. 44.) came from Delphi (above, ch. 3. § 5.) or from Eubœa (where she was worshipped under the name of Προσηώα at Artemisium, of Amarynthia, near Eretria, on mount Cotylæum, and all along the Euripus, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 188.) is uncertain.

1525.

Herod. IV. 33. where the worship of the Hyperborean Artemis is also ascribed to the Thracian and Pæonian women. Compare Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 936. The Hymn of Olen, Pausan. V. 1.4. represented Demeter Ἀχαιία as coming from the land of the Hyperboreans to Delos; but the Achæan Demeter cannot be meant; and therefore I would write ΑΦΑΙΑ, as Artemis was called in Ægina. The ἀποδημίαι of Artemis in the Argive legend (Menander de Encom. 4. p. 38. ed. Heeren) perhaps referred to this.

1526.

See Callim. Hymn. Del. 292. Melanopus of Cume ap. Pausan. ubi sup. cf. I. 43. 4. Etymol. Mag. p. 641. 56. Concerning Οὖπις, see the English edition of Stephens' Thesaurus, vol. I. part 4. p. 551.

1527.

Thus Apollo was called Ἐπόψιος, Hesychius.

1528.

Thus Nemesis was also called Οὖπις, as in the inscription of Herodes Atticus.

1529.

Palæphat. 52. Apostolius VI. 44.

1530.

Sung among the Trœzenians, by whom Lyceia was worshipped, Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 972.

1531.

Od. XI. 171. Compare Il. VI. 428. Od. XX. 60. The reason why she kills Ariadne (Od. XI. 324.) is explained by Pherecydes in the Scholia. Λέων γυναιξὶ (Il. XXI. 483.) probably only as a goddess of death, and not as Pausanias IV. 30. 3. and Eustathius explain it. Ἃ γυναικῶν μέγ᾽ ἔχει κράτος in the Attic Scolion is ambiguous.

1532.

Artemis in Homer is, in the first place, the complete image of her brother, as armed with a bow (ἰοχέαιρα, χρυσηλάκατος, τοξοφόρος Il. XX. 39, 71. XXI. 483. Od. IV. 122. VI. 102, &c.); as a beautiful and strong maiden (Od. IV. 122. VI. 151. XVII. 37. XIX. 54.); as killing women suddenly and without sickness (Il. VI. 428. XIX. 59. Od. XI. 171, 323. XV. 476. XX. 61, 80.), sometimes mildly (Od. XV. 409. XVIII. 201.), at another time in anger (Il. VI. 205.); as punishing with death the children of Niobe (Il. XXIV. 606.) and Orion (Od. V. 123.); as κουροτρόφος, and therefore giving height to virgins (Od. XX. 71. cf. VI. 107.); as occasionally healing (Il. V. 447.); as honoured by choruses of singers, and herself leading the chorus (Il. XVI. 183. cf. Hymn. XXVII. 18.). Now, besides this, there is also the Arcadian notion of Artemis, the wood-nymph;, her chorus plays in the woods (Od. VI. 106.); she rejoices in wild boars and stags (VI. 104.); and thus, being armed with a bow, becomes a huntress (Il. V. 51. XXI. 485.). The Ætolian Artemis, who requires θαλύσια (Il. IX. 533.), is again of a different kind.

1533.

Pausan. IV. 13. 1.

1534.

Callim. Hymn. Dian. 124.

1535.

Apollod. I. 7. 4.

1536.

Pausan. I. 4. 5. Euphorion ap. Schol. Od. V. 120. Fragm. 108. ed. Meineke, &c.

1537.

Etym. Mag. p. 443. 20. At Melite in Phthia Artemis was, in some particular worship, called Ἄσπαλις, Ἀμειλήτη, Ἑκαέργη, Antonin. Liberal. 13.

1538.

She was worshipped under the title of Δαφναία at Las, Pausan. III. 24. 6. and of Δαφνία at Olympia, Strab. VIII. p. 343.

1539.

Etymol. M. p. 657. 6. Sophocl. Trach. 210. according to Seidler's punctuation; above, p. 309, note h. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “in honour of Apollo,” starting “Proclus apud Phot.”]

1540.

At Trœzen, Pausan. II. 31. 6.

1541.

Above, ch. 6. § 3. Also προθυραία and προπυλαία, Spanheim ad Callim. Dian. 38.

1542.

Etym. Mag. p. 356. 10. Gudian. p. 17. 23. Compare above, p. 312, note b. [Transcriber's Note: This is no such footnote number on that page.] Alcman used the form Ἀρτέμιτος, Eustath. p. 1618. 29. A month Ἀρταμίτιος in Crete, Chishull's Antiq. Asiat. p. 126; and in Sicily, see Castelli Proleg. ad Inscript. Sic. p. 69. Ἀρταμίτιος in Corcyra, according to inscriptions; Ἀρτεμιτία in Cyrene, Thrige Hist. Cyren. p. 218. Ἀρταμιτι in a Corcyræan inscription, Mustoxidi, Illustrazioni Corciresi, vol. II. p. 88. comp. Chandler. Inscript. p. 82. No. 145. Koen. ad Greg. p. 305. Steph. Byz. in Ἀρτεμίσιον.

1543.

See Plato de Rep. p. 406. Strab. XIV. p. 635.

1544.

Hesychius in Καλαοίδια.

1545.

II. XVI. 183.

1546.

Welcker ap. Dissen. Explic. Pind. p. 453.

1547.

See the verses in Clem. Alexand. Strom. I. p. 523. cf. Pausan. X. 12. 1.

1548.

Pausan. VIII. 5. 8. cf. 13. 1, 4. The temple was on the confines of Mantinca and Orchomenos 12. 3. It may be also seen from Polyæn. VIII. 34. that the Tegeates sent sacred processions to Artemis of Pheneus.

1549.

Eumelus ap. Apollod. III. 8. 2. Asius and Pherecydes give a different account.

1550.

Pausan. VIII. 35. 7. Compare Sappho in Pausan. I. 29. 2. Æginetica, p. 31. Artemis was called, κατ᾽ ἐξοχὴν, the beautiful, ἁ καλὰ, Feder ad Æsch. Agam. p. 9.

1551.

Callisto was called even by Hesiod the constellation of the Bear, Hygin. Poët. Astron. I. p. 356. Lactant. 6.

1552.

It is easy to conceive that, as Apollo Lyceus was at Delphi represented in the form of a wolf, so likewise the bear was made the symbol of Artemis by the Arcadians.

1553.

The exceptions are few; for instance, perhaps, Apollo Cereatas in Æpytis, Pausan. VIII. 34. 3.

1554.

Ap. Menand. de Encom. 3. p. 33. frag. 33. ed. Welcker. She was called Λυκοᾶτις on mount Mænalum, Paus. VIII. 36. 5. Κνακεᾶτις near Tegea, ib. 53, 5; Κεδρεᾶτις at Orchomenos, ib. 13. 2. (so named from a cedar on which the statue stood); Στυμφαλία at Stymphalus, ib. 22. 5. comp. Eustath. ad Il. II. p. 228. ed. Basil; Σκιαδῖτις at Scia, near Megalopolis, Paus. VIII. 35. 5; Κνακαλησία and Κονδυλεᾶτις at Caphyæ, ib. 23. 3; Νεμιδία at Teuthea, Strabo VIII. p. 342; in Laconia Δερρεᾶτις, Paus. III. 20. 7. Steph. Byz. in Δέρρα. The hymn to Artemis Derrhiatis, or Δερεᾶτις, was called Κάλαβις; there was also an indecent dance, Eupolis, ap. Athen. XIV. p. 619. Hesychius. Καρυᾶτις at Caryæ, Paus. III. 10. 8. Hesychius in Καρύαι. Ἰσσωρία near Pitana, Paus. III. 14. 2. Polyæn. II. 1. 14. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 172. Plutarch Ages. 32. and Hesychius (according to Pausanias the Artemis Issoria or Limnæa was not properly an Artemis, but Britomartis); Οἰνωᾶτις near Argos, Steph. Byz. in Οἴνη, Hesychius in Οἰνωᾶτις. Σαρωνὶς near Trœzen, Paus. II. 30. 7. Achæus tragicus ap. Hesych. in Σαρωνίς; Κορυφαία at Epidaurus, Paus. II. 28. 2. Steph. Byz. in Κορυφαῖον (Clarke, Travels, vol. II. part II. p. 603. found, by means of an inscription, what are probably the ruins of the temple upon mount Coryphæum);—Ἀλφειαία at Letrini, Paus. VII. 22. 5; Κοκκόκα at Olympia, ib. V. 15. 4; Τρικλαρία at Patræ, ib. VII. 19. 1. (an united temple of three ancient κῶμαι); Ἀκταία at Pellene, Plutarch. Arat. 32.

1555.

As Λιμνᾶτις at Tegea, Paus. VIII. 53. 5; at Epidaurus Limera, ib. III. 23. 6.; at Pitana, near Sparta, ib. 14. 2; at Λιμναία at Corinth, ib. II. 7. 6; and particularly in the celebrated λιμναῖον, on the frontier of Laconia and Messenia, Paus. IV. 4. 31. Tacit. Ann. IV. 43. Hence, according to Strabo p. 362. the Limnæum in Laconia was derived. At Trœzen she was δέσποινα λίμνης and of the hippodrome, Eurip. Hippol. 230. As Ἑλεία in Messene, Hesych. in ἐλεία, probably ἑλεία; and at Alorium, on the borders of Arcadia, Strabo VIII. p. 350. where for Ἠλείας should probably be written Ἑλείας.

1556.

Paus. II. 3. 5. III. 22. 6. IV. 35. 6.

1557.

Paus. III. 29. 7.

1558.

Under the title of ἡμερησία, Paus. VIII. 18. 8. Pherecydes p. 132. ed. Sturz. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 235. Polyæn. IX. 34. 6. Concerning this fountain, see Callim. fragm. 75. Aristot. Mir. Auscult. p. 1102 B.

1559.

Paus. V. 15. 4. At Byzantium also there was in piscina templum Dianæ Luciferæ et Veneris Placidæ, Dionys. de Thrac. Bosporo. In Samos also there was Artemis Χησιὰς and Ἰμβρασίη, Callim. Hymn. Dian. 228. Catullus calls her amnium domina, XXX. 12; Horace, lætam foliis et nemorum coma, Carm. I. 21. 5.—Apollonius Rhodius also calls her νηοσσόος, I. 569; Callimachus, λιμένεσσιν ἐπίσκοπος, Hymn. Dian. 39.

1560.

Strab. VIII. p. 343. Paus. VI. 22. 5. Herodotus ap. Schol. Pind. Olymp. V. 10. Dissen ad Nem. I. p. 350. Another temple of Artemis in this region is mentioned in Polybius IV. 73. 4.

1561.

As is shown by Strabo, ubi sup. Comp. Demetrius Scepsius ap. Athen. VIII. p. 376 B.

1562.

Paus. VIII. 41. 4.

1563.

Strab. VI. p. 270. Creuzer's Meletemata, vol. I. p. 78, &c.

1564.

Pind. Olymp. VI. 5. 6. See Boeckh Exp. Pind. p. 152. sq.

1565.

Paus. V. 14. 5. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 3. Olymp. V. 10.

1566.

Paus. VI. 22. 5.

1567.

Pind. Pyth. II. 7. comp. Boeckh Exp. p. 244. Concerning the temple at Ortygia, see D'Orville's Siculis, p. 196. and Boeckh, ibid. p. 243. The beautiful female heads on the tetradrachms of Syracuse, with the hair entwined with reeds, surrounded by four fishes, probably represent the river Artemis.

1568.

Ibycus ap. Schol. Theocrit. I. 117.

1569.

Diod. V. 3. Schol. Pind. Nem. I. 2.

1570.

Ap. Hesych. p. 36. 18.

1571.

Pindar Nem. I. 1. calls Ortygia the resting-place of the Alpheus; and he too, perhaps, considers Artemis as the object of pursuit.

1572.

See the excellent note of Dissen ad Pind. Nem. I. p. 350.

1573.

Paus. VIII. 37. 2.

1574.

See Paus. VIII. 10. 4. Callim. Hym. Dian. 107. She had the name of Ἐλαφιαία in Elis, Paus. VI. 225. Hence the Ἐλαφηβόλία (Anecd. Bekk. p. 249.), a festival widely extended (e.g. Plutarch. Virt. Mul. p. 267.) The symbol of the deer, however, appears to have been common to all the different branches of the worship of Artemis; thus there is in Mr. Payne Knight's collection a coin in which she is represented bearing a stag's horns, which he ascribes to Delos.

1575.

Concerning human sacrifices to Artemis on the river Ameilichus, which were abolished by the worship of Dionysus Æsymnetes, at Patræ, see the description in Paus. V. 19. 1. Human sacrifices were also offered to the same goddess near Megalopolis, Tatian adv. Græcos I. p. 165 A. Compare Knight on the Symbolical Language of Mythology, § 143.

1576.

Λόμβαι. αἱ τῇ Ἀρτέμιδι θυσιῶν ἄρχουσαι ἀπὸ τῆς κατὰ τὴν παιδιὰν σκευῆς, οἱ γὰρ φάλητες οὕτω καλοῦνται. Hesychius.

1577.

Agam. 144.

1578.

Εὐρίππα at Pheneus, Paus. VIII. 14. 4. ἱπποσόα, Pind. Olymp. III. 27. comp. Boeckh Expl. Pyth. II. 8. p. 244. Hence Artemis (χρυσήνιος) is frequently represented on vases in a chariot with horses; in Callimach. Hymn. Dian. 110. and in the bas reliefs of Phigaleia, she is attended by goats.

1579.

Under the title of κορυθαλλία at the Tiassa, near Sparta, near the Cleta, Athen. IV. p. 139; also κουροτρόφος, φιλομείραξ, Diod. V. 73. (and see Wesseling's note.) Paus. IV. 34. Hymn. Orph. XXXVI. 8. comp, Spanheim ad Callim. Dian. 6. These names may, however, be referred to the worship of Apollo; above ch. 8. § 7. She was worshipped under the general epithet of σώτειρα at Pegæ (Paus. I. 44. 7.), Megara (I. 40. 2.), Bœæ (III. 22. 9.), Pellene (VII. 27. 1.), Phigaleia (VIII. 39. 3.), and at Syracuse, as we know from its coins. Comp. Dorville's Sicula, p. 327. sq.

1580.

Above, ch. 6. § 2, 3. ch. 9. § 2.

1581.

Eurip. Hypsipyl. and Aristoph. Lemn. ap. Harpocrat. in ἀρκτεῦσαι. See Orchomenos, p. 309.

1582.

Apostolius VIII. 19.

1583.

Boeckh not. Crit. ad Pind. Olymp. XIII. 109. There was also at Miletus a festival of Artemis called Νηληὶς, Plutarch Mul. Virt. p. 287. ed. Hutten. There was also a temple of Artemis at Pygela, near Ephesus, which was said to have been built by Agamemnon, Strab. XIV. p. 639. Also on coins of Miletus, Mionnet Description, &c. tom. III. p. 186.

1584.

Callim. Hymn. Dian. 225. Schol. ad Callim. Hymn. Jov. 77. Χιτώνη Ἄρτεμις, Steph. Byz. in v.; among the Ionians κιθωνέα (probably κιθωνέη) Ἄρτεμις Hesych. in v. Also Artemis Χιτώνεα at Syracuse, Athen. XIV. p. 629 E.

1585.

Paus. I. 23. 9. I. 33. 1. cf. III. 17. 6. Eurip. Troad. 1462. sqq. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 173. Euphorion also placed the sacrifice of Iphigenia at Brauron, fragm. 81. ed. Meineke.

1586.

The Argives, Stesichorus, and Euphorion, according to Paus. II. 22. 7. Antonin. Liber. 27. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183.

1587.

Paus. III. 16. 6. Hygin. fab. 261. Comp. Creuzer's Comment. Herod. p. 244. From this temple Helen was carried away, according to Plutarch Thes. 31. cf. Hygin. fab. 79; whose name reminds us of the Ἐλενηφοροῦντες of Artemis of Brauron.

1588.

The διαμαστίγωσις was preceded by the φούαξιρ, ἡ ἐπὶ τῆς χώρας σωμασκία τῶν μελλόντων μαστιγοῦσθαι, Hesychius. The word φούαξιρ appears to be derived from φούα, Laconian for φύα, and ἄξιρ or ἄξις contracted from ἄσκησις. See App. V. § 4. Comp. Hemsterhuis and Valcknaer ad Adoniaz. p. 277. There were also other games at this festival, Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1416. ἐπὶ Ἀλκίππου νικάσας τὸ παιδικὸν κέλητι Ἀρτέμιτι Ὀρθίᾳ.

1589.

Plutarch. Arist. 17.

1590.

Prod. Chrestomath. ap. Hephæst. Gaisford.

1591.

Ap. Etym. Mag. in Ταυρόπολον.

1592.

Paus. I. 43. 1.

1593.

Theognis Paræn. 11. Dicæarch. Anagr. 88. Plutarch. Ages. 6. Etymol. Magn. p. 747. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 183. Siebelis ad Phanod. pp. 6. 9.

1594.

See the confused account in Plutarch. Mulier. Virt. 7. Quæst. Græc. 21. Polyæn. VII. 49.

1595.

Orchomenos, p. 311.

1596.

Etym. Magn. p. 815, sq.

1597.

Hygin. fab. 121. on the two Chryses.

1598.

Uhden, Berlin Transactions for 1815, p. 63. Millingen Diverses Peintures, planche 51. Welcker ap. Dissen. Expl. Pind. p. 512. Compare Buttmann ad Sophod. Philoct. ad Argum. Metr. p. 57.

1599.

The subject of a picture mentioned by Philostrat. Icon. 17. Dio Chrysost. Or. LIX. p. 577. 21.

1600.

Millingen ibid, planche 50.

1601.

Herod. IV. 87.

1602.

Etym. Magn. ubi sup. Dionysius de Bosporo Thracio p. 22. ed. Hudson. Hesychius Milesius de Constantinopoli.

1603.

Ammianus XXII. 8. Antonin. Liberal. 27. Perizonius ad Ælian. V. H. II. 25. Hemsterhuis ad Poll. IX. 12. p. 982.

1604.

Herod. IV. 103. Comp. Scymnus Chius v. 88. Strab. VII. p. 508. XII. p. 535. Mannert's Géographie, vol. IV. p. 279. (ed. 1820).

1605.

See Callim. (fr. 417.) and Eratosthenes ap. Steph. Byz. in Αἰθοπία, Hesychius in Αἰθιοπαῖδα.

1606.

A temple of Artemis Orthosia at Teuthrania on the Caicus, Plutarch, de Fluv.; of the Tauric Artemis at Tmolia on the Pactolus, ibid.; of Artemis Orthia in Cappadocia, Paus. III. 16. 6.; and of Iphigenia at Comana, Dion Cassius XXXV. 11. Comp. Steph. Byz. in Ἄμανον, Plutarch de Fluv.; and particularly Strab. XII. p. 537. concerning Artemis Perasia at Castabala.

1607.

Æschylus had divulged something relating to the mysteries in the Iphigenia, Eustratius ad Aristot Eth. Nic. III. 1. See above, § 4.

1608.

Herod. III. 48. Steph. Byz. in Ταυροπόλιον. She was also there called Καπροφάγος, Hesychius in v. Compare Panofka Res Samiorum, p. 63.

1609.

Strab. XIV. p. 639. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 187. The Tauropolium in the island of Icaria in the Persian bay (where Apollo Tauropolus was also worshipped) was probably not established till after the time of Alexander, Ælian. N. A. II. 9. Dionys. Perieg. 611.

1610.

Liv. XLIV. 44. and coins. Also in the neighbourhood of Magnesia on the Sipylus, Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 60.

1611.

Sophod. Aj. 174.

1612.

See particularly Strab. V. p. 239. She is represented on coins sitting on an ox running, which Apollodorus explained of the periodic course of the goddess, with reference to the moon, p. 402. ed. Heyne. Comp. Etymol. M. in Ταυροπόλον. Apostolius XVIII. 23. See also Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Dian. 174, 187.

1613.

Concerning the situation of which see Locella ad Xenoph. Ephes. p. 87. Compare Caylus Mém. de l'Acad. tom. XX. pp. 428-441. Choiseul Gouffier Voyage pittoresque, tom. I. p. 191.

1614.

Herod. II. 10. Artemis visited the son of the Cayster according to Callimachus fragm. 102. ed. Bentl.

1615.

At Corinth, Paus. II. 2. 5. Alea, id. VIII. 23. 1. An Ephesium at Massilia, Strabo IV. pp. 179, 184. at the founding of which there was a priestess named Aristarche (compare the Ἀρισταρχεῖον of Artemis at Elis, Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 47).

1616.

Of a peculiar character also were the sacrifices of parsley and salt at Dætis in Ephesus, Etym. Mag. in Δαιτίς.

1617.

The Megabyzi, so called as early as the time of Xenophon. Also Μύξος was a priest's name, Apostol. V. 44. The servants of the goddess were, according to their different grades, called μελλιερῆς, ἱερῆς, and παριερῆς, according to Plutarch An Seni sit ger. Resp. 24. p. 130. ed. Hutten.

1618.

πρωτοθρονίη , Paus. X. 38. 3.

1619.

Latona is said to have given birth to her at Corissus in the Ephesia, Steph. Byz. in Κόρισσος.

1620.

The union of Apollo of Colophon, of the Ephesian Diana, and of the Nemesis of Smyrna on coins of these cities in the time of the emperors is only a mutual compliment. In the speech of the Ephesians in Tacitus Annal. III. 61. there is evidently much inaccuracy. The Ἀπόλλων Ἀμαζόνιος in Paus. III. 25. 2. is a singular curiosity.

1621.

Ἀμμὰς, ἡ τρόφος Ἀρτέμιδος. καὶ ἡ μήτηρ καὶ ἡ Ῥέα καὶ ἡ Δημήτηρ, Hesychius.

1622.

Etymol. Mag. p. 511. 56. Gudian. p. 320. 26.

1623.

See Lobeck, Aglaophamus, vol. II. p. 1166.

1624.

Ap. Paus. VII. 2. 4. Fragm. Incert. 56. ed. Boeckh. See Callim. Hymn. Dian. 240. sqq. Paus. IV. 31. 6. Steph. Byz. in Ἔφεσος. cf. in Σίσυρβα, Κύννα. Etym. Mag. in Ἔφεσος. Plutarch Quæst. Græc. 56. p. 407. ed. Hutten. Hyginus fab. 223, 225. The contrary is stated in Eusebius Chron. n. 870. Ἀμαζόνες τὸ ἐν Ἐφέσῳ ἱερὸν ἐνέπρησαν.

1625.

Moses' Vases, plate 133.

1626.

Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀμαζ. According to Heraclides Ponticus 33. their settlements reached from Mycale to Pitane, Diod. III. 55. from Dionysius of Samos, Ephorus ap. Strab. XII. p. 550. cf. XIII. p. 623, &c. See Steph. Byz. in Ἀναία of a place called Anæa opposite Samos, where an Amazon of that name was buried. The inhabitants were called Ἀναΐται. Perhaps an Artemis Anaitis was here worshipped.

1627.

Proposed by Tölken, Ueber das Bas-relief, &c. p. 210. and approved by Boeckh in Hirt Ueber die Hierodulen, p. 55.

1628.

Paus. VII. 2. 5.

1629.

Achill. Tat. Clitoph. VII. p. 431.

1630.

Il. III. 185.

1631.

Ap. Strab. XII. p. 819 C. fragm. incert. 57. p. 645. ed. Boeckh.

1632.

Æschyl. Prometh. 723. Pherecydes ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 370. Herod. IV. 110. Arrian Peripl. p. 16. Scymnus Chius v. 229. Creuzer Vet. Histor. Græc. p. 80. According to Schol. Apoll. ubi sup. (cf. 990.) there were in the πεδίον Δοίαντος in Phrygia (in the neighbourhood of Thermodon) three cities of the Amazons; not far off was Alcmonia (Acmonia Steph. Byz), where Harmonia produced the Amazons to Mars.

1633.

Xenoph. Hell. III. 2. 19.

1634.

Marm. Oxon. XXVI. 1. 84. Paus. I. 26. 4. III. 18. 6.

1635.

Heyne Antiquarische Aufsätze, vol. I. p. 109. Compare Paciaudi Monum. Pelop. vol. II. p. 13.

1636.

See the coins in Mionnet tom. III. p. 137.

1637.

VI. 22. 1. The Sicilian Greeks also celebrated to Artemis the effeminate Ionian dance. Pollux IV. 14, 104.

1638.

Scylax, p. 39. Strab. XIV. p. 667. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 187. Cicero in Verr. I. 20. III. 21. Hesychius, Suidas, Photius, &c. in Περγαία θεός. Apostolius IX. 91. where for παναγαῖα read περγαία. At Perge also the Syrian Adonis was worshipped under the name of Aboba, Hesychius in Ἀβωβα.

1639.

Represented on coins as a signum informe.

1640.

For example, Artemis Κινδυὰς of Bargyliæ, Polyb. XVI. 12. 3; Artemis Ἑστιὰς; of Iasbus, ibid. ΑΣΤΙΑΣ Inscript. Chandler, p. 19. n. 57; the goddess of ἱερὰ κώμη; at Thyateira, called Ὀρεῖτις, Polyb. XXXII. 25. 11. Inscript. in Walpole's Travels, p. 575; the Mysian Artemis, Paus. III. 20. 8. cf. Callim. Hymn. Dian. 116; the Astyrene Artemis under mount Ida, Strab. XIII. p. 606, 613; the Boritine Artemis of Lydia, Eckhel Doct. Num. vol. III. p. 121; Artemis Adrasteia in Lesser Phrygia, Harpocration in Ἀδράστεια, &c.

1641.

Θυάδα, φοιβάδα, μαινάδα, λυσσάδα, Plut. de Superst. 9. p. 75.

1642.

Athen. XIV. p. 636 A.

1643.

From this temple was derived the Olympicum at Syracuse (see above, book I. ch. 6. § 7.), the priest of which, called Ἀμφίπολος, was the highest annual officer, Thucyd. VII. 65, 70. Diod. XVI. 70. Exc. Virt. et Vit. p. 558. Cic. Verr. II. 51.

1644.

Creuzer Symbolik, vol. II. p. 575. Ἥρας Προσυμναίας ἱερὸν, Pseudo-Plutarch de Fluv. Strab. p. 573, is probably not correct in distinguishing the temple of Here at Prosymna from the celebrated one. The names Prosymna and Prosymnus also occur at Lerna and at Gortyna in Arcadia. Inscription of Gortyna in Boeckh No. 1535, ἁ πατρα των προσυμναιων νικομαχην αριστοθεμιτος δᾳδουχησασαν.

1645.

Pausanias III. 13. Sturz Pherecydes, p. 79. See particularly Heyne ad Il. Δ. 52. Eurydice the daughter of Acrisius was said to have built the temple. To the statement of Pausanias III. 15. 7. μόνοις δὲ Ἑλλήνων Λακεδαιμονίοις καθέστηκεν Ἥραν ἐπονομάζειν αἰγοφάγον καὶ αἶγας τῇ θεῷ θύειν (compare Hesych. in Αἰγοφάγος Χήρα ἐν Σπάρτῃ with Welcker on Schwenck's Etymologische Andeutungen, p. 294.), it may be objected that the same custom prevailed in Corinth; see Photius Lex. in ἡ δὲ αἶξ τὴν μάχαιραν, p. 613. Zenob. Proverb. I. 27. Diogen. Prov. I. 52.

1646.

Thucyd. V. 75.

1647.

See Orchomenos, p. 267.

1648.

The chief temple at Corcyra was that of Here, Thucyd. I. 24. III. 75, 79. Also at Syracuse, Ælian. V.H. VI. 11, &c.

1649.

Orchomenos, p. 297. The divinity of Medea there asserted is completely proved by the testimony of Athenagoras Legat. p. 14. that Hesiod and Alcman called her goddess.

1650.

She was worshipped under the titles of Εἰλήθυια and Γαμηλὴ, Hesychius in Εἰλήθυια, Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1156.

1651.

Athen. XV. p. 672.

1652.

Hesychius in v. See also Creuzer's Symbolik, whose chapter upon Here contains much in the spirit of the ancient religion, and Welcker on Schwenck, p. 268.

1653.

At Sparta there was also the Arcadian worship of Athene Alea, Xenoph. Hell. VI. 5. 27.

1654.

Pausan. III. 18.1. Plutarch Lycurg. 11.

1655.

Pausan. II. 24.

1656.

Clem. Alexand. Protrept. p. 29. ed. Sylburg.

1657.

Ἀκρία Ἀθηνᾶ ἐν Ἄργει. Also Here, Artemis, and Aphrodite, see Hesych. in Ἀκρέα.

1658.

But with a particular reference to Bellerophon. From Pegasus was derived the goddess Hippia, Pind. Olymp. XIII. 97, whose altar was chiefly remarkable for the rite of incubation. Ἑλλωτία is, as we also learn from the Scholiast of Pindar, like Ἀλέα, the goddess of light. There was also the worship of Athene at Syracuse, Diod. de Virt. et Vit. p. 549. ed. Wesseling.

1659.

Boeckh Explic. ad Pind. Olymp. II. 1. p. 123. V. 9. p. 148, and particularly Polyb. IX. 27. 7. with Timæus in Steph. Byz. in Ἀτάβυρον. The Athene Polias of Trœzen was introduced by the Ionians, as the other worships of that city show.

1660.

She was always called “the Lindian” even in the city of Rhodes, Meurs. Rhod. I. 6. Compare Apostolius XVII. 17.

1661.

Strabo X. pag. 472. ὡς εἶεν Κορύβαντες δαίμονες τινες, Ἀθηνᾶς καὶ Ἡλίου παῖδες. This is the proper way of pointing these words.

1662.

II. 171.

1663.

The Messenians alone made Demeter of Andania the chief goddess of the state; see book I. ch. 5. § 16.

1664.

Boeckh Corp. Inscript. Nos. 1197, 1198, 1199. Comp. Paus. II. 35. 3. Perhaps the name of Hermione also refers to the worship of the χθόνιοι θεοί, see Hesych. in Ἑρμιόνη.

1665.

Athen. XIV. pag. 624 E. Compare the hymn of Philicus of Corcyra, Hephæst. p. 53. ed. Gaisford. and the verses of Aristocles ap. Ælian, de N. A. XI. 4.

1666.

Boeckh Inscript. No. 1193.

1667.

Pausan. II. 22. 2. Δήμητρός ἐστιν ἱερὸν ἐπίκλησιν Πελασγίδος ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱδρυσαμένου Πελασγοῦ τοῦ Τριόπα.

1668.

Hellanicus ap. Athen. X. p. 416 A. et Steph. Byz. in v. Τριόπιον. Callimachus Hymn. Cer. 24. Inscript. Herod. Attici; and compare the excellent explanation of Boeckh ad Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 27. pag. 315.

1669.

See Orchomenos, p. 195.

1670.

Herod. VII. 153. Schol. Pind. ubi sup.

1671.

Orchomenos, p. 337.

1672.

Ibid. pag. 257. afterwards extended over the whole of Sicily. Boeckh Explic. Pind. Olymp. II. p. 123. Κόρης παρὰ Σικελιώταις Θεογάμια καὶ Ἀνθεσφόρια, Pollux I. 37. The Θεογάμια were probably connected with the festival ἀνακαλυπτήρια (Schol. rec. ad Olymp. VI. 160), and this festival was derived from Thebes. Cyzicus also, founded by Tyrrhenian Pelasgi (from Bœotia), was considered as an ἐμπροίκιον of Zeus for Proserpine, Appian. Bell. Mithridat. 75. comp. Steph. Byz. in v. Βέσβικος.

1673.

A festival Θεσμοφόρια at Syracuse (Athen. XIV. p. 647 A. Θεσμοφόρων τέμενος, Plutarch Dio 56. a month Thesmophorius, see Castelli), Κούρεια Plutarch ubi sup. comp. Diod. V. 4. sqq.

1674.

See book I. ch. 6. § 7. and above, § 1.

1675.

Plut. Timoleon 8. Diod. XVI. 66. Demeter ἐποικιδίη in Corinth according to Hesychius.

1676.

Pausan. The mystical worship of Damia and Auxesia at Epidaurus and Trœzen was also connected with that of Demeter, as the manuscript Scholiast ap. Mitscherlisch ad Hymn. in Cerer. 122. declares. But Δημήτηρ Ἀζησία (Sophocl. ap. Hesych. in v. comp. Valcken. Adoniaz. p. 292) and Δημήτηρ Ἀμαία (Suidas in v.) must not be confounded with those goddesses.

1677.

Pausan. III. 20. 5. 6. compare Hesychius, Ἐλευσίνια ἀγὼν θυμελικὸς ἀγόμενος Δήμητρι παρὰ Λάκωσι.

1678.

III. 14. 5. Compare Hesychius in Ἐπιπολλὰ and Ἐπικρῆναι.

1679.

The priests were probably called Ταιναρισταὶ, see Hesych. in v. Ταιναρίας.

1680.

Ἀμφιβαῖος, i.e. Ἀμφι—αῖος, Boeckh Explic. Pind. Pyth. IV. p. 268. also Πελλάνιος according to Hesychius.

1681.

Æginetica, p. 148. and see Plat. Sympos. IX. 6. p. 410.

1682.

Hence also the sacred month Geræstius at Trœzen (Athen. XIV. p. 639), which points to Eubœa.

1683.

See above, ch. 3. § 2. on the ancient difference between the Isthmian and Olympic games.

1684.

Ælian V. H. III. 42. Schol. Aristoph. Av. 963. Pac. 1071.

1685.

Pausan. III. 13. 4. Here, too, as well as at Athens, there was Διόνυσος ἐν Λίμναις, Strab. VIII. p. 363. See above, ch. 9. § 3. concerning the Dymænæ.

1686.

Pausan. II. 23, 24. 37. Compare Hesychius in Ὑαργίδες.

1687.

See above, book I. ch. 5. § 3. Phlius, on account of this worship, was the birthplace of the σατυρικοὶ ποιηταὶ Aristeas and Pratinas.

1688.

Pausan. II. 7. 6. Also Διόνυσος Χοιροψάλης in that town, Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 25.

1689.

Concerning the crown ἰάκχα see Athen. XV. p. 678. Compare Hesychius in θιακχὰ and ἰάκχα.

1690.

The celebration of which appears to be referred to in the ancient epigram in Athen. XIV. p. 629 A.

1691.

Herod. V. 67. The word ἀπέδωκε proves that the tragic choruses were originally celebrated to Bacchus. Perhaps the Adrastea were engrafted upon the Dionysia.

1692.

Athen. XIV. p. 21, 622. It is to these that the Epigr. Onestæ 2. refers. Comp. Hermann ad Aristot. Poet. 3. p. 104.

1693.

Worshipped under the titles of Βακχεῖος and Λύσιος in that town, Pausan. II. 2. 5.

1694.

Olymp. XIII. 18. and see Boeckh's Explic.

1695.

πολύξενοι νεάνιδες, Pindar Schol. Fragm. 1.

1696.

σὺν δ᾽ ἀναγκᾳ πᾶν καλὸν, Pindar ibid. Concerning the ἱερόδουλοι see Hirt Ueber die Hierodulen and others. I only add that some of them were called κατάκλειστοι, i.e., shut up in single cells (Hesychius in v.); but the reason of this name is not evident.

1697.

Aphrodite Εὐδωσὼ (Hesych. in v.) and Aphrodite Βαιῶτις (ibid.) at Syracuse came from Corinth; see Clem. Alex. p. 25.

1698.

That is, on those which are falsely ascribed to the Siphnians and Seriphians (ΣΕ or ΣΙ), but are found in great numbers in the district of Sicyon.

1699.

Hesych. in Βάκχου Διώνης.

1700.

Zenob. Prov. IV. 21. Diogen. V. 21.

1701.

Pausan. III. 15. 8. III. 23. 1. Plutarch Instit. Lac. p. 253. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 449. She was, however, also represented armed at Corinth, Pausan. II. 4. 7.

1702.

Hesychius in v. According to the great etymologist Κίρρις is merely Cyprian. Compare Meurs. Miscell. Lacon. I. 3.

1703.

Pausan. II. 32. 6. and concerning the Trœzenian worship of Aphrodite see Valckenaer ad Euripid. Hippolyt. 32. Concerning the sacrifices of a sow to Aphrodite in Argos at the ὑστήρια see Athen. III. p. 96 A. Callimach. Fragm. 102 ed. Bentl. Aphrodite was worshipped there with the title Περιβασίν, Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 24. ed. Sylburg.

1704.

See Timæus apud Zenob. Prov. I. 31.

1705.

Thuc. VI. 20.

1706.

Book I. ch. 6. § 1.

1707.

Orchomenos, p. 199.

1708.

Pausan. II. 10. 3.

1709.

Paus. II. 26. 7. Tacit. Annal. XIV. 18. comp. Callimach. Epigr. 58.

1710.

Compare the somewhat different opinion of Boeckh Expl. Pind. p. 288.

1711.

See Heyne ad Apollod. III. 15. 7.

1712.

Paus. III. 18. 4. ib. 9. 35.

1713.

Athen. XIII. p. 361.

1714.

In an inscription found at Sparta Eleutheria, Poseidæa, and Erotidæa occur as festivals, Corp. Inscript. 1430. and see Boeckh's note.

1715.

Plutarch de Amore Pat. I. p. 36. comp. Zoëga de Obeliscis, p. 225. above, p. 103. note a. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “Castor and Pollux,” starting “Ἐν γυάλοις Θεράπνας.”] In Argos there were ancient figures of the Διοσκοῦροι by Dipœnus and Scyllis, Paus. Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 31 A.

1716.

As ἐπίκλητοι in Herod. V. 35. so likewise the Lacedæmonians probably sent the statues of the Tyndaridæ (οἱ ἐπὶ Σάγρᾳ) to the assistance of the Dorians, as the Æginetans sent the Æacidæ to Salamis, Æginetica, p. 163. The Κάστωρ Μιξαρχαγέτας of the Argives (Plutarch Quæst. Gr. 23. p. 393.) is very obscure.

1717.

So among the Spartans Phormion, Paus. III. 16. 3. at the house of an Azanian of Pagupolis, Herod. VI. 127. Hence also the Θεοξένια of the Διοσκοῦροι at Agrigentum, Boeckh Expl. Pind. Olymp. III. p. 135.

1718.

Pseudo-Plat. Alcib. II. p. 148. Plutarch. Inst. Lac. p. 253.

1719.

Plat. ubi sup. cf. Plutarch, Lycurg. 19. Compare the corresponding expression of the Delphian oracle, Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 15.

1720.

The worship of Ammon makes an exception, which was brought into repute in Sparta by Lysander, Orchomenos, p. 359.

1721.

Hence the Thracian Cotytto, Eupolis ap. Hesych. Suid. in Θιασώτης, Κότυς.

1722.

Ἡρακλῆς γενάρχας in a Spartan inscription, Boeckh, No. 1446.

1723.

See Bentley Epistol. ad Mill. p. 503. Jacobs Animadv. ad Anthol. Gr. vol. I. 2. p. 286. Weichert Ueber Apollonios, p. 246. The poem is called a Ἡρακλεία in Paus. IV. 2. 2.

1724.

Od. VIII. 228. Theocrit. XXIV. 105. Apollod. II. 4. 9. cf. II. 4. 11.

1725.

The subject of the poem, the misfortunes of Iole, is given in general by Callimachus Epig. (Strab. XIV. p. 638). The detail is given by Apollodorus II. 6. 1. II. 7. 7, who agrees with Herodotus ap. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 550. where likewise the Θηβαίων παράδοξα of Lysimachus are cited, Soph. Trach. 205. Schol. ad v. 358. which follow Pherecydes and Menecrates, Diod. IV. 31, 37. Schol. Il. V. 392. where for Βοιωτίας write Εὐβοίας. comp. Scythinus ap. Athen. XI. p. 461 F. Hyginus Fab. 29, 35. Plutarch de Def. Orac. 13. p. 322. The names of Iole's relations vary. See Hesiod ap. Schol. Trach. 266. as emended by Bentley, Creophylus cited by Bentley and Diod. ubi sup.

1726.

Soph. Trach. 354, 858. comp. Hermann ad v. 326.

1727.

Book I. ch. 1. § 4.

1728.

Hecatæus ap. Paus. IV. 2. 2. Strabo X. p. 448.

1729.

Hence Pherecydes ap. Schol. Soph. Trach. 354. places it in Arcadia, ἐν Θούλῃ Ἀρκαδίας, perhaps ἐν ΘΩΜΗΙ, i.e. Ἰθώμῃ. Demetrius of Scepsis in Strabo VIII. p. 339. identifies Œchalia and Andamia, cf. X. p. 448. Strabo in this passage also mentions an Œchalia in Trachinia, and another in Ætolia, comp. Eustath. ad Il. p. 298. ed. Rom.

1730.

II. 594.

1731.

XXI. 13.

1732.

Ubi sup. Pausanias likewise follows the local tradition, IV. 33. 5. cf. 27. 4.

1733.

Schol. Soph. ubi sup.

1734.

Book I. ch. 1. § 8.

1735.

Ubi sup. Also Scythinus, Sophocles and Apollodorus ubi sup. According to Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 87. and Schol. Ven. ad Catal. 103. the νεώτεροι in general. Probably all these placed this exploit after the adventures in Trachinia, and immediately before his death, cf. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 50.

1736.

Il. B. 730. comp. Steph. Byz. in Οἰχαλία. Eustath. ad Il. p. 330. ad Od. p. 1899. ed. Rom. and see the local tradition in Paus. IV. 2. 2.

1737.

Odyss. and Pherecyd. ubi sup. cf. Soph. Trach. 38. The Odyssey has, however, quite a different story; viz., that the death of Iphitus (which was, moreover, a peaceable death, ἐν δώμασιν, XXI. 33. but inflicted by Apollo VIII. 227.) preceded the slaughter of Iphitus.

1738.

Above, ch. 1. § 3.

1739.

Apollod. II. 7. 7. Diod. IV. 37.

1740.

Above, ch. 3. § 3.

1741.

Perhaps the Ἡρακλῆς Ἡπιάλητα πνίγων (the nightmare) of Sophron was a parody of this fable, Eustath. ad Il. p. 571. ed. Rom.

1742.

Æsch. Agam. 1038. καὶ παῖδα γάρ τοί φασιν Ἀλκμήνης ποτὲ Πραθέντα τλῆναι καὶ ζύγων θιγεῖν βίᾳ. Comp. below, § 8.

1743.

Schol. Od. XXI. 23. cf. Apollod. II. 6. 2.

1744.

Erineus was, according to a fable preserved in a strange and apocryphal inscription, the place of a combat between Hercules and Calchas Mopsus. Boeckh, No. 1759. Κάλχαντα Μόψον δικαίως Ἡρακλῆς χλεύμενος (i.e. χολούμενος) περὶ ἐρινεοῦ, πλήξας αὐτὸν τῷ κολάφῳ καὶ ἀποκτείνας τέθαφεν ἐν Ἐρινεῷ. The transcript has δικαιος and τεθαψεν; for which Hermann has emended as above. The inscription itself is a fabrication either of the latest period of antiquity, or of the middle ages. The same legend is told, with additional circumstances, and a different locality, by Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 980. According to Hesiod, the contest was between the two prophets, Calchas and Mopsus, fragm. 14. ed. Gaisford.

1745.

. I. ch. 2. § 4. B. II. ch. 3. § 3.

1746.

Schol. Soph. Trach. 40.

1747.

Steph. Byz. in Τραχίς. Marm. Farnes. 1. 66. emended by Heyne ad Apollod. p. 191.

1748.

Paus. II. 23. 5.

1749.

B. I. ch. 3. § 9.

1750.

Apollod. Diod. &c. Sophocles, however, calls her a native of Pleuron, Trach. 7.

1751.

Described by Archilochus, according to Schol. Ven. ad Il. XXI. 237.

1752.

Archilochus ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 1213. This scene is very coarsely represented on an ancient vase (Hancarville IV. 31.), with the inscription ΔΑΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ ΝΕΣΣΟΣ, as should be read.

1753.

See the verse in Strabo VIII. p. 342. Steph. Byz. in Ὤλενος, which, however, probably belongs to the story in Apollod. I. 8. 4.

1754.

According to Hyginus Fab. 31, 33. Deianira is the daughter of Dexamenus. The Schol. Callim. Hymn. Del. 102. call Dexamenus himself a Centaur; and thus on a vase of the best age Hercules is represented as wrestling with him for Deianira, with the inscription ΟΙΝΕΥΣ ΔΕΞΑΜΕΝΟΣ ΔΕΙΑΝΕΙΡΑ from left to right, Millingen Diverses Peintures 33.

1755.

Bacchylides ap. Schol. Od. XXI. 295. with Buttmann's note.

1756.

Raoul-Rochette, Etabliss. des Col. Grecques, tom. I. p. 219.

1757.

Hughes' Travels, vol. II. p. 313. Pouqueville, vol. I. p. 471.

1758.

Heyne ad Il. II. 659. Strabo's opinion, that in Homer, and the fable of Hercules, Ephyra in Elis is meant (VII. p. 328. VIII. 338.), is refuted by the passages of Homer himself.

1759.

Some of these fables were mixed up with the war against Pylos, and some (e.g., the abduction of Cerberus) taken over to Tænarum and Heraclea Pontica; the latter probably first by Herodorus, who was a native of that Heraclea, see Heeren de fontibus Plutarchi, p. 17. Compare the coin of Heraclea in Mionnet, No. 160, in which Hercules is represented as bringing Cerberus to the statue of Demeter.

1760.

Iliad. II. 657.

1761.

Strabo IX. p. 443. Polyæn. Strateg. VII. 44. Veil. Paterc. I. 3. 2. Schol. Apoll. Rh. III. 1089. See Boeckh Expl. Pind. Pyth. X. p. 332. The kings of the Molossi likewise supposed themselves descended from a certain Lanassa, the daughter of Cleodæus, of the Hyllean tribe, Plutarch Pyrrh. 1. Justin. XVII. 3.

1762.

Iliad. II. 678. Compare b. I. ch. 6. § 3.

1763.

Apollod. II. 5. 10.

1764.

Ib. I. 6. 4. where it is incidentally mentioned from an earlier tradition.

1765.

Ap. Arrian. II. 16. frag. p. 50. ed. Creuzer.

1766.

P. 23. ed. Gronov. The mountain Abas and river Anthemoeis in Erythea, according to Apollodorus, should probably also be referred to this district. At least there were Abantes in the exact spot where Erythea is placed, on the Aous, near Oricum. According to Aristot. Mirab. § 145. Erythea was in the territory of the Ænianes. Hercules stole the oxen there from Cythera Persephassa. Compare Antonin. Liberal, c. 4. πολεμήσαντας γὰρ αὐτῷ Κελτοὺς καὶ Χάονας καὶ Θεσπρώτους καὶ σύμπαντας Ἠπειρώτας ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ κρατηθῆναι, ὅτι τὰς Γηρυόνου βοῦς συνελθόντες (ἤθελον) ἀφελέσθαι. The Celts are introduced from some Geryonis; see Diod. V. 24. Etymol. M. p. 502. 50. See also Appian, Bell. Civ. II. 29.

1767.

Herod. IX. 93. Conon, Narr. c. 30. Two legends connected with this fable are remarkable; first, the punishment of blindness for any one who had neglected the worship of the Sun; secondly, the tale that the Greek gods themselves had sent wolves against their herds. The cattle of the Sun in the Odyssey are only those of Tænarum and Epirus transferred to a greater distance: there was likewise a fabulous reason for the νηθάλιοι θυσίαι of the Sun, as they were performed in many cities of Greece, Od. XII. 363.

1768.

Paus. II. 1. 6, &c.

1769.

Proxenus ἐν Ἡπειρωτικοῖς ap. Suid. et Apostol. in λαρινοὶ βόες. Compare Lycus of Rhegion ibid. Ælian, N. H. XII., 11. III. 33.

1770.

Herod. VII. 216.

1771.

Peisander ap. Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 1047. τῷ δ᾽ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι θεὰ γλαυκῶπις Ἀθήνη Ποίει θερμὰ λοετρὰ παρὰ ῥηγμῖνι θαλάσσης, which verses are referred to by Zenobius Prov. VI. 49. Compare Ruhnken ap. Heyn. ad Æn. II. Exc. I. p. 287. Wesseling ad Diod. IV. 23. Herod. VII. 176. Phileas ap. Harpocrat. in Θερμοπύλαι. The fable was carried over to the hot spring near Himera in Sicily, Boeckh Explic. Pind. Olymp. XII. p. 210.

1772.

Callim. Hymn. Dian. 159. Schol. ad 1. Arrian ap. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. p. 107. The Φρίκιον ὄρος should be distinguished from the place where Hercules slew a Centaur, Steph. Byz. in Φρίκιον.

1773.

Strabo IX. p. 428. The part of Œta, where the funeral pile is said to have stood, was called Pyra; Theophrast. Hist. Plant. IX. 10. Livy XXXVI. 30.

1774.

Steph. Byz. in Τύφρηστος. The ἀσέληνα ὄρη of Trachis were mentioned in the fourteenth book of the Heraclea of Rhianus, Etymol. M. in v. Suidas in Ῥίανος.

1775.

Strabo XIII. p. 613. Diod. XII. 59. the coins in Eckhel Num. Anecd. tab. 6. p. 89. Dodwell's Travels vol. I. p. 76. Clarke's Travels vol. IV. p. 197.

1776.

Scythinus and Polemon ap. Athen. XI. p. 461.

1777.

Heyne ad Apollod. II. 4. 6. remarks with judgment, “Herculis Thebani facta et fata ad Thebanas historias accommodare difficile est.”

1778.

Annual sacrifices were here offered to the eight children of Hercules. See Pausan. Pind. Isthm. III. 79. and Chrysippus in the Scholia. The graves of Amphitryon, Iolaus, and Alcmena, and the Gymnasium for the Iolaän or Heraclean games, were in front of the gate of Prœtidæ, Pind. Pyth. IX. 82. Nem. IV. 20. Schol. et Dissen. Explic. p. 382. where the subject is very clearly explained.

1779.

Ap. Antonin. Liberal. c. 33.

1780.

Marini Ville Alban. p. 150. Compare Bœttiger's Amalthea, vol. I. p. 130.

1781.

Other versions of this story may be seen in Cicero De Nat. D. III. 16. where see Creuzer's note, and in Paus. X. 13. 4. See also Visconti, Museo Pio-Clementino, II. 5. Zoëga, Bassirilievi, vol. II. p. 98.

1782.

The reconsecration on the foot of a candelabrum at Dresden. The atonement, on a Corinthian puteal, in the genuine archaic style, published by Dodwell in his Travels and his collection of Bas-reliefs, Rome, 1820. It afterwards came into the possession of the late lord Guilford. In this Apollo, Artemis, and Latona are met by Pallas, Hercules, and Alcmena, or some other woman: the Graces follow behind. Perhaps this is a copy of the Sicyonian group of Dipœnus and Scyllis (Plin. H. N. XXXVI. 4.) unless this also represented the contest, as the one in Paus. ubi sup. There is a similar composition on a vase in Millingen's Vases de Coghill, pl. 11. Apollo δαφνηφόρος, sitting by the tripod with Artemis and Latona, receives Hercules; a goddess with a sceptre (Vesta, according to Zoega), and Hermes, are standing by. Hercules is always drawn as a youth in this subject.

1783.

Hence also his labours were represented on the metopes of the Delphian temple, Eurip. Ion. 196, 239.

1784.

See the legend of Tripodiscus in Paus. I. 43. 7. comp. above, p. 14.

1785.

Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. 12. p. 245.

1786.

He erected three statues of Demonesian brass; above, p. 250. note l. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “sacred tithe,” starting “From Megara.”] Comp. Callim. fragm. 75. v. 5.

1787.

It can indeed be only collected from coins. See Visconti, Mus. Pio-Clement. tom. VII. 4. b. No. 11. Mionnet Descript. tom. II. p. 109. No. 94. and Planches LIII. 4. Pouqueville, Voyage, tom. IV. p. 208. I likewise saw a similar coin in lord Northwick's collection.

1788.

Above, ch. 2. § 11. Hence the scene of the Rhadamanthus of Euripides was laid in Bœotia, fragm. 1.

1789.

Plutarch, Lysand. 18. De Socrat. Genio 5. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 50. Apollod. II. 4. 11. Pherecydes ap. Antonin. Liberal, c. 32. fragm. 50. ed. Sturz. comp. Visconti ad Herod. Att. Inscript. Triop. fin.

1790.

Pherecydes ubi sup. Paus. IX. 16. 4.

1791.

Orchomenos, pp. 84. 208. On Hercules Ἱπποδέτης see the story in Plutarch, Parallel, p. 416.

1792.

The passage most in point is in the Theocritean poem XXIV. 100. where, however, much Alexandrine fiction may be discerned.

1793.

See, among other writers, Alcidamas Rhetor adv. Palamed. § 25. ed. Bekker. where for Τέννος write Λίνος, with two manuscripts.

1794.

Below, ch. 12. § 1.

1795.

See Boeckh Explic. Pind. Olymp. III. 18. above, ch. 3. § 2. At Nemea honours were paid to the 360 supposed companions of Hercules, Ælian, V. H. IV. 5; evidently referring to the year of 360 days.

1796.

Heyne ad Apollod. Dissen. Expl. Pind. p. 509.

1797.

The madness of Hercules also occurred in the Κύπρια ἔπη, as appears from the extract of Proclus (at the end of Gaisford's Hephæstion); but in that poem it was, if I rightly apprehend the context, represented as caused by the love and seduction of Hercules.

1798.

Eurip. Herc. Fur. Paus. IX. 11. 1.

1799.

In this temple a λίθος σωφρονιστὴς, which had restored him to his senses, was shown under the altar, Paus. IX. 11. 5.

1800.

It is to this that the verses of Panyasis refer, in which Hercules is described as coming over Parnassus to Castalia (fragm. 7. ed. Gaisford).

1801.

Apollod. II. 5. 11. conf. Heyn. According to Herodorus apud Schol. Soph. Trach. 253. Hercules afterwards serves an ἐνιαυτὸς of three years; and so also Apollod. II. 6. 4. See above, ch. 11, § 2.

1802.

Above, ch. 7. § 9. ch. 8. § 4. The verses from the Heraclea of Panyasis, Fragm. 4. ed. Gaisford, appear to have been spoken by Hercules as a consolation for his slavery. Comp. Iliad XXI. 443. They seem to be incorrectly applied by Heyne ad Apollod. II. 7. 3. p. 188.