Book 2 — Footnotes (continued 2)

607.

See the Fragments as arranged by Frank, Callinus, p. 168.

608.

Ap. Strab. VIII. p. 362.

609.

By Pausauias and Diodorus de Virt. et Vit. p. 540.

610.

Pausan. IV. 4. 4.

611.

Justin. III. 5. says eighty years. Thirty-nine years are probably too short a period; for, as the Spartans did not marry before the age of thirty (book IV. ch. 4. § 3.), the difference between grandfathers and grandchildren must have been on an average sixty years. If the interval had been only thirty-nine years, most of those engaged in the second war would have been the sons of the conquerors of Ithome.

612.

The same date is in the Parian Marble, Ep. 34. But Pausanias IV. 15. 1. proves only from Tyrtæus that Rhianus was incorrect in calling Leotychides a contemporary of the second war; consequently the numbers cannot have much authority. Pausanias had however various means of judging: e.g. after the expulsion and subjugation of the inhabitants no Messenian occurred in the Ὀλυμπιονῖκαι, Pausan. VI. 2. 5. Different writers however vary remarkably. Dinarchus in Demosth. p. 99. 29. places the subjection of the Messenians 400 years before their restoration (370 B.C.); Lycurgus in Leocrat. p. 155. 500; Isocrates Archidam. p. 121 B. only 300; but Bekker reads 400 from a manuscript, which agrees better with the early date of Isocrates for the subjection of the Messenians. Plutarch Reg. Apoph. p. 126. only 230 years before the liberation by Epaminondas.

613.

It has been proved by the succession of the excerpts of Diodorus that he placed the second Messenian war at the same time as Eusebius: Krebs Lectiones Diodoreæ, Epimetrum. Now Eusebius places the beginning of the second war at Olymp. 35. 3. (638 B.C.), and Tyrtæus at Ol. 36. 3. (636).

614.

Pausan. IV. 6. 2. (comp. Frank, Callinus, pp. 172, 196. who proposes Polydôrô without any reason); see Polyæn. I. 15.

615.

See above, ch. 5. § 12, 13.

616.

Strabo VIII. p. 360.

617.

In the time of Augustus it was in Messenia. The name Nedon was only preserved in that of Ἀθηνᾶ Νεδουσία.

618.

IV. 4. 2.

619.

Strabo V. p. 257. has nearly the same account as that of the Lacedæmonians in Pausanias; and so also Heraclides Ponticus, and Justin. III. 4.

620.

Annalium memoria vatumque carminibus, Tacit. Annal. IV. 43.

621.

Pausan. IV. 14. 2. See above, ch. 5. § 13.

622.

Probably tradition had preserved some report of a sacrifice to Artemis Orthia (Iphigenia), concerning which see book II. ch. 9.

623.

Plutarch also mentions the same expedition, de Superstit. 7. p. 71, Hutten.

624.

Fragm. 25.

625.

Pausan. IV. 4. Strabo VI. p. 257.

626.

IV. 14. 2. 23. 3.

627.

Hence Hercules Manticlus was worshipped at Messana, Pausan. IV. 23. 5. IV. 26. 3.

628.

See particularly Thucyd. VI. 5.

629.

Strabo ubi sup. The Rhegini considered the Messenians of Naupactus as kinsmen, Pausan. IV. 26. We may pass over the often corrected error of Pausanias concerning Anaxilas (last by Jacobs, Amalthea, I. p. 199. where Bentley is forgotten).

630.

Yet it should be observed that Dionysius Perieg. 376. mentions Amyclæans as colonists in Tarentum, which is probably not a mere poetical embellishment.

631.

Ἀνδανία.—ἐκ ταύτης Ἀριστομένης ἐγένετο, Steph. Byz. The words οὕτω γὰρ καὶ ἡ Μεσσήνη Ἀνδανία ἐκαλεῖτο, ἥν οἰκίσαι φασί τινας τῶν μετὰ Κρεσφόντου καὶ οὕτω καλέσαι, &c. contain two errors; comp. Pausan. IV. 26. 5.

632.

The whole of the following passage is evidently taken from Tyrtæus, VIII. p. 362. τὴν μὲν πρώτην κατακτ. φησὶ Τυρταῖος—γενέσθαι. τὴν δὲ δευτέραν, καθ᾽ ἥν ἑλόμενοι συμμάχους Ἠλείους καὶ Ἀργείους [καὶ Ἀρχάδας addendum] καὶ Πισάτας ἀπέστησαν, Ἀρκάδων μὲν Ἀριστοκράτην τὸν Ὀρχομενοῦ βασιλέα παρεχομένων στρατηγὸν, Πισατῶν δὲ Πανταλέοντα τὸν Ὀμφαλίωνος. It is stated by Strabo, p. 355 C. that at the ἐσχάτη κατάλυσις τῶν Μεσσηνίων the Eleans assisted the Spartans. They must therefore have espoused the cause of the latter out of hatred towards Pisa. With Strabo agrees the article of Phavorinus in v. Αὐγείας, p. 134. viz. that “the Lacedæmonians deprived the Pisatans of this privilege for siding with Messenia, and gave it to the Eleans, who took their part.” But if Elis was friendly and Pisa hostile to the Spartans, Pantaleon can hardly have obtained the agonothesia, when Sparta had overcome all her enemies, and had ended the war victoriously. Accordingly, the 34th Olympiad, which Pantaleon celebrated without the Eleans, probably fell in the period of the second war.

633.

According to Pausanias also the Sicyonians.

634.

Pausan. VI. 22. 2.

635.

Plutarch de sera Num. Vind. 2. p. 216. agrees with Pausanias, and states that the war lasted for more than twenty years.

636.

Ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. The words of the inscription are as follows:— πάντως ὁ χρόνος εὖρε δίκνην ἀδίκῳ βασιλῆι, εὖρε δὲ Μεσσήνη σὺν Διὶ τὸν προδότην ῥηιδίως. χαλεπὸν δὲ λαθεῖν θεὸν ἄνδρ᾽ ἐπίορκον. χαῖρε Ζεῦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ σάω Ἀρκαδίαν.

637.

See Æginetica, p. 65.

638.

Which city was still governed by kings in the Peloponnesian war, Plutarch Parallel. 32. p. 430. In this strange composition, arbitrary fictions are curiously mixed with learned notices.

639.

See the genealogy of the Orchomenian, Epidaurian, and Corinthian princes below, ch. 8. § 3. note.

640.

The battle ἐπὶ τῇ Μεγάλῃ Τάφρῳ, περὶ Τάφρον (Polyb. IV. 33. Pausan. IV. 6. 1. 17. 2.), in which Aristocrates is supposed to have betrayed the Messenians, was also mentioned by Tyrtæus; but the account which he gave of it quite differs from that in Pausanias, viz. that the Spartans were intentionally posted in front of a trench, that they might not be able to run away. Eustratius ad Aristot. Eth. Nic. III. 8. 5. fol. 46. καὶ οἱ πρὸ τῶν τάφρων καὶ τῶν τοιούτων παρατάττοντες. τοῦτο περὶ Λακεδαιμονίων λέγοι ἄν; τοιαύτην γάρ τινα μάχην, ὄτε πρὸς Μεσηνίους ἐμαχέσαντο, ἐπολέμουν, ἧς καὶ Τυρταῖος μνημονεύει.

641.

According to Pausanias.

642.

Pausan. IV 15. 4. What he says in IV. 24. 1. does not, however, agree well with this.

643.

Herod. III. 41. That the Lacedæmonians, at the beginning of the second war, dedicated a statue of Jupiter, twelve feet in height, at Olympia, with the inscription in Pausan. V. 24. 1. is merely a conjecture of the ἐξηγηταί.

644.

The passage of Strabo VIII. p. 362. should be arranged thus: “Tyrtæus says that the second conquest of Messenia took place,” ἡνίκα φησὶν αὐτὸς στρατηγῆσαι τὸν πόλεμον τοῖς Λακεδαιμονίοις, καὶ γὰρ εἶναί φησιν ἐκεῖθεν ἐν τῇ ἐλεγείᾳ ἥν ἐπιγράφουσιν Εὐνομίαν; Αὐτὸς γὰρ Κρονίων—νῆσον ἀφικόμεθα. Ὤστε ἤ ταῦτα ἈΚΥΡΩΤΕΟΝ τὰ ἐλεγεῖα (for ἠκύρωται τὰ ἐλ. some MSS. have ΗΚΥΡΩΤΑΙΟΝΤΑ), ἢ Φιλοχόρῳ ἀπιστητέον καὶ Καλλισθένει καὶ ἄλλοις πλείοσιν εἰποῦσιν ἐξ Ἀθηνῶν καὶ Ἀφιδνῶν ἀφίκεσθαι. Comp. p. 52. n. d., and Porson's Adversaria, p. 39. But there is nothing surprising in Tyrtæus, who lived among the Dorians, speaking of the whole nation in the first person plural, without mentioning his own different origin. In the same manner Tyrtæus says of the Spartan nation as of a whole, Μεσσήνην εἵλομεν εὐρύχορον, Pausan. IV. 6. 2. Compare the verses of Mimnermus in Strab. XIV. p. 634. The Laconian town of Aphidnæ, from which the Leucippidæ are supposed to have come, has probably arisen from some misunderstanding. (Steph. Byz. in v.) Archimbrotus also, the father of Tyrtæus (Suidas in v.), looks like an etymological invention; Ἀρχίμβροτος, “the ruler of men.”

645.

Concerning a defeat of the Spartans by the Argives, see below, § 13.

646.

Callisthenes ap. Polyb. IV. 33. 2. Aristomenes, according to Pausan. IV. 24. married his sister and daughters to persons at Phigalea, Lepreum, and Heræa. This is alluded to in a verse from the fifth book of Rhianus in Steph. Byz. in v. Φιγάλεια, τὴν μὲν ἀνήγετ᾽ ἄκοιτιν ἐπὶ κραναὴν Φιγάλειαν, viz. Tharyx.

647.

This circumstance was narrated by Rhianus in the sixth (probably the last) book, in which Atabyrum, a town in Rhodes, was mentioned, Steph. Byz. in v. Ἀτάβυρον.

648.

Aristotle Polit. II. 6. 8. speaks of wars with Argos, Arcadia, and Messenia, before the time of Lycurgus; but probably he is incorrect. According to Polyæn. VIII. 34. the Tegeatans took king Theopompus prisoner (provided the king is meant): and the same authority states II. 13. that Mantinea was taken by Eurypon.

649.

Pausan. VIII. 39. 2.

650.

Pausan. VIII. 48. 3. concerning Ἄρης γυναικοθοίας, compare III. 7. 3.

651.

Herod. I. 67. Pausan. III. 3. 5. comp. Dio Chrys. Orat. XVII. p. 251. C. the speech of the Tegeatans in Herodotus IX. 26. Polyænus I. 11.

652.

At this time probably the oracle was delivered, which held out such deceitful promises to the Spartans, Δώσω τοι Τεγέην ποσσίκροτον ὀρχήσασθαι, Καὶ καλὸν πέδιον σχοίνῳ διαμετρήσασθαι, Herod. I. 66. The ambiguity lies in the word ὀρχήσασθαι, which may be derived from ὄρχος. Also διαμετρήσασθαι signifies the condition of a Helot, or a Clarotes, who receives a measured-out piece of land to cultivate.

653.

See the stratagem of king Ἄλνης (Ἄλεος Casaubon) in Polyæn. I. 8.

654.

See below, ch. 9. § 1.

655.

Above, ch. 5. § 1, 4, 5.

656.

Pausan. IV. 5. 1. The Amphictyons decided concerning Thyrea, Plutarch Parallel. Hist. Gr. et Rom. 3.

657.

Herod. VI. 92. sqq.

658.

Concerning these Amphictyons, see Ste Croix Governemens fédératifs anciens, p. 100. who, however, treats the subject with his usual carelessness. See Boeckh Corp. Inscript. n. 1121. cf. n. 1124. Maffei in Muratori, 561.

659.

I should not now venture to make such positive assertions as those made in my Æginetica, p. 54.

660.

III. 2. 2. III. 7. 1.

661.

Paus. III. 2. 2. III. 7.1.

662.

III. 7. 3. and hence perhaps Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Ev. p. 133. Steph.

663.

II. 26. 5. III. 7. 5. IV. 8. 1. IV. 14. 2. IV. 43. 6.

664.

Thus, according to Herodotus, Hermione and Asine ἡ πρὸς Καρδαμύλῇ τῇ Λακωνικῇ, which then probably was the nearest place of importance, belonged to the Dryopians; comp. Theopompus ap. Strab. p. 373.

665.

See Boeckh. Inscript. n. 1193.

666.

Æginetica, pp. 51-63.

667.

With regard to the dominion of his brother in Macedonia, the relation of this narrative to that in Herodotus VIII. 137. appears to me to be as follows. Both describe the same event; but the latter is the rude native tradition of Macedon, formed among a people which had few historical memorials; the former is derived from an Argive tradition, and, though as well as the other not purely historical, is yet connected together in a more probable manner. Κάρανος is perhaps only another form of Κοίρανος; see Hesychius in Κόραννος. The account of Euripides, that Archelaus, the son of Temenus, took the city of Ægæ in Macedonia, whither he had come as a goatherd in great distress (Hyginus Fab. 219; Dio Chrysost. p. 70.), is the most unfounded. Whether Isocrates (ad Philipp. p. 88. D.) was acquainted with the tradition concerning Caranus, or followed the account of Herodotus, does not appear. There is also a discrepancy in the account of Constant. Porphyr. Them. I. p. 1453. See Appendix I. § 15.

668.

Æginetica, p. 57. cf. Addenda, p. 199.

669.

And only silver (not τό τε ἄλλο καὶ τὸ ἀργυροῦν, as Strabo says), since copper was not coined till a much later period, and gold was first coined in Asia. In the Etymologicum Gudianum, p. 549. 58. it is stated inaccurately that Phido reduced the measures.

670.

See book III. c. 10. § 12. The ancient Macedonian coins were struck according to the same standard.

671.

Polyb. II. 37. 10.

672.

See in general Julian. Epist. ad Arg. 35. p. 407.

673.

According to Eusebius, p. 1297. ed. Pont. Pausanias places τὸν περὶ τῆς Θυρεάτιδος ἀγῶνα at the end of the reign of Theopompus, at the same date; Solinus, c. 13. in the seventeenth year of Romulus.

674.

Otherwise Herodotus could not have said of the Cynurians, ἐκδεδωρίευνται ὑπό τε Ἀργείων ἀρχόμενοι καὶ τοῦ χρόνον. Compare Æginetica, p. 47.

675.

Pausan. II. 24. 8.

676.

In addition to the passages in Æginetica ubi sup. see the Epigrams of Simonides VIII. 431. of Dioscorides VII. 430. Damagetus 432. Nicander 526. Chæremon 720. Gætulicus 244. in the Palatine Anthology. According to Isocrates Archid. p. 136. D. 300 Spartans destroyed all the Argives. It is a remarkable continuation of the legend, that Perilaus, the son of Alcenor, who went away too soon (Herod. I. 82.), a conqueror at the Nemean games, slew Othryadas, Pausan. II. 20. 6.—The offerings of the Argives for the battle of Thyrea, as well as those of the Tegeatans for a victory over Sparta, at Delphi (Pausan. X. 9. 3, 6.), cannot, from the dates of the artificers, have been made before the 100th Olympiad (380 B.C.).

677.

Hence their institution (according to Eusebius, Olymp. 27. 3. 678 B.C.) is derived from that event. See Athen. XIV. p. 631. Ruhnken ad Tim. p. 54. Hesychius in Θυρεατικοὶ στέφανοι. Apostolius VI. 56.—Compare Manso, Sparta, I. 2. p. 211.

678.

Lucian Icaromenipp. c. 18. calls Cynuria, taking indeed a bird's-eye view, a χωρίον κατ᾽ οὐδὲν φακοῦ Αἰγυπτίου πλατύτερον, “not wider than a bean.”

679.

Pausan. IV. 24. 1. IV. 35. 2.

680.

According to Eusebius in Olymp. 51. 6. ed. Pontac. comp. Corsini Dissert. Agon. p. 51.

681.

As Dissen has shown, ad Pind. Nem. IV. p. 381.

682.

From this I have explained Herod. VIII. 73. in my Æginetica, p. 47, where however the σύνοικοι after the Persian war are not different from the former Periœci.

683.

I. 18. and compare I. 76. and I. 122. See also Herodotus V. 92. 1. ἄπειροι τυράννων καὶ φυλάσσοντες δεινότατα τοῦτο ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῇ μὴ γενέσθαι, Sosicles the Corinthian says to the Spartans, “Heaven and earth will be changed, before you abolish free governments (ἰσοκρατίαι) in order to introduce tyrannies.” See also Dionys. Halicarn. Lys. 30. p. 523. The Syracusans also overthrew many tyrants, before they had one of their own, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 18.

684.

Tyrtæus Fragm. 3. v. 8. Gaisford.

685.

Libanius in Sever, vol. III. p. 251. Reisk.

686.

Polit. V. 9. 21.

687.

The series is not, however, quite certain, as Herodotus VI. 126. only goes down as far as Andreas. Aristotle merely says, Ὀρθαγόρου παῖδες καὶ αὐτὸς Ὀρθαγόρας, and Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 7 (see Wyttenbach. p. 44). Ὀρθαγόρας καὶ μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον οἱ περὶ Μύρωνα καὶ Κλεισθένην. From the new Excerpta of Diodorus, VII-X. 14. Script. Vet. Nov. Coll. vol. II. p. 11. Mai, it appears that Andreas and Orthagoras are probably the same person: for Andreas is stated also to have been a cook, by whom the dynasty was first raised.

688.

Pausan. VI. 19. 2. II. 8. 1. where for Πύρρων write Μύρων.

689.

Herod. I. 163. and others.

690.

Aristot. Pol. V. 10. 3. For what Aristotle says, μεταβάλλει καὶ εἰς τυραννίδα τυραννὶς, ὥσπερ ἡ Σικυῶνος ἐκ τῆς Μύρωνος εἰς τὴν Κλεισθένους, implies that the tyranny did not pass quietly from Myron to Cleisthenes, but that the latter re-acquired it by force.

691.

Book III. ch. 4. § 3.

692.

Herod. V. 67. Ἀργείοισι πολεμήσας.

693.

See, besides Herodotus, Diodor. Exc. 2. p. 550. with Wesseling's Notes.

694.

Herodotus, followed by Dio Chrysost. III. p. 43 B. I would now in this passage of Herodotus (V. 67.) retain λευστῆρα, where Casaubon proposed ληιστῆρα; not, however, in a passive sense, but according to its grammatical form, for a stone-slinger, i.e. a γύμνης or ψιλοὸς, the great mass of light-armed soldiers being furnished with slings. Compare e.g. Thuc. I. 106. οἱ ψιλοὶ κατέλευσαν.—“Adrastus is king of the Argives, but thou art a common bond-slave,” says the oracle to Cleisthenes.

695.

Pausan. II. 9. 6. X. 37. 4. Schol. Pindar. Nem. IX. 2. Polyæn. III. 5. It is remarkable that Sparta took no part in this war.

696.

See Boeckh Explic. Pindar. Olymp. XII. p. 206.

697.

Pausan. II. 9. 6.

698.

Pausan. X. 7. 5.

699.

For the tyranny lasted, according to Aristotle and Diodorus, p. 11. Mai, 100 years, i.e. from about the 26th to the 51st Olympiad, 676-576 B.C.

700.

Herod. V. 68.

701.

Herod. VI. 128.

702.

Strab. p. 378. About 200 men according to Diodorus ap. Syncell. Cronograph. p. 178. Par.

703.

Herod. V. 92. 2.

704.

Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 4. V. 9. 22.

705.

Ælian. V. II. I. 19.

706.

Concerning a stratagem of Cypselus on this occasion, see Polyænus V. 31. 1. That a Bacchiad, Demaratus, should have gone at this time to Italy, is very probable; but that the Tarquins were descended from him is a fiction. See Niebuhr's History of Rome, vol. I. p. 215.

707.

According to Eusebius, which agrees with the 447 years in Diodorus (Fragm. 6. p. 635. Wessel.), from the return of the Heraclidæ until Cypselus. It is not easy to see what were Strabo's grounds for reckoning the dominion of the Bacchiadæ at 200 years, VIII. p. 378. According to Diodorus they were Prytanes for only 90 years.

708.

Aristot. ubi sup.

709.

Plutarch. Sept. Sapient. 21. cf. Sympos. Qu. VIII. 4. 4. p. 361.

710.

Herod. V. 92. 6. according to Schol. Plat. Hipp. Maj. p. 135 Ruhnk. he was πρῶτον δημοτικὸς, as should be read in Apostol. XX. 47.

711.

Herod, ubi sup. Aristot. Pol. III. 8. 3. V. 8. 7. V. 9. 2.

712.

Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 2.

713.

Nicolaus Damascenus.

714.

Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22. Heraclid. Pont. 5. Nicol. Damasc.

715.

Βουλὴν ἐπ᾽ ἐσχάτων, Heraclides. Compare Aristot. Pol. V. 6. γίγνονται δὲ μεταβολαὶ τῆς ὀλιγαρχίας καὶ ὅταν ἀναλώσωσι τὰ ἴδια, ζῶντες ἀσελγῶς. καὶ γὰρ οἱ τοιοῦτοι καινοτομεῖν ζητοῦσι, καὶ ἢ τυραννίδι ἐπιτίθενται αὐτοὶ, ἢ κατασκευάζουσιν ἔτερον.

716.

Ibid.

717.

Book III. ch. 3. § 3.

718.

Heraclides. Perhaps for προαγωγοὶ should be written προσαγωγοὶ (like the ποταγωγίδες of Sicily, book III. ch. 9. § 7. note).

719.

See Book II. ch. 10. § 7.

720.

Concerning the Colossi and offerings of the Cypselidæ, see Aristot. Polit. V. 9. 2. Theophrast. ap. Phot, in Κυψελιδῶν ἀνάθημα. Ephorus ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 96. Pausan. V. 2. 4. Plato Phædr. p. 236 et Schol. p. 313. ed. Bekker. Strabo VIII. p. 353. 378. Plutarch de Pyth. orac. 13. See book III. ch. 10. § 12.

721.

Herodotus. Compare Antenor and Dionysius of Chalcedon, in Plutarch, de Malign. Herod. 22. p. 302. and the elegant legend in Pliny H. N. IX. 41.

722.

See above, ch. 6. § 8. Besides Gorgus, there was also at Ambracia a tyrant named Periander, Aristot. Polit. V. 8. 9. Plutarch. Amator. 23. p. 60. perhaps the son of Gorgus.

723.

Either to this person, or to Periander, or to Cypselus, the beautiful Rhadina of Samos was, according to Stesichorus (ap. Strab. VIII. p. 347.) sent as a bride, but she was killed out of jealousy. That it was the Ionic Samos is proved against Strabo by Pausan. VII. 5. 6.

724.

There is some difficulty in the chronology of this family; the following is a genealogical table:— [Transcriber's Note: Here are the relationships shown in the table: Aristocrates of Orchomenus: Father of Aristodemus and Eristhenea. Eristhenea married Procles of Epidaurus, and bore Melissa. Aëtion fathered Cypselus, who fathered Gorgus and Periander, who married Melissa. Melissa and Periander parented Cypselus and Lycophron.] There are also Gordias and Psammetichus, as to whom nothing is known. See Æginetica, p. 64. sqq. Periander ruled from Olymp. 38. 1. (Eusebius) to Olymp. 48. 4. (Sosicrates ap. Diog. Laërt. I. 74.), 44 years according to Aristotle. This is not inconsistent with the fact mentioned by Herodotus V. 95 and Apollodorus (p. 411. Heyn. comp. Timæus ap. Strab. 13. p. 600. A. Aristot. Rhet. I. 15. 14.) that he decided between Athens and Mytilene concerning Sigeum, since Phrynon of Athens (victor in the 36th Olympiad, Afric.) had contended on this same point with Pittacus in Olym. 43. 1. (Eusebius), before the time of Pisistratus. Compare Polyænus I. 25. Plutarch de Herod. Malign. 15. Diog. Laert. i. 74. Festus in Retiarii. Schol. Æsch. Eumen. 401. The narrative of Herodotus is not arranged entirely in a chronological order. Periander, however, was reigning, according to Herodotus I. 20. in the fifth year of the reign of Halyattes (Olymp. 41), and before his death sent him a present of Corcyræan boys, in the third generation (i.e. in the 16th Olympiad), before the siege of Samos by the Lacedæmonians (Olymp. 63.), as Panofka (Res Samiorum, p. 30.) has rightly corrected in Herod. III. 48. (γ᾽ γενεῇ πρότερον) from Plutarch, de Malign. Herod. 22. Cypselus, according to Herodotus, reigned thirty years, and therefore ascended the throne in Olymp. 30. 3.; the Cypselidæ ruled altogether 76-1/2 years (according to my emendation of Aristot. Pol. V. 9. 22); Procles reigned from about the 35th to the 49th Olympiad; Aristocrates goes as far back as the 25th Olympiad.

725.

Æginetica, p. 64.

726.

Who himself had aimed at the tyranny of Athens so early as the 42d Olympiad. Thucyd. I. 126. Heinrich, Epimenides, p. 83.

727.

Aristot. Rhet. I. 2. 19. Polit. V. 4. 4.

728.

Like the Enneacrunus of the Pisistratidæ. Pausan. I. 40. 1. I. 41. 2. Theognis v. 894. ὡς κυψελλίζον Ζεὺς ὀλέσειε γένος cannot well refer to a factio Cypselidarum, especially if it has any connexion with what precedes, concerning the Persian war; but κυψελλίζειν must mean “to be deaf,” “to have the ears closed,” from κυψέλη.

729.

I will only mention the tyrants in Doric states.—Cleobulus at Lindos, who was similar to Periander, Plutarch, de EI 3. p. 118. comp. Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. p. 523 B. (the Diagoridæ however still continued at Ialysus). Cadmus in the island of Cos, whose history must, from Herod. VI. 23. and VII. 164. be as follows. Scythes, the tyrant of Zancle, being driven out by the Samians (Olymp. 70. 4. 497 B.C.), fled to the king of Persia, and remained chiefly at his court. To Scythes' son, Cadmus, the king of Persia probably gave the island of Cos. For though it might be objected that Cadmus could not have been the son of Scythes of Zancle, since the latter, according to Herodotus, died in Persia (ἐν Πέρσῃσι), whereas Cadmus inherited the tyranny from his father (παρὰ πατρός); it may be answered that Scythes, notwithstanding that the king had given him the government of Cos, yet did not reside there, but at the Persian court, as we know to have been the case with Histiæus. Afterwards, however, before the 75th Olympiad (480 B.C.), having made a treaty with the Samians, he returned to his ancient country. He was followed by Epicharmus the comic poet, Suidas, in v. Ἐπίχαρμος. At his departure from Cos he gave the state its liberty, and instituted a senate (βουλή). He was a contemporary of Hippolochus the Asclepiad, and the ancestor by the mother's side of Thessalus. See the 7th Epistle of Hippocrates. In Sicily, Oleander and the family of Hippocrates, Gelon and Hieron, at Gela and then at Syracuse; Phalaris, and afterwards Theron, and Thrasidæus at Agrigentum; Anaxilas at Rhegium and Zancle; Panætius (Olymp. 41. 3. 614 B.C.) at Leontini. See Aristot. Pol. V. 8. 1. V. 10. 4. Perhaps also Aristophilidas of Tarentum (Herod. III. 136.) was a tyrant. Tyrants also existed in Italy, in Croton, Sybaris, and Cyme.

730.

Ap. Plutarch, de Herod. Malign. 21. p. 308. Compare Manso, Sparta, I. 2. p. 308.

731.

Although they were the guests of Sparta, τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ πρεσβύτερα ἐποιοῦντο ἢ τὰ τῶν ανδρῶν, Herod. V. 63. 90. Thuc. VI. 53. Aristoph. Lysist. 1150, &c.

732.

See Aristot. Pol. V. 5. 1. and his πολίτεια Ναξίων in Athenæus VIII. p. 348. According to Herod. I. 61. 64. Lygdamis was established in his government by Pisistratus, about the 60th Olympiad (540 B.C.). Comp. Heyne Nov. Comment. Gott. II. Class. Phil. p. 65.

733.

See above, § 2. Sicyon gave ships to Cleomenes about the 65th Olympiad, or 520 B.C.

734.

Before the time of Histiæus.

735.

Lycurg. 30.

736.

Herod. III. 54. Plutarch. de Herod. Malign. 21.

737.

This follows from Plutarch ubi sup. and Cimon c. 16. Herod. VI. 12. Pausan. III. 7, 8.

738.

Herod. VII. 159.

739.

According to Pausan. III. 4. 1. Therefore before Olymp. 65. 1. or 520 B.C. for Cleomenes was then king, as is evident from a comparison of Herod. VI. 108. with Thucyd. III. 68. He was in that year in the neighbourhood of Platæa. According to Plutarch. Lacon. Apophth. p. 212. Cleomenes was regent in the 63rd Olympiad (525 B. C), when the Samians came to Sparta: this however would give too great a length to his reign, (which Herodotus states to have been of short duration,) viz., from about 525 to 491 B.C.

740.

It appears that this wood was near Sepea in the territory of Tiryns. Apostolius IV. 27. states that the battle took place on the Ἄργους λόφος. The stratagem of Cleomenes is narrated after Herodotus by Polyænus I. 14.

741.

The marvellous narrative of Herodotus VI. 77 sqq. is also unconnected, from there being no explanation of the two first verses of the oracle, ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἡ θήλεια, which however must have referred to some real event. Or does Herodotus refer θήλεια to Juno? Pausanias II. 20. doubts whether Herodotus understands it. But the story of Telesilla in Pausanias, Plutarch. de Mul. Virt. 5. p. 269. and Polyænus VIII. 33. is very fabulous. The festival Ὕβριστικὰ could not have had this historical origin, but must have belonged to the mystical rites of some elementary deities. The number of the Argives who were slain is stated by Plutarch and Polyænus to have been 7777; by others 6000 (also a tradition of a seven days' armistice in Plut. Lac. Apoph. p. 211.). This is the battle ἐν τῇ ἑβδόμῃ ἱσταμένου, but of what month we are ignorant, Pol. V. 2. 8. Plut. Mul. Virt. ubi sup. Others placed it at the νουμηνία of the fourth month, anciently Hermæus, but only because the Ὕβριστικὰ were then celebrated. See Clem. Alex. Strom. IV. p. 522. ed. Sylb. Suidas in v. Τελέσιλλα.

742.

Concerning these slaves, see book III. ch. 3. § 2.

743.

Polit. V. 2. 8. Plutarch confounds bond-slaves and Periœci.

744.

See Schol. Ven. ad Il. B. 108. concerning the nine hamlets (islands) near Argos.

745.

Pausan. VIII. 27. 1.

746.

Strabo VIII. p. 376. distinguishes Orneæ κώμη τῆς Ἀργείας from the city near Sicyon, as also in the same place a κώμη named Asine, p. 373 B.

747.

Diod. XI. 65.

748.

Strabo p. 377. Yet Cleonæ soon occurs again as a friendly state.

749.

Ch. 7. § 15. Cleonæ was at that time engaged in a war with Corinth, Plutarch. Cimon. 17.

750.

Pausan. VII. 25. 3. Comp. Diodorus XI. 65. It is remarkable how rapidly Mycenæ fell into oblivion among the Athenians. Æschylus does not once mention it; succeeding poets frequently confound it with Argos. In the Electra of Sophocles there is throughout the play the most confused notion of the locality; compare Elmsley ad Eurip. Heraclid. 188. Concerning the destruction of Mycenæ, see Brunck Analect. tom. II. p. 105. n. 248.

751.

Pausan. II. 25. 7. cf. II. 17. 5. VIII. 46. 2. Concerning the emigration, see Strabo VIII. p. 373 B. and Ephorus lib. VI. ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Ἁλιεῖς. ὅτι οὗτοι Τιρύνθιοί εἰσιν, &c. In Stephanus in v. Τίρυνς, as well as in Strabo ubi sup. the Hermioneans in Halieis are spoken of. There is much that is very singular in the oracle, ποῖ τὺ λαβὼν καὶ ποῖ τὺ καθίξω καὶ ποῖ τὺ οἴκησιν ἔχων ἀλιέα τε κεκλῆσθαι. See App. V. § 11.

752.

Herod. VIII. 43. The Hermioneans however maintained their ancient connexions at a later period; see above, ch. 7. § 13.

753.

Pausan. II. 34. 5. Strabo adds the destruction of Asine; but this took place at a much earlier period. The statement of Strabo (p. 373 D.) that the Mycenæans used Eiones as their ναύσταθμον, must, if it is correct, refer to some time before the 75th Olympiad, or 480 B.C.

754.

Pausan. II. 25. 1.

755.

Diod. XII. 75.

756.

Herod. VII. 148.

757.

Herod. I. 30. where the ἀστυγείτονες are the Megarians, not the Eleusinians.

758.

Pausan. I. 40, 45. Strabo IX. p. 271. Herod. Vit. Homer. c. 28. Polyæn. Strateg. I. 20. 1, 2. Diogen. Laërt. I. 48. Quinctil. V. 11.

759.

Plutarch. Comp. Solon, et Public. 4.

760.

Pausan. I. 40. 4.

761.

Plutarch. Solon. 10. 12. confirmed by Ælian. V. H. VII. 19. There was at Delphi a statue of Apollo armed with a lance, mentioned by Plutarch Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. and Pausan. X. 15. 1. which was offered up by the Megarians after a victory over Athens, i.e. after that gained in Olymp. 83. 3. see book III. ch. 9, § 10.

762.

Pausan. V. 23. 1. compare Æginetica, p. 126.

763.

They occur in the following order; Corinth, Sicyon, Megara, and Epidaurus, at a later period, after the destruction of Ægina.

764.

Herod. VIII. 72.

765.

Καὶ ἄλλα γέρεα μεγάλα καὶ—IX. 26. Thucyd. V. 67. Concerning the fidelity of Phlius towards Sparta, see Theodoret. Græc. Affin. IX. 16.

766.

Thuc. II. 9.

767.

Thuc. V. 29.

768.

Herod. IX. 77.

769.

Herod. VIII. 72.

770.

Herod. VII. 202.

771.

παραστάται, Diod. XV. 12. See also Xen. Hell. V. 2. 3.

772.

Thuc. V. 29. 33.

773.

Thuc. IV. 134. Concerning this internal war, see below, § 9.

774.

Thuc. V. 29. See book III. ch. 4, § 7.

775.

Ἡγεῖσθαι, ἡγεμονεύειν, Thuc. I. 71. The Corinthian orator says to the Spartans, τὴν Πελοπόννησον πειρᾶσθε μὴ ἐλάσσω ἐξηγεῖσθαι (ad finem) ἢ οἱ πατέρες ὑμῖν παρέδοσαν.

776.

Thuc. II. 10. περιήγγελλον κατὰ τὴν Πελοπόννησον.

777.

Likewise ships, implements for sieges, &c. Thucyd. III. 16. VII. 18.

778.

For expeditious without Peloponnesus τὰ δύο μέρη, i.e. two thirds of the whole, appear to have been the common proportion, Thuc. III. 15. Demosth. in Neær. p. 1379.

779.

Ἀργυρίον ῥητόν. Thuc. II. 7.

780.

Boeckh Inscript. No. 1511. It is probably of the time of Lysander.

781.

Ὡς οὐ τεταγμένα σιτεῖται πόλεμος, Plutarch. Cleomen. 27. (Ἀρχίδαμος ὁ παλαιὸς, i.e. the second, ὑπὸ τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ Πελοποννησιακοῦ πολέμου.) Compare Plutarch. Demosth. 17. Crassus 17. Reg. Apophth. p. 126. and Lacon. Apophth. p. 202. Hutten. In this passage the apophthegm is incorrectly attributed to Archidamus the Third, although the Peloponnesian war is mentioned in connexion with it.

782.

Thuc. I. 141.

783.

Thuc. V. 54. Cleomenes also, Herod. V. 14. conceals the real object; but the army is soon separated.

784.

Thuc. ubi sup.

785.

See book III. ch. 12. The army of the 10,000, although composed entirely of mercenaries, was in many respects like an allied army, and was under Spartan discipline.

786.

Thucyd. II. 10.

787.

I. 141.

788.

Ibid.

789.

Thucyd. I. 125. καὶ τὸ πλῆθος ἐψηφίσαντο. V. 30. κύριον εἶναι ὅτι ἂν τὸ πλῆθοσ τῶν ξυμμάχων ψηφίσηται ἢν μή τι θεῶν ἢ ἡρώων κώλυμα ᾖ. V. 17. the Megarians, Eleans, Corinthians, and Bœotians are outvoted. But, according to I. 40, 41, the vote of the Corinthians alone prevented the Peloponnesians from succouring the Samians, i.e. they gave the preponderance to the party opposed to war.

790.

Besides Herodotus V. 93. see Dio Chrys. Orat. XXXVII. p. 459. 15.

791.

Thucyd. I. 67.

792.

Thuc. ubi sup. Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 11. 20.

793.

Herod. IX. 9. where however he is distinguished from the ἄγγελοι. Compare Plutarch de Malign. Herod. 41. Polyæn. V. 30. 1. Plutarch Themistocl. 6.

794.

See the treaty in Thucyd. V. 77, 79.

795.

Thucyd. I. 28. cf. V. 79.

796.

V. 31.

797.

V. 7, 9. καττὰ πάτρια δίκας διδόναι τὰς ἴσας καὶ ὁμοίας. The expression καττὰ πάτρια does not at all refer to ancient treaties of the Dorians. The πατρῷοι σπονδαὶ in Pausan. III. 5. 8. probably refer to the tradition mentioned above, ch. 5. § 16.

798.

Thucyd. ubi sup. τοῖς δὲ ἔταις καττὰ πάτρια δικάζεσθαι.

799.

Herod. VI. 84.

800.

VI. 108. ἐδίδοσαν σφέας αὐτούς.

801.

V. 70.

802.

V. 49. 70.

803.

According to Justin XIX. 1. the Sicilian states also applied to Leonidas for assistance against Carthage. How general the respect for Sparta was at that time in Greece, is shown by several passages in Pindar, which are not otherwise intelligible, e.g. Pyth. V. 73.

804.

See Appendix IV.

805.

Pers. 819.

806.

Thuc. II. 71. III. 58. 68.

807.

Herod. IX. 106.—These σπονδαὶ are also probably the ζυνθῆκαι, according to which the Athenians wished δίκας δοῦναι at the beginning of the war, Thuc. I. 144, 145.

808.

Thuc. I. 95.

809.

Diod. XI. 50.

810.

Thuc. VI. 82. αὐτοὶ δὲ τῶν ὑπὸ τῷ βασιλεῖ πρότερον ὄντων ἡγεμονες καταστάντες.

811.

Of this Eichstädt has treated in his Notes to the translation of Mitford's History of Greece; also Mosche in a Dissertation De eo quod in Cornelii Vitis faciendum restat. Francof. 1802; and lastly, Dahlmann in his Forschungen auf dem Gebiet der Geschichte, vol. I. p. 1-148. with great clearness and accuracy.

812.

Herod. VI. 42. See my Review of a work of Kortüm's, Göttingische Anzeigen, 1822. p. 117.

813.

Thuc. VIII. 5. cf. 46. ὅσοι ἐν τῇ βασιλέως Ἕλληνες οἰκοῦσι, an official expression of frequent occurrence.

814.

Plutarch. Themist. 29. Thucyd. I. 138. Diod. XI. 57. His sons also appear to have possessed them, according to Pausan. I. 26. 4.

815.

Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 6. To this family Procles also belongs, who married the daughter of Aristotle (when the latter was at Atarneus), and had by her two sons, Procles and Demaratus, Sextus Empiricus adv. Mathem. p. 51 B. ed. Col.

816.

Xenoph. ubi sup.

817.

Thucyd. V. 1.

818.

Herod. IX. 35. Pausan. III. 11. Isocrat. Archid. p. 136 A. Hence also Leotychides in 469 B.C. went to Tegea in exile, Herod. VI. 72. Herodotus IX. 37. also mentions a dissension between Tegea and Sparta before the Persian war.

819.

Fragm. 21. Gaisford.

820.

At that time also Tegea assisted Argos against Mycenæ; above, ch. 8. § 7.

821.

Polyænus I. 41. 5. confounds Archidamus III. and II. Plato Leg. III. p. 692. has not an accurate idea of the time of this war, of which Diodorus XI. 64, has given altogether an incorrect and inconsistent representation.

822.

Plin. H. N. II. 79, 81. Cicero de Divin. I. 50.

823.

The ἄγος Ταινάριον. See Thucyd. I. 128. Ælian. V. H. VI. 7. Suidas in Ταινάριον κακόν. Apostolius XVIII. 92. Prov. Vat. IV. 12. Plutarch. Prov. Al. 54. Pausan. IV. 24. 2. who mentions Lacedæmonians instead of Helots.

824.

Thucyd. I. 101. ᾗ καὶ Μεσσήνιοι ἐκλήθησαν οἱ πάντες.

825.

Herod. IX. 64.

826.

If in Herod. IX. 35. the alteration πρὸς Ἰθώμῃ may be ventured. The expression of Pausanias III. 11. πρὸς τοὺς ἐξ Ἰσθμοῦ Ἰθώμην ἀποστήσαντας is compounded of the passage of Herodotus, which he reads as we now have it, and Thucyd. I. 101. οἱ Εἵλωτες—ἐς Ἰθώμην απεστησαν.

827.

Thucyd. II. 27. IV. 56.

828.

Xenoph. Hell. V. 2. 3.

829.

Thucyd. III. 54.

830.

Aristoph. Lysistr. 1138. The 4000 hoplitæ, here mentioned by Aristophanes, were about the third part of the disposable forces of Athens (Thuc. II. 13); and since the Platæans likewise sent τὸ τρίτον μέρος of their numbers to the assistance of the Spartans (ib. III. 54. ἰδιᾳ as opposed to the rest of Bœotia), this was probably a contingent fixed for such cases. Platæa, it should be observed, had been on friendly terms with Sparta after the time of Pausanias, and been connected with that state by προξενίαι, to which the son of the Platæan general Arimnestus owed his name of Lacon, Thuc. III. 52, where we should read Ἀριμνήστου, or vice versâ in Plutarch Aristid. 11. and 19. Ἀείμνηστος should be read for Ἀρίμνηστος.

831.

Thucyd. Compare Manso, Sparta, vol. I. p. 377. They must also at that time have been angry with the Athenians on account of Thasos.

832.

These συνθῆκαι may, I believe, be safely referred to this time; from which Aristotle, quoted in Plutarch, Qu. Rom. 52. p. 343. and Qu. Gr. 5. p. 380. cites the passages in the text on account of the expression χρηστὸν ποιεῖν, for “to kill.” Compare Hesychius: χρηστοὶ οἱ καταδεδικασμένοι. That the Arcadians in a certain manner carried on war for the Helots is also implied in Zenobius Prov. I. 59.

833.

Thucyd. III. 112. IV. 3. cf. VII. 57. οἱ Μεσσήνιοι νῦν καλούμενοι.

834.

Thucyd. I. 102. The σπονδαὶ Παυσανίου still, however, remained in force (the συνθῆκαι in cap. 144).

835.

Æginetica, p. 179. and see Boeckh ad Pind. Pyth. VIII. Dissen ad Nem. VIII. 15.

836.

See the excellent explanation of Boeckh ad Pind. Isthm. VI. p. 532.

837.

On the oligarchical troubles in Olymp. 80. 4. (457 B.C.) and the probable share of Cimon in them, see the accurate discussion in Meier's Historia Juris Attici de Bonis damnatis, p. 4. n. 11.

838.

Thuc. I. 118. τὸ δέ τι καὶ πολέμοις οἰκείοις ἐξειργόμενοι.

839.

See Boeckh's Public Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 396, note.

840.

Thucyd. I. 115. Νίσαιαν καὶ Πηγὰς καὶ Τροιζῆνα καὶ Ἀχαΐαν; for in this order the words should be read. Achaia therefore is the district on the north of Peloponnesus, which indeed did not belong to Athens, but was enumerated in the lists of the contending parties as belonging to the Athenian side (concerning these lists see Thucyd. I. 31, 40.), and at this time passed over to that of the Lacedæmonians. See Thucyd. IV. 21. Compare the very confused account in Andocides Περὶ εἰρένης, and that of Æschines borrowed from it.

841.

Thucyd. I. 40. See above, p. 200. note e. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “strong opposition,” starting “Thucyd. I. 125.”]

842.

The meaning of the article in the thirty years' truce, Thucyd. I. 35. can only be, States not included in the alliance may join whichever side they please, by which means they come within the treaty, and the alliance guarantees their safety. But if a state already at war with another state party to the treaty (ἔνσπονδος) is assisted, a war of this description is like one undertaken by the confederacy of the assisting state.

843.

Thucyd. II. 54.

844.

The Asiatic cities are not exceptions; in Rhodes also the Doric spirit rose against Athens in the person of the noble Dorieus.

845.

Thucyd. III. 86. with the exception of Camarina.

846.

Thucyd. II. 8. cf. 11.

847.

Thucyd. I. 118. 123. Plutarch. Pyth. Or. 19. p. 276.

848.

The Spartans were at first quite contemptible by sea; Alcidas in particular was destitute of all talent, Thucyd. III. 30, 31. sq.

849.

Thucyd. I. 103. V. 82.

850.

I. 121. cf. Isocrat. de Pace, p. 174, E. οἰ συνάγοντες ἐξ ἁπάσης τῆς Ἑλλάδος τοὺς ἀργοτάτους—πληροῦντες τούτων τὰς τριήρεις.

851.

See particularly Thucyd. II. 11. V. 6.

852.

Thucydides has with great ingenuity, but with the most bitter coldness, laid down the principles of the Athenian policy in the Melian conference.

853.

According to Thucyd. III. 82. πλήθους ἰσονομια πολιτικὴ and ἀριστοκρατία are ὀνόματα εὐπρεπῆ as at that time they truly were; but not τὸ κατὰ τὰ πάτρια πολιτεύεσθαι.

854.

Ubi sup.

855.

Τὸ εὔηθες, οὗ τὸ γενναῖον πλεῖστον μετέχει, is the beautiful expression of Thucydides, ib. 83.

856.

Plutarch, Reg. Apophth. p. 127.

857.

In conclusion, I remark, that the possessions of the Peloponnesian states in this war, as they had agreed with one another at the commencement of it, and as Sparta maintained them (Thucyd. V. 31. cf. V. 29.), are represented in the accompanying map of Peloponnesus.

858.

Against Myrtilus in Dionysius Halic. I. 23. who however was probably deceived by confounding a Cabirus with Apollo (see Orchomenos, p. 455).

859.

The temples are, first, that of Apollo Oncæus at Thelpusa, in connexion with Hercules, Pausan. VIII. 25. 3. Antimach. p. 65. ed. Schellenberg. The native gods are in this case Demeter, Erinys, and Poseidon. Secondly, to the north of Pheneus the temples of Apollo Pythius and Artemis; they were said to have been built by Hercules after the conquest of Elis, Pausan. VIII. 15. 2.: compare Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. 59. and below, ch. 12. § 3. Thirdly, in Tegea the temple of Apollo Agyieus, in connexion with Crete, Pausan. VIII. 53. 1. Fourthly, the temple of Apollo Epicurius at Phigalea, built at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, Pausan. VIII. 41. 5. Fifthly, the Pythian or Parrhasian Apollo, near mount Lycæum, Paus. VIII. 38. 6. (the temple Πύθιον in Paus. ibid. Πύτιον in an Arcadian inscription, Boeckh, No. 1534.) would doubtless more properly be called Aristæus. Sixthly, Apollo Cereatas in Æpytis, near Carnium, probably came from Messenia, Paus. VIII. 34. 3.

860.

Liv. III. 63. IV. 25, 29. Asconius in Cicer. Orat. in toga cand. vol. II. p. 1. p. 525. ed. Orelli. The sacra of the Falisci on mount Soracte were, as well as others of that city, half Grecian, Virg. Æn. XI. 785. Plin. H.N. VII. 2. compare Spangenberg de Rel. Latin. p. 38. The Salian priests did not mention the name of Apollo, Arnobius adv. Gent. II. 13. Aplu upon Etruscan Pateras (Demster Etrusc. Reg. tab. 3. 4. Gori II. p. 93.) is the Thessalian name.

861.

Apollodorus I. 7. 6.

862.

Book I. ch. 1.

863.

The valley of Tempe was a favourite place of Apollo; see Callimachus Hymn. in Del. 152. Horat. Carm. I. 21. 9. Melisseus also, in his historical work on Delphi, appears to have derived the worship of Apollo from the borders of Macedonia, as may be conjectured from the fragment cited by Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Op. 1. p. 29. ed. Gaisford. On account of the vicinity of this great temple, the worship of Apollo was very prevalent in Macedonia, on the coins of which country his symbols frequently occur.

864.

Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1767. The other inscription, found near the ancient Atrax (Turnovo) may be thus written in the common dialect: Ἀπόλλωνι Κερδ.... Σωσίπατρος Πολεμαρχιδαῖος ὁ θύτης ἀνέθηκε ἱερομνημονήσας καὶ ἀρχιδαφνηφορήσας. See Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1766. and Expl. Pind. p. 336. Classical Journal, vol. XXVI. p. 393.

865.

Δυαρεία ἡ ἐν τοῖς Τέμπεσι δάφνη. τὸ δὲ αὐτὸ καὶ Δηλία, Hesychius p. 1040. ed. Alberti. Laurus Penei filius, Fulgent. 13.

866.

Κατὰ τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν νῦν ἱερὰν καλοῦμεν, Plut. Quæst. Græc. 12.

867.

Ælian V. H. III. 1. mistakes the succession of the districts.

868.

A temple of Apollo and Diana at Libæa, Pausan. X. 33. 2.

869.

Steph. Byz. in Δειπνιὰς, with a fragment of Callimachus. The connexion of Larissa and Delphi is proved by the ancient offering mentioned by Pausan. X. 16. 4. It is not known whether Phyllus, with its temple of Apollo Phyllæus, and Ichne, with a temple of Themis, both towns in Thessaliotis, were situated on this road, Strabo IX. p. 435.

870.

Iliad. II. 766. cf. XXIII. 383 sqq. Πηρείη is mentioned as a place of pasturage; and is cited by the Scholia to this passage, Stephanus Byz. and Hesychius, as a place in Thessaly, but probably only from this passage. In the Orphic Argonautics the pastures are placed on the banks of the Amphryssus, which is near Pheræ.

871.

Hesiod, Scut. 17, 58. Παγασίτης Ἀπόλλων παρὰ Ἀχαιοῖς ἐν Παγασαῖς καὶ παρὰ θεσσαλοῖς, Hesychius. In Apollon. Rhod. I. 404, 411. the Argonauts are represented as building a temple of Apollo Actius and Embasius at Pagasæ.

872.

Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 133. where for ἡλίου write Ἀπόλλωνος, a common corruption, as both words were denoted by the same abbreviation. See Gaisford ad Hesiod. Theog. 709.

873.

Scut. 477. Eurip. Herc. Fur. 389. Compare Orchomenos, p. 251. Cycnus dwelt ἐν παρόδῳ τῆς θαλασσίας, according to Stesichorus ap. Schol. Pind. Olymp. X. 19. (Mus. Crit. vol. II. p. 266.) Schol. Il. Ψ. 346. from the Cyclic poets, ἐν τῷ τοῦ Παγασαίου Ἀπόλλωνος ἱερῷ, ὅ ἐστι πρὸς Τροιζῆνι, (read with Heinrich Τραχῖνι, see Scut. 469). Pausanias places the battle on the Peneus, I. 27. 7. See also Schellenberg's Antimachus, p. 67.

874.

Scut. Herc. ad fin.

875.

It is fair to suppose that Stesichorus so far altered the fable as to make Cycnus build Apollo a temple of sculls; and it is not necessary with Heyne ubi sup. to substitute Mars for Apollo. See also Sturz ad Hellanic. Fragm. 121. p. 137.

876.

Tzetzes ad Hesiod. Scut. p. 194. ed. Heins.

877.

Chishull Antiq. Asiat. p. 134. Æginetica, p. 154. The coins of Cnosus have the head of Apollo. The Omphalian plain near Cnosus (Callim. Hymn. Jov. 45.) is connected with the stone of the Omphalos at Delphi, but both belong to the worship of Zeus.

878.

Odyss. XIX. 188. Pausan. I. 18, 5. Strabo X. p. 476. See Boettiger's Ilithyia, p. 18. Einatus, whence Ilithyia Einatinè, was probably in the neighbourhood.

879.

Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 33. The geographical position of the places is partly founded on the investigation in Hoeck's Kreta, vol. I. ch. 1.

880.

Steph. Byz. in Πύθιον. Its coins have on them the head of Apollo.

881.

See book I. ch. 5. § 2.

882.

The latter under the title of φυτία, with a festival named Ἐκδύσια, Antonin. Liberal. 17. The wolf on its coins also refers to Apollo.

883.

Steph. Byz. in Τάρρα. Compare Theophrast. Hist. Plant. II. 2. An oracle (preserved by Œnomaus, Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133 ed. Steph.) calls upon the inhabitants of Phæstus, Tarrha, and Polyrrhum, to make expiations (καθαρμοὶ) to the Pythian Apollo.

884.

Pausan. II. 7. 7. X. 16. 3. comp. Tibullus IV. 1, 8.

885.

Alexander's Κρητικὰ, lib. I. ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. IV. 1492. comp. Pausan. VIII. 53. 2.

886.

Antonin. Liber. 30. comp. Verheyk.

887.

Pausan. X. 16. 3. Hence the goat upon the coins of Elyrus. Also a she-wolf upon the coins of Cydonia, suckling the little Cydon.

888.

Tarrha is the parent state of Zappa, the coins of which city have therefore Apollo or a lyre. Perhaps this place derived from this worship the right of asylum: see Spanheim de Præst. Num. p. 342. There are also other traces of the worship of Apollo in Crete, e.g. the temple of Allaria. Chishull. Ant. Asiat. p. 137. Oaxus was called the son of Apollo, Servius ad Virg. Ecl. I. 66. Upon the ancient coins of Eleutherna Apollo is holding in his right hand a ball (viz. an apple, μῆλα ἱερὰ τοῦ Θεοῦ, Luc. Anach. 9), and in the left a bow. Also the coins of Rhitymna. On those of Tylissus is a youth with a goat's head in the right, and a bow in the left hand; which is certainly an Apollo. The same god is also on the coins of Præsus, Aptera, Chersonesus, and Rhaucus.

889.

According to Apollodorus I. 3. 4, by Thalia; according to Strabo X. p. 473. by Rhytia (which refers to the city of Rhytium under mount Ida).

890.

The statement of the Theologi in Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 23. p. 616. ed. Creuzer.

891.

Æn. IV. 146. compare Heyne, vol. II. p. 736.

892.

Ch. 2. § 14.

893.

Anius, the son and priest of Apollo, is called the viceroy of Rhadamanthus at Delos. Diod. V. 62. 79. Comp. Pherecydes Fragm. 74. ed Sturz.

894.

ὀργίονας, οἳ θεραπεύσονται Πυθοῖ ἐνὶ πετρηέσσῃ, Ἱερά τε ῥέξουσι καὶ ἀγγελέουσι θέμιστας.

895.

See Orchomenos, p. 493.

896.

This etymology was known to ancient mythologers, Cornuficius Longus ap. Serv. ad Æn. III. 332. In memoriam gentis ex qua profectus erat (Cretæ,) subjacentes campos Crisæos vel Cretæos appellasse.

897.

In the Homeric Hymn to the Pythian Apollo, in vv. 90. 103. and other passages, Pytho is stated to be ἐν Κρίσσῃ, that is, “in the territory of Crissa, within the Crissæan boundaries.”

898.

It is to this that verse 265 of the hymn probably refers. Concerning the tripod in the adytum at Crissa, see Epist. Hippocrat. VIII. There were statues of Latona, Artemis, and Apollo remaining in the time of Pausanias, X. 37. 6.

899.

Hymn. XXVII. 14. Heraclitus ap. Plutarch. Pyth. Orac. p. 404.

900.

Below, ch. 3. § 3.

901.

Ion v. 418. (Matthiæ). οἱ πλησίον θάσσουσι τρίποδος ... Δελφῶν ἀριστεῖς οὓς ἐκλήρωσεν πάλος.

902.

Κοίρανοι Πυθίκοι, v. 1219. Δελφῶν ἄνακτες, v. 1222. Πυθία ψῆφος, v. 1250. cf. v. 1111. ἀρχαὶ αἱπιχώριοι χθονός.

903.

Herod. V. 72. Compare VI. 66. Κόβωνα τὸν Ἀριστοφάντου, ἄνδρα ἐν Δελφοῖσι δυναστεύοντα μέγιστον. Δυναστεύειν is also used by Herodotus of the Attic Eupatridæ (VI. 35.); compare VII. 141.

904.

Plutarch. Quæst. Græc. 9. p. 380.

905.

Pausan. X. 6. 2.

906.

Strabo IX. p. 418. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 711. Compare Callimachus ap. Steph. Byz.

907.

Dodwell's Travels, vol. I. p. 189.

908.

Lycorea appears to have taken its name from the worship of Apollo Lyceius, or Lycoreus; see Callimach. Hymn. Apoll. 19. Λυκωρέος ἔντεα Φοίβου, frequently in the Anthology, Suidas, &c.

909.

See Appendix V. ad fin.

910.

Concerning this connexion see Zoëga, Bassirilievi, tom. I. on tav. 81. Æginetica, p. 154. Raoul-Rochette, Etablissement des Colonies Grecques, tom. II. p. 164. The name of Coretas also, the supposed discoverer of the oracle (κώρης for κούρης Dorice) is Cretan, Plutarch, de Defect. Orac. 21. 46. It appears that the names Κόρης (otherwise Κώρης, Κούρης,) Κορησσὸς in Ceos, with a temple of Apollo Smintheius, Κορησία λίμνη, in Crete (Steph. Byz.), Κορησσὸς, a sacred hill near Ephesus, Κρῆσος, an Ephesian hero (Paus. VII. 2. 4.), and the name of Crete itself, are all etymologically connected.

911.

Pausan. X. 7. 2.

912.

ἀνθρώπων ἀπαρχὴ, Plutarch, Thes. 16.

913.

Orac. ap. Pausan. X. 6. 6.

914.

According to the Cyclic poets, see Orchomenos, pp. 188. sqq.

915.

Cited by Pausan. X. 31. 2.

916.

Κρητίδαι: μάντεισ ἀπὸ Κρήτης, Photius.

917.

As Raoul-Rochette supposes, although his work contains very valuable materials for this inquiry, Histoire de l'Etabl. des col. Grecques, tom. II. p. 137-173.

918.

On the connexion of Crete and Asia, see Heyne, Excurs. ad Æn. III. 102.

919.

I. 173. cf. VII. 92. According to Herodotus, Europa also came to Lycia (IV. 45.), i.e. the tradition.

920.

Herod. I. 173. Comp. Boeckh ad Platon. Min. p. 55. Heraclid. Pont. 15.

921.

See Steph. Byz. in v. cf. Herod. I. 176.

922.

Augustinus de Civ. Dei XVIII. 12.

923.

Appian, Bell. Civ. IV. 78.

924.

II. XVI. 666.

925.

Transplanted to Cilicia, Zosimus I. 57. Diodorus ap. Phot. Biblioth. cod. 244. p. 377. ed. Bekker.

926.

On the former see Strabo XIV. p. 666. cf. p. 651., on the latter Diod. V. 56.

927.

Menecrates in Lyciacis ap. Antonin. Liber, c. 35.

928.

Σύεσσα καλύβη τις ἐν Λυκίᾳ ἀπὸ Συέσσης γραός τινος ὑποδεξάμενης τὴν Λητώ. Steph. Byz.

929.

Both the derivations of the name Patara, the one from a son of Apollo (Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Cf. Eustath. ad Dionys. Perieg. 129. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 920.), and the other from πατάρα, κιστὶς, refer to the worship of Apollo.

930.

Callim. Hymn. Del. 1. and Spanheim's note. Herodotus says indefinitely, ἐπεὰν γένηται, I. 182. Cf. Serv. ad Æn. IV. 143.

931.

Alexander ap. Steph. Byz. in v. Eustath. ubi sup. On the temple, see the inscriptions in Walpole's Travels, p. 541. and Beaufort's Caramania.

932.

Pausan. VII. 21.3.

933.

Herod. I. 78. Apostolius XVIII. 25. from Dionysius ἐν κτίσεσιν, Herodian. ap. Eustath. ad Dion. Perieg. 860.

934.

The coins of Patara, Phaselis, Xanthus, Cydna, Cragus, Apollonia, Corydalla, Limyra, and Olympus, have a head of Apollo, the tripod, lyre, the deer, and similar symbols. Cf. Steph. Byz, Δάφνη ὲν Λυκίᾳ. Apollo Ἐρεθύμιος among the Lycians, Hesych. in v. Perhaps this is a corruption of Ἐρυθίβιος, as Apollo was called in Rhodes, Strabo XIII. p. 613. See below, ch. 5. § 4.

935.

See Strabo XIV. p. 683. from Hedylus, or some other poet. On the sacred deer of Apollo at Curium, see Ælian. Nat. Anim. XI. 7.

936.

Strabo XIII. p. 611. Scylax, p. 26. Compare the obscure gloss of Hesychius in Πυθίων ἀνακτόρων.

937.

On this temple, see Heyne ad Il. A. 39. According to Strabo XIII. p. 604. there were Sminthea near Hamaxitus in Æolis, near Parium, at Lindus in Rhodes, and elsewhere. A certain Philodemus, or Philomnestus, wrote a treatise on the Σμινθεῖα in Rhodes, Athen. III. p. 74 F. 445 A.

938.

The inhabitants of Tenea, a village near Corinth, were said to have been transplanted by Agamemnon from Tenedos. That they really worshipped Apollo in the same manner as the Tenedians, is testified by Aristotle ap. Strab. p. 380. Paus. II. 5. 3. And the worship of Apollo was carried by means of Archias from Tenea to Syracuse, Strabo, ibid. See book I. ch. 6. § 7.

939.

A. 37-39.

940.

Strabo XIII. p. 591. Hesych. in Θύμβρα. Schol. Il. X. 430. Servius ad Æn. III. 85. compare Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque, tom. III. to pl. 25. Walpole's Memoirs, p. 609. The fable of Pan, the son of Thymbris, and teacher of Apollo in divination (Apollodor. I. 4. 1.), has also reference to this story.

941.

Il. V. 446. VII. 83.

942.

Il. II. 827. IV. 119. V. 105. with the Schol. Min.

943.

Hesychius in Λυκαῖον. There are likewise many other signs of the worship of Apollo on this coast, Strabo XIII. p. 618; in Priapus, Schol. Lycophr. 29; Apollo Πασπάριος in Parium and Pergamum (Hesych. in v.); on the coins of Gargara, Germe, Lampsacus, Atarneus, Neandria, Abydos, and New Troy.

944.

The Æolians built a temple to the Cillæan Apollo at Colonæ, Strabo XIII. p. 613. from Daes of Colonæ.

945.

Strabo XIII. p 604. τοῖς γὰρ ἐκ τῆς Κρήτης ἀφιγμένοις Τεύκροις, οὓς πρῶτος παρέδωκε Καλλῖνος, &c. It does not appear that this can, with Frank, Callinus, p. 31, he understood only of a mention of the name of the Teucrians.

946.

The latter fact is supported by the ancient name of Cephalion, an inhabitant of the Teucrian city of Gergis (ap. Steph. Byz. in Ἀρίσβη. Eustath. ad Il. p. 894.): but his Τρωικὰ was the forgery of an Alexandrine writer named Hegesianax (Athen. IX. p. 393 B). Lycophron, v. 1302. calls Teucer, Scamander, and Arisbe, Cretans.

947.

In the fragments of Nicolaus Damascenus, p. 442. ed. Vales.

948.

Iliad. VII. 452. XXI. 442. which passages do not agree. Hesiod in Her. Geneal. ap. Schol. Lycophr. 393. Hellanicus ap. Schol. Il. XX. 145. Coluthus v. 309.

949.

Inscription in Walpole's Memoirs, p. 104.

950.

Æneid. II. 318. 430.

951.

Iliad. XV. 522.

952.

Achilles was slain by Apollo, according to Homer; Aretinus and Æschylus in the ψυχοστασία (Heyne ad Il. XXII. 359. Tychsen ad Quint. Smyrn. Comment. p. 61); Neoptolemus was killed at Pytho. For the same reason Achilles slays Tennes, the son of Apollo (Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 232.), in whose temple it was forbidden to pronounce the name of the Phthian hero (Plutarch Quæst. Gr. 28. p. 933).

953.

Iliad. V. 446.

954.

Herod. V. 122. VII. 43. It was situated in the territory of Lampsacus (Strabo XIII. p. 589.), in mount Ida (Athen. VI. p. 256 C.), opposite Dardanus (Herod.); the village of Mermessus, 240 stadia from Alexandria Troas (Pausan. X. 12. 2), was a κώμη Γεργιθία, Suidas in v. Also in Schol. Plat. Phædr. p. 61. Ruhnken. p. 315. Bekker. write, ἐν κώμη Μερμήσσῳ—περὶ τινα πολίχνην Γέργιθα or Γέργιθον for Μαρμυσσῷ and Γεργετίωνα.

955.

Xenoph. Hell. III. 1. 10.

956.

Iliad. XX. 307. Compare the remarks of A. W. Schlegel on this point in his celebrated Review of Niebuhr's Roman History.

957.

Steph. Byz. in Γέργις, from Phlegon.

958.

This may be collected from the confused account of Clearchus of Soli ἐν Γεργιθίῳ, in Athen. VI. p. 256. cf. XII. p. 524 A. Strab. XIII. p. 589 D.

959.

Plin. H. N. XXXIV. 8.

960.

Heyne Exc. ad Æn. VI. 3. The rock was called Ζωστηρία κλιτὺς (Lycoph. 1278), as the Attic promontory with the temple of Apollo.

961.

See the tabula Iliaca, ΜΙΣΗΝΟΣ.

962.

Od. IX. 197.

963.

Diod. V. 79. compare Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 160.

964.

Pindar, in Pæan. ap. Tzetz. ad Lycophr. 445.

965.

Ephorus ap. Strab. XIV. p. 634 D.

966.

Callimachus apud Clem. Alex. Strom. V. p. 570. Strab. IX. p. 421. Conon Narr. c 33, 44. Stat. Theb. VIII. 198. Gesner Comment. Soc. Gotting. vol. IV. p. 121. Ionian Antiquities, vol. II. new ed.

967.

Quintilian. Inst. Orat. XI. 3. p. 305. Bipont. Est interim et longus et plenus et clarus salis spiritus, non tamen firmæ intentionis, idemque tremulus. Id βράνχον Græci vocant. This is exactly the voice of enthusiastic priests and prophets.

968.

There was likewise a family of diviners named Εὐαγγελίδαι, Conon Narr. c. 44.

969.

Strabo IV. p. 139 B. Æginetica, p. 151.

970.

Clem. Alex. Strom. V. 8.

971.

On this see D'Orville ad Chariton. p. 349. and Quintus Smyrnæus I. 283.

972.

Herod. II. 159.

973.

Pythius and Comæus. Athen. IV. p. 149 E. Ammian. Marcellin XXIII. 6.

974.

Schol. Apoll. Rh. I. 966. Hence the offerings of the Cyzicenians in the Didymæum, Chishull Ant. Asiat. p. 67. In the character of Ἐκβάσιος, Apollo has on coins his foot resting on a fish.

975.

A coin of Parium, in the cabinet of M. Allier de Hauteroche, shows the statue of Apollo on the seashore, with the circumscription, ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ ΑΚΤΑΙΟΥ ΠΑΡΙΑΝΩΝ, agreeing with Strabo XIII. p. 588.

976.

Strabo VII. p. 319 B. Apollo Ἠῷος on the island of Thynias (Apollonia, Daphnusa). Apoll. Rhod. II. 686. Schol. ad 1. Plin. Hist. Nat. VI. 12. is probably Milesian: also Apollo Φιλήσιος at Trapezus on the Euxine sea, Arrian. Peripl. p. 2.

977.

Collected in Raoul-Rochette's Antiquités Grecques du Bosphore Cimmérien, pl. 5, 7, 8.

978.

The Cyclic Thebaid in Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 308. Apollod. III. 7. 4. Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. IX. 33. 1.

979.

He was called both Ῥάκιος and Λάκιος, because in the Cretan dialect ῥάκος and λάκος were exchangeable forms, Schneider ad Nicand. Alexipharm. 11. p. 83. Compare book I. ch. 6. § 5.

980.

Proclus Chrestomath.

981.

Strabo XIV. p. 675. Conon Narr. 6. Tacit. Ann. II. 54. On the temple see Locella ad Xenoph. Ephes. p. 128. ed. Peerlkamp.

982.

Diod. XV. 18. Strabo ubi sup.

983.

Hecatæus ap. Steph. Byz. in Γρῦνοι. Strabo XIII. p. 622. Hermeias of Methymna wrote a treatise on the Grynean Apollo, Athen. IV. p. 149. E. Hence the temple of Apollo, the sibyl, and the Apollo δαφνηφόρος, on the coins of Myrina, which city also sent χρυσᾶ θέρη to Delphi, Plutarch. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273.

984.

Malus the son of Manto, Hellanicus ἐν Λεσβικοῖς apud Steph. Byz. in Μαλλόεις. Thucyd. III. 3. Likewise in Lesbos, Apollo Ναπαῖος (Hellanicus ap. Steph. Byz. in Νάπη. cf. Strab. IX. p. 429. Suid. in Ναπαῖος. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. coins of Nape with the image of Apollo in Mionnet's work), Λεπετύμνιος, Antigon. Caryst. 17. and Ἐρέσιος, Hesych. in v. In Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 144. for ΓΟΝΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος write ΤΟΥ ΝΑΠΑΙΟΥ Ἀπόλλωνος.

985.

Strabo XIV. p. 675 C. Arrian. II. 5. Hence perhaps the worship of Apollo came to Tarsus, Osann. Syllog. Inscr. p. 141.

986.

Book I. ch. 5. § 4.

987.

Pausan. II. 32. 2. Ἄρτεμις σώτειρα, brought from Crete to Trœzen, ib. 31. 1.

988.

Paus. II. 31. 7. 11. The temple of Apollo Thearius at Trœzen was, according to Pausan. ib. 31. 9. the most ancient in Greece. Apollo joined with Leucothea, Ælian. V. H. I. 18.

989.

Called Ψυχοπομπεῖον, like the institutions in Thesprotia, at Phigalea and Heraclea Pontica. See book I. ch. 1. § 6.

990.

Plutarch, de sera Num. Vind. 17. p. 256. Hesych. in τέττιγος ἔδρανον.

991.

Thus Strabo VIII. p. 368. the name being derived from Delos. Also called Ἐπιδήλιον.

992.

Pausan. I. 42. 1. 2. conf. Epigram. Adespot. 3. p. 193. Brunck. Analect. Meziriac ad Ovid. Epist. vol. I. p. 448.—Also, Megareus the son of Apollo, in Steph. Byz. in Μέγαρα. comp. Dieuchidas of Megara in Schol. Apoll. Rhod. I. 517.

993.

V. 773. Φοῖβε ἄναξ, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπύργωσας πόλιν ἄκρην, Ἀλκαθόῳ Πέλοπος παιδὶ χαριζόμενος.

994.

Δεκατηφόρος, ὅς δεκάτην φέρει, i.e. here, “he who receives it,” Paus. I. 42. 1. 5. Compare an Argive inscription (Boeckh No. 1142. Δεξιστρατος Αρχιππ. Απολλωνι δεκατ—.) Apollo was likewise worshipped at Megara under the titles of Pythius (Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 84. Philostrat. Vit. Soph. I. 24. 3.), Archagetas, Prostaterius, Carnius and Agræus. The tripod and the Delphine on the coins of Megara see Pouqueville, tom. IV. p. 131. against Clarke, vol. II. sect II. p. 768.

995.

From Megara Calchedon (see the coins) derived its worship and oracle of Apollo (Dionys. Byz. p. 23.) Not far off was Demonesus; and an Apollo of Demonesian brass is mentioned in Pseud. Aristot. de Mirab. 59. Jungermann ad Poll. V. 5. 39. Byzantium likewise, a Megarian colony, had a temple of Apollo on the promontory of Metopon, according to Dionysius de Bosp. Thrac. Byzantium, moreover, had evidently derived from its parent city, but in an exaggerated form, the tradition of the foundation of the city by Apollo, and that this god placed his lyre upon a tower. Hence the seven resounding towers (Hesych. Miles, ap. Codin. p. 2. 3. Dionys. Byz. p. 6. Dio Cass. LXXIV. 14): also the fable of the dolphin charmed by the sound of the lyre (Dionysius pag. 9. Gyllius de Constantinop. pag. 285.) evidently belongs to the Megarian worship.

996.

Homer. Hymn. Cer. 126.

997.

See Pherecydes ap. Schol. Od. XI. 320. Apollod. II. 4. 7. Observ. ad Apollod. p. 333.

998.

Κεφαλίδαι γένος Ἀθήνησιν, Hesychius.

999.

Paus. I. 37. 4.

1000.

See Strabo X. p. 452. Thuc. III. 94. Propert. III. 9. ad fin. Servius ad Æn. III. 271. Dodwell, vol. I. p. 53. Hughes, vol. I. p. 402. has a Leucadian inscription, Ἀπολλωνιᾶται ᾠκοδόμησαν.

1001.

Aristot. in Ithac. Rep. ap. Etymol. M. in Ἀρκείσιος, Heraclid. Pont. 17 and 37. ed. Koehler. Heyne ad Apollod. II. 4. 7.

1002.

Apollod. III. 15. 1. According to the ancient Charon of Lampsacus, Phobus of Phocæa was the first who took this leap, Plutarch. Virt. Mul. p. 289.

1003.

Κατ᾽ ἐνίαυτον, Strabo X. p. 452. Ovid. Fast V. 630. Tristia Leucadio sacra peracta modo. Photius Lex. Λευκάτης. σκοπελὸς τῆς ἠπείρου, ἀφ᾽ οὗ ῥίπτουσιν αὑτους εἰς τὸ πέλαγος οἱ ἱερεῖς.

1004.

Photius in Τευμησία, from the ἐπικὸς κύκλος.

1005.

Stesichorus apud Athen. XIV. p. 619. D. and Sappho. Compare Hardion. Sur le sault de Leucade, Mém. de l'Acad. des Inscript. tom. VII. p. 245.

1006.

See Hesych. in θόρικος. Ptolem. Hephæst. 7.

1007.

Fragment of the Παρθένια, p. 595. ed. Boeckh.

1008.

See below, ch. 11. § 8.

1009.

Od. VII. 322.

1010.

Plutarch, de Def. Orac. 5.

1011.

According to the emendation Τεγύρας for Τανάγρας in fragm. incert. 14. Boeckh.

1012.

See Orchomenos, p. 220. Boeckh in the Berlin Transactions on the Oration against Midias, below, ch. 8. § 4.

1013.

Pausan. IX. 10. See Stanley ad Æsch. Eum. 21.

1014.

Herod. VIII. 134. Soph. Œd. T. 21. μαντείᾳ σποδῷ, Philochorus ap. Schol. ad 1.

1015.

Hesych. in v. Also the lots burnt in the sacred fire, according to the same grammarian, φρυκτὸσ Δελφοῖς κυῆρος. Compare Boeckh Explic. Pind. Ol. VIII. 2. and Plutarch de Frat. Am. 20. To this custom likewise refer the Φοίβου ἐσχάραι in Eurip. Phœn 292, and the name of the ancient priest of the Delphic oracle πύρκεων. See the Eumolpia in Paus. X. 5. 3.

1016.

The stone of Manto in front of the temple, Paus. IX. 10. μαντίων θῶκος. Pind. Pyth. XI. 6.

1017.

The serpent of Cadmus is also by later writers called Castalius and Δελφίνιος, Creuzer ad Nonni Narr. in Melet. vol. I. p. 93.

1018.

Apollo Polius was also without the gates at Thebes, Paus. IX. 12. 1. Apollo was likewise worshipped in the village of Calydna near Thebes, Androtion ap. Steph. Byz. in Κάλυδνα.

1019.

Below, ch. 11. § 7.

1020.

See Orchomenos, pp. 234, 393.

1021.

See the author's work De Minerva Poliade, p. 2.

1022.

Herodot. I. 56. VII. 94. VIII. 44.

1023.

Hence Ion is called the πολέμαρχος or στρατηγὸς of the Athenians, Herod. VIII. 44. Paus. I. 31. 2. II. 14. 2. VII. 1. 2. &c. hence also Euripides says (Ion 1319) that “the shield and spear was the whole patrimony of Xuthus.”

1024.

Cicero de Nat. Deor. III. 22. 23. Lydus de Mens. p. 105.

1025.

See Phanodemus ap. Athen. IX. p. 392. Plutarch, ap. Euseb. præp. ev. II. p. 99. fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten. Euseb. Canon. 497. comp. Paus. I. 18. 5. Legends of this kind were greatly amplified by Attic orators, who, like Hyperides before the Amphictyons, had to defend the claims of Athens upon Delos.

1026.

Μηδὲν προσήκων Ἐρεχθείδαις, Plutarch Thes. 13.

1027.

Ξοῦθος is the “bright” “shining” god, another form of ξανθός. See below, ch. 6. § 7. Αἰγεὺς, from αἶγες, “the waves of the sea” is equivalent to Ποσειδῶν Αἰγαῖος.

1028.

Plutarch Thes. 5.

1029.

Strabo IX. p. 392. after Sophocles and Philochorus. Cf. Schol. Aristoph. Lys. 58. Vesp. 1218. Schol. Eurip. Hipp. 35.

1030.

Philochorus apud Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1047. ed. Elmsl.

1031.

Compare Barbié du Bocage's Histoire de la bourgade d'Œnoë la sacrée at the end of Stanhope's Plan of Platæa.

1032.

Hence Sophocles ubi sup, calls the district of Eleusis Πυθίας ἀκτάς. The Scholiast confounds the Œnoë of the tribe Hippothoontis with that of the tribe Aiantis. The situation of the Pythium is correctly treated by Reisig Enarr. Œd. Col. p. 134.

1033.

In the passage of Philochorus ubi sup. read οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους Πυθιάδα καὶ Δηλιάδα, for οἱ ἐκ τοῦ γένους Πυθίαι δὲ καὶ Δηλιάδες.

1034.

The Δηλιασταὶ occurred in the laws of Solon, Athen. VI. p. 234 E. the Πυθαϊσταὶ are mentioned in Steph. Byz. in Πυθώ.

1035.

Strabo IX. p. 404 C. Eurip. Ion. 285. On the Pythium, see Thuc. II. 15. VI. 54. Isæus p. 113. 187. Suidas in Πύθιον. Suidas, Hesychius, Prov. ἐν Πυθίῳ.

1036.

Strabo IX. p. 404. Steph. Byz. in ἅρμα. Eustath. ad Il. β' 499. Hesych. in ἀστράπτει. Prov. in ὅταν δι᾽ Ἄρματος.

1037.

Pausan. Dodwell vol. II. p. 170.

1038.

See Æsch. Eum. 12. πέμπουσι δ᾽ αὐτὸν καὶ σεβίζουσιν μέγα κελευθοποιοὶ παῖδες Ἡφαίστου. Compare Ephorus ap. Strab. IX. p. 422 D. Aristid. Panath. vol. I. p. 329. Orchomenos p. 36. 188.

1039.

This rare tradition is preserved in the Schol. Æsch. Eum. 13. Schol. Aristid. p. 107. ed. Frommel.

1040.

This explains Herod. VI. 34. ἰόντες δὲ οἱ Δόλογκοι τὴν ἱρὴν ὁδὸν διὰ Φωκέων τεκαὶ Βοιωτῶν ἤϊσαν. καί σφεας ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐκάλεε, ἐκτράπονται ἐπ᾽ Ἀθηνέων.

1041.

There is a trace of the correct tradition in Diod. IV. 60. cf. Serv. ad Æn. VI. 14. The funeral games of Laius were made by the poets the motive for this journey.

1042.

Ἐν πολιτείᾳ Βοττιαίων ap. Plutarch. Thes. 16. cf. Qu. Gr. 35. Conon. Narr. c. 25.

1043.

Plutarch Thes. 15. Diod. IV. 61. Ovid. Metaph. VIII. 171.

1044.

The chief passage on the septenary number of the boys and girls sent to Crete is Servius ad. Æn. VI. 21. Septena quotannis (κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν) quidam septem pueros et septem puellas accipi volunt, quod et Plato dixit in Phædone (p. 58.) et Sappho in Lyricis (p. 255. in Wolf's Poetr. Gr.) et Bacchylides in Dithyramhis (p. 17. ed. Neue.) et Euripides in Hercule (v. 1331.), quos liberavit secum Theseus.

1045.

The visit to Naxos originally signified a transmission of the worship of Dionysus and Ariadne to that island, which rites had been kept up at the festival of the Ὀσχοφόρια, though confounded with the laurel-bearing procession of Apollo.

1046.

Boeckh Economy of Athens, vol. II. p. 150. Erysichthon is said to have sent the ξόανον with theorias to Delos, Plutarch Fragm. 10. p. 291. ed. Hutten.

1047.

This confirms a fact which we collected from other sources, viz., that the Thargelian Apollo was the same god as that worshipped at Delos and Crete.—There was an ancient writing on this subject preserved in the Daphnephoreum at Phyle in Attica, Theophrastus ap. Athen. X. p. 424 F. The origin of the Thargelia is also referred to Crete by a tradition, that this festival arose from the expiatory rites for the murder of Androgeus, Helladius ap. Phot. in Gronov. Thes. Ant. Gr. vol. X. p. 978.

1048.

Paus. I. 18. 5. τὰ μὲν δὴ δύο ξόανα εἶναι Κρητικά. See above, ch. 1. § 5.

1049.

Pyth. I. 31. Compare Dodwell, vol. I. p. 532.

1050.

Plutarch Thes. 12. 14. 18. cf. Paus. I. 19. 1. On his return Theseus sacrifices to Apollo and Diana as οὔλιοι θεοὶ, Pherecydes ap. Macrob. Sat. I. 17. frag. 59. ed. Sturz. comp. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 40. 46.

1051.

See Pollux VIII. 10. 119.

1052.

Demosth de Coron. p. 274. cf. Aristot. ap. Harpocrat. in Ἀπόλλων πατρῷος. The Achenians had πατρῷοι θυσίαι at Delphi, Demosth. Epist. p. 1481. Apollo's Attic title of πατρῷος is explained from his being the πατὴρ of Ion; it is possible, however, that he was so called as being the god of the πάτραι of the Ionians. Apollo was also called λεσχηνόριος at Athens (Plutarch Εἰ 2. p. 217. Suidas in v.); perhaps as being the titular deity of the 360 Δέσχαι of the 360 γένη at Athens, Proclus ad Hesiod. Op. et Di. p. 116. Heins. Cleanthus ap Harpocrat. in λέσχαι, Meursius ad Lycophr. 543.

1053.

γεννῆται Ἀπόλλωνος πατρῷου καί Διὸς ἑρκείου, Demosth. adv. Eubulid. p. 1315. 15. Pollux VIII. 85.

1054.

As appears from Plato, Euthyd. p. 302 B. cf. Schol. et Heindorf. p. 404.

1055.

Pollux VIII. 122.

1056.

Callim. Hymn. Apoll. 69. with the Schol. and Spanheim. Harpocrat. in Βοηδρόμια. Suidas and Etym. M. in Βοηδρομεῖν. Hence the archon Polemarchus administered justice in the Lyceum, the temple of Apollo Lyceus, near the statue of a wolf, Suidas in ἄρχων. Bekker Anecd. vol. I. p. 449. Hesych. in ἐπιλύκιον. Λυκαμβὶς ἀρχὴ of the polemarch, according to Cratinus, Hesych. in v. And in general all the courts at Athens were under the protection of the wolf, viz., Apollo, Eratosth. ap. Harpocrat. in δεκάζων, Lexic. and Parœmiogr. in λύκου δέκας. Etymol. M. in δεκασαι.

1057.

In Colot. p. 31.

1058.

Thes. 25. According to Plato Rep. IV. p. 427. Apollo is the πάτριος ἐξηγητὴς of the Athenians.

1059.

Hence Dorotheus (ap. Athen. IX. p. 410 A.) ἐν τοῖς τῶν εὐπατριδῶν (not τῶν θυγατριδῶν) πατρίοις treated of the purification of suppliants.

1060.

Below, ch. 8. § 6.

1061.

By representing the notion that Xuthus was the father of Ion as a mere deceit of Xuthus.

1062.

For example v. 668. Ὑμῖν δὲ σιγᾶν, δμωΐδες, λέγω τάδε, Ἢ θάνατον εἰπούσαισι πρὸς δάμαρτ᾽ ἐμήν.

1063.

V. 591. Εἶναί φασι τὰς αὐτόχθονας Κλεινὰς Ἀθήνας οὐκ ἐπείσακτον γένος, &c.

1064.

The view taken in the text on the Ion of Euripides has been approved, since the first publication of this work, by Hermann, in the preface to his edition of that tragedy, p. 32.

1065.

Below, ch. 5, § 2. ch. 8. § 15.

1066.

Book I. ch. 5, § 3. comp. Pausan. II. 24. 1. He was also called Δειραδιώτης, from the height. There was likewise divination there, Telesilla ap. Pausan. II. 35. 2-36. 5. Πυθαεὺς and Κρηταεὺς are Doric forms; the hero Pythaëus cannot be separated from the god. Zeus, Apollo, and Hercules, were the deities of the city of Argos, Liv. XXXII. 33.

1067.

Thucyd. II. 47. Sophocl. Electr. 7. Hence Λύκειος ἀγόρα, Sophocles, Hesych. in v. The Argive coins with the wolf refer to this statue, comp. Pausan. VIII. 40. 3. Here was also an oracle, Plut. Pyrrh. 31. 31. where write, ἡ τοῦ Λυκείου προφῆτις Ἀπόλλωνος. At Argos also stood the statue of Apollo Ζωτεάτας, Hesych. in v. A temple of Latona, Pausan. II. 21.

1068.

Alcman Fragm. 35, 36. ed. Welcker. Herod. I. 69. comp. Bast. ad Gregor. Corinth, p. 187. At Sparta, according to Hesychius, Λυκιάδες κόραι τὸν ἀριθμὸν τριάκοντα αἱ τὸ ὕδωρ κομίζουσαι εἰς τὸ Λύκειον (a kind of Hydrophoria).

1069.

Pausan. II. 9. 7. Respecting the ancient temple of Apollo there, and a brass statue, see Pseud.-Aristot. Mirab. Auscult. p. 59. Pausan. II. 11. 2. Polyb. XVII. 16. 2. The tradition respecting its foundation by Epopeus is not worth notice. Cleisthenes was the person who instituted the Pythian games, Schol. Pind. Nem. IX. 49, 76. comp. Boeckh and Dissen Explic. p. 451. Apollo had there an ἱερὰ χώρα; Polyb. ubi sup. Liv. XXXII. 40.

1070.

Pausan. IV. 15. 5. The Messenians at Naupactus had also a temple of Apollo (Thucyd. II. 91.); and the coins of the Messenians of Sicily afford proof of the same worship. Concerning the ancient temple at Æpea, Pausan. IV. 34. 4.

1071.

Herod. VI. 57.

1072.

Apollo Acreitas, Pausan. III. 12. 7. At Thornax Apollo Pythaëus, III. 11. 2. Hesych. in Θόρναξ, cf. in θοράτης. Apollo Maleates, Pausan. III. 12. 8. Thucyd. VII. 26. Apollo Λιθήσιος, Steph. Byz. Suid. in v. comp. Pausan. II. 27. 8. Apollo at Geronthræ, Boeckh Inscript. No. 1334.

1073.

Herod. II. 32. Plutarch Arat. 40. Pausan. II. 5. 4. Hesych. in Ζωτελιστὴς. At Corinth, Apollo, as at Argos, was ἀγορῆς καλλίχορου πρύτανις, Simonides in Palat. Anthol. VI. 212. On the temple of Apollo at Sicyon, likewise in the market-place, Ampel. Liber. Memor. 8.

1074.

Pausan. II. 26. 3. comp. the inscriptions of the temple of Æsculapius, Boeckh. Inscript. Nos. 1175, 1176. The temple of Apollo Ægyptius belongs to the time of the Antonines.

1075.

In this island a temple of Apollo was connected with the Thearion (see Dissen ad Pind. Nem. III. p. 376.), with the worship of Apollo Δελφίνιος, Οἰκιστὴς, and Δωματίτης, and the festival of the Hydrophoria. Æginetica, p. 150. cf. 135.

1076.

Above, ch. 2. § 8. The Pythian games, according to Pausan. II. 32. 2. founded by Diomed, are probably of a later date.

1077.

ἀρχηγέτης, δωματίτης, οἰκιστὴς (Æginetica, p. 150, note k); for, as Callimachus says (Hymn. Apoll. 55.), Φοῖβος ἀεὶ πολίεσσι φιληδεῖ Κτιζομένῃς.

1078.

Pausan. IV. 4. 1. 33. 3. cf. V. 25. 1.

1079.

Thucyd. V. 18. IV. 118.

1080.

Among the Achæans of Patræ. Pausan. VII. 21. 4.—of Ægira. id. VII. 26. 3. comp. the tradition respecting Bolina, id. VII. 23. 3.

1081.

Pausan. VIII. 53. 1.

1082.

ἦρος ἐπερχομένου. Theognis of Megara, v. 777.

1083.

Pausan. V. 4. 2.

1084.

On this enmity, to which so many legends refer, see Pausan. V. 2. 4. VI. 16. 2.

1085.

That Zeus was the chief god of the Eleans is evident from the confederate temple at Ægium and elsewhere.

1086.

Hesychius in v.

1087.

Pausan. V. 15. 4.—τὸν μὲν δὴ παρὰ Ἠλείοις θέρμιον καὶ αὐτῷ μοι παρίστατο εἰκάζειν, ὡς κατὰ Ἀτθίδα γλῶσσαν εἴν θέρμιον; for the last θέρμιον Buttmann corrects θέσμιον; and it is evident that θέρμα was Elean for θέσμα, “sacred ordinance or armistice.” See Appendix V. § 2. Also Therma, the place of the Panætolia, derived its name from this word, which is probably of Ætolian-Elean origin. On its temple of Apollo, see Polyb. XI. 4. 2.

1088.

Pausan. IV. 4. 4.

1089.

Perhaps this was the beginning of the connexion with Crete, to which the name of the Ἰδαῖον ἄντρον at Olympia (Pind. Olymp. V. 42. Demetrius ἐν νεῶν διακόσμῳ in the Scholia. Boeckh ad Schol. and Explic. p. 150.), and the tradition that Clymenus, a descendant of the Idæan Hercules, came to Pisa soon after the flood of Deucalion, and there founded a temple, refer; comp. Pausan. V. 8. 1. VI. 21. 5. V. 14. 6.

1090.

Boeckh ad Pind. Olymp. III. 18. p. 138. Explic. Tzetzes ad Lycophr. 41. does not speak of this event with the same exactness as the Schol. Pind. Olymp. III. 39. Comp. also Wurm de Ponderum, etc. § 90. p. 174.

1091.

See particularly Philostratus Vit. Apollon. V. 25. p. 208. Cic. de Divin. I. 41. concerning the Telliadæ, Herod. IX. 37. VIII. 27. These diviners are called the μάντεις Ἠλείων πρόμολοι at the altar of Olympia in the oracle in Phlegon p. 129. in Meursii Op. vol. VII.

1092.

Pausan. VI. 17. 4.

1093.

Pausan. V. 8. 1.

1094.

Boeckh Corp. Inscript. No. 1711.

1095.

As appears from the Homeric Hymn to Apollo.

1096.

See Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 17. comp. Apostol. VI. 93. and the story of Æsop; also the proverb, Δελφὸς ἀνὴρ στέφανον μὲν ἔχει, δίψει δ᾽ ἀπόλωλεν.

1097.

Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 535.

1098.

The λαὸς οἰκήτωρ θεοῦ, Eur. Androm. 1092.

1099.

Plutarch, de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. The Thessalians vowed at least every year a hecatomb of men to Apollo Καταιβάτης. Schol. Eur. Phœn. 1416. Zenobius in θετταλῶν σόφισμα.

1100.

Sosicrates ap. Suid. vol. I. p. 621. Hesych. p. 1026. Apostol. VII. 37. Prov. Vat. App. II. 94. and Steph. Byz. in Δούλων πόλις, with which he mentions the ἱερόδουλοι. We may probably discern a similar servitude in the gift of the golden tripods which the Θηβαγένεις were bound to bring at certain times to the Ismenian temple of Apollo, Orchomenos, p. 397. Apollo Nesiotes at Chalia in Bœotia also possessed Hieroduli, Boeckh. Inscript. No. 1607. The Delian Ἑκατηβελέταο θεράπναι (Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 157) were of the same description as the chorus in the Phœnissæ. In the Didymæum (Inscript. in Walpole's Travels, p. 582) there were οἱ περι το μαντειον παντες και οἱ το ἱερον κατοικουντες και οἱ προσχωροι, boys sent thither as the spoil of war, Conon. Narr. c. 44.

1101.

ἀνάθημα πόλεως ἢ τινὸς πραθεὶς ὕπο. Eurip. Ion. 322. ἱερὸν τὸ σῶμα τῷ θεῷ δίδωμ᾽ ἔχειν. Ver. 1299.

1102.

Boeckh in Hirt Ueber die Hierodulen, p. 48.

1103.

See book III. ch. 4.

1104.

Diod. IV. 66. Pausan. VII. 3. 1. see above, ch. 2. § 7.

1105.

Apostol. VII. 34. where for Ἀθηναίων read Ἀργείων. Suidas in δόρυ κηρυκεῖον. Orchomenos, p. 118.

1106.

Herod. VII. 132. Xenoph. Hell. VI. 3. and 5. ἐλπὶς δεκατευθῆναι τὸ πάλαι λεγόμενον Θηβαίους. Not the land, but the people themselves were to be decimated.

1107.

See above, p. 46, note n. [Transcriber's Note: This is the footnote to “the Dorians or Malians,” starting “Aristot. ap. Strab.”] Etymol. M. p. 154. 7.

1108.

Apollod. II. 7. 7. cf. Diod. IV. 37.

1109.

Pausan. II. 35. 2. Apollo was also worshipped under the titles of Ὄριος and Πλατανίστιος. Concerning the Dryopes as worshippers of Apollo see Pausan. IV. 34. 6. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 480. Prob. ad Virgil. Georg. III. 7. Anton. Liberal. c. 32. Etymol. M. p. 288. 32. Heyne ad Æn. IV. 143. vol. II. p. 736. ed. 3. According to Pausanias they also retained this worship in the Messenian settlements. According to Conon, c. 29. upon the occasion of the return from Troy they sent a tithe (δεκάτη).

1110.

See above, b. I. ch. 2. § 4.

1111.

Ver sacrum vovere, i.e. quæcunque vere proximo nata essent immolaturos, Festus in v. Mamertin. Trecenta millia hominum, velut ver sacrum, miserunt, Justin. XXIV. 4.

1112.

According to the remarkable account of Parthen. Erot. 5. they were δεκατευθέντες ἐκ Φερῶν ὑπ᾽ Ἀδμήτου, and were conducted by Leucippus a Lycian. Strab. XIV. 647. reverses the story: Δελφῶν ἀπόγονοι, τῶν ἐποικησάντων τὰ Δίδυμα ὄρη (near Pheræ, Orchomenos, p. 192.) ἐν Θετταλίᾳ.

1113.

Plato Leg. XI. p. 919 D. comp. Boeckh In Minoem et Leges, pag. 68. Magnesia, re-established according to Plato's fiction, consecrates to Apollo and Helius, κατὰ τὸν παλαιὸν νόμον, three men as an ἀκροθίνιον, ibid. XII. p. 945. See also Apollod. Fragm. p. 386. Conon Narr. c. 29. Varro 3. Rer. Human. apud Prob. ad Virg. Ecl. VI. Cretans in the Asiatic Magnesia, Strab. XIV. p. 636. Schol. Apollon. Rhod. I. 584.

1114.

Parthenius mentions Κρητιναῖον and Leucophryne instead of Magnesia.

1115.

Boeckh Corp. Inscript. 2910; and see particularly Conon ubi sup.

1116.

Aristot. and Theophrast. ap. Athen. p. 173 F.

1117.

Semus ἐν Δηλιακοῖς ap. Athen. ubi sup.

1118.

It is to this that the Homeric hymn to the Pythian Apollo, v. 1. refers; also the coins of Magnesia (Apollo supra Mæandrum stans). There was also a place near Magnesia called Apollonia.

1119.

X. 32. 4.

1120.

Hence the name of Apollo Hylates in Lycoph. 447; where Tzetzes is confused. Apollo Hylates at Amamassus in Cyprus, Steph. Byz. in v. In Athen. XV. p. 672 E. for ὙΒΛΑ ὙΛΑΙ. Query, whether Hiera. Come, Liv. XXXVIII. 12, 13. is the same place? Magnesia on the Sipylus also worshipped Apollo, τὸν ἐν Πάνδοις, Marm. Oxon. 26. 85.

1121.

See Frank Callinus, p. 89. Liebel Archil. p. 202. Concerning the founding of Magnesia see Ruhnken on Velleius I. 4. Kanne on Conon, c. 29. Raoul-Rochette, tom. II. p. 387.

1122.

Plut. Quæst. Græc. 13. 26.

1123.

A Rhegian in Timæus (Strab. p. 260 C. Antig. Caryst. 1), ἱεροὺς εἶναι τοῦ θεοῦ τοὺς προγόνους αὐτοῦ, καὶ τὴν ἀποικίαν ἐνθένδε ἐστάλθαι. cf. VI. p. 257 D. Creuzer Fragm. Xanth. p. 373. cf. p. 178.

1124.

Respecting the ablutions in the seven rivers, the sacred laurel-tree, &c., see Varro ap. Prob. Præf. ad Virg. Ecl. and compare Hermann's excellent dissertation on the Glauci of Æschylus, Opuscula, vol. II. p. 59.

1125.

Pausan. V. 25. 1. The coins of Rhegium have the head of Apollo, a lyre, a tripod, and cortina.

1126.

See particularly Tacit. Annal. IV. 14.

1127.

Founded, according to Callim. Epigr. XLI. 2. by Acrisius the Pelasgian, to whom the establishment of the Amphictyonic council was for that reason attributed.

1128.

Ælian. V. H. III. 1. Liv. XXXIX. 24. comp. Plutarch de Def. Orac. 14.

1129.

On the towns included in the league see above, book I. ch. 6. § 2. On the games at the festival, Herod. I. 144.

1130.

Neptune and the nymphs were also of the number of the Triopian deities, Schol. Theocr. XVII. 69. Comp. Boeckh ad Schol. Pind. Pyth. II. 27. p. 314. Concerning the worship of Apollo at Halicarnassus, see Inscript. in Walpole's Travels, p. 576. Apollo Telchinius at Lindus (see Meurs. Rhod.), at Cameirus ἐειγεννήτης and ἐπιμήλιος. Macr. Sat. I. 17. at Anaphe, Apollo Ægletes, Æginetica, p. 170. note a; comp. above, p. 116. note z.

1131.

I have adopted the opinion of Ste. Croix, Gouvernemens fédératifs, p. 156. that the federal festival of the twelve Æolian cities was at Gryneum, chiefly on account of the altars of the twelve gods, and the Ἀχαιῶν λιμὴν at that place, and the statements of Scylax.

1132.

According to Strabo X. p. 487. there were here ἑστιατόρια, as at Delos, for the assembly; and in a Tenian inscription (Boeckh Corp. Ins. Gr. No. 2329), a citizen is eulogized for having undertaken a θεαροδοκία for the Delians, the office of receiving the θεωροὶ, a species of λειτουργία. Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 325.

1133.

Ἱστίη νήσων, Callim. Hymn. Del. 325. et Spanheim ad 1.

1134.

Hom. Hymn. ad Apoll. Del. 141. The coins like those of Delos: the name also reminds us of mount Cynthus. (Hemsterh. ad Aristoph. Plut. p. 311.)

1135.

An Apollonia in this island, Steph. Byz. Compare the coins.

1136.

Particularly at Carthæa, Pind. Isthm. I. 6. Athen. X. p. 456 E. Probably a Δήλιον, according to Dissen. Explic. p. 484. Πύθια at the same place, Anton. Lib. c. 1. Concerning the choruses of Apollo at Carthæa see Boeckh Corp. Insc. Gr. Nos. 2361-3. A Smintheum at Coressus and Pœessa, Strabo X. p. 486.

1137.

Apollo Tragius, Steph. in Τραγαία. Apollo Ποίμνιος, Macr. Sat. I. 17. Hipponax ap. Schol. Aristoph. Ran. 658. A Δήλιον at Naxos. Aristot. Plut. Virt. Mul. p. 289. ed. Hutten. Parthen. Erot. 9. comp. Obs. Misc. Bat. vol. VII. p. 24. Besides these, there were many other Ionic temples of Apollo, in Samos, Eubœa, &c.

1138.

See above, book I. ch. 6. § 12.

1139.

Ælian. V. H. II. 26. Tzetzes ad Lycoph. 911. Wesseling corrects Ἀλαῖος for Ἅλιος in Aristot. ubi sup. comp. Heyne Opusc. Acad. vol. II. p. 178. with Creuzer Symbolik. II. p. 200. The bird on the coins is not an eagle but a raven (Mionnet Descr. planche 60), the comes iripodum.

1140.

One hundred and twenty stadia from Croton, Aristot. Mirab. Ausc. p. 1098 C. Justin. XX. 1. Etym. Mag. in Ἀλιαῖος.

1141.

Ap. Strab. VI. p. 265 C.

1142.

On the statue of Aristeas in the market-place of Metapontum, by the side of the statue of Apollo, see Herod. IV. 15. and on a brass laurel-tree in the same place, Athen. XIII. p. 605 C. In the temple of Apollo, Plutarch περὶ τοῦ μὴ χρᾶν 8.

1143.

Caulonia in Italy is also remarkable for this worship, the ancient coins of which town exhibit Apollo bearing a laurel, or a bow, with a stag.

1144.

Thucyd. VI. 3. ΑΡΧΑΓΕΤΑ ΠΟΛΛΩΝΟΣ, on the coins of Tauromenium and Enna. As to Sicily, there was a temple of Apollo Temenites Pythius at Syracuse, Cic. Verr. IV. 53. Steph. Byz. in Συρακοῦσαι. comp. Ælian. V. H. I. 18. Letronne Topographie de Syracuse, p. 26. Göller de Situ Syrac. p. 59. also of Apollo Δαφνίτας, Etymol. p. 250. 38. At Gela there was a colossal statue of Apollo in front of the town, Timæus apud Diod. XIII. 107. Apollinarian rites of the Erbitæans and their colony Alæsa, Diod. XIV. 16. Inscript. ap. Castelli, p. 109 sqq. At Lilybæum, according to the coins, Apollo Libyrtius near Pachynum. Macr. Sat. I. 17. The month Dalius in Sicily, Castelli Prol. 73.

1145.

Inscription at Olympia, ap. Pausan. V. 22. 2.

1146.

Plut. de Pyth. Orac. 16. p. 273. Also at Myrina in Æolis. Comp. ch. 2. § 7.

1147.

Orchomenos, p. 327 sqq.

1148.

A similar tradition in Sinope, Philostephanus ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 953. Diod. IV. 71.

1149.

Herod. IV. 32. See also Homer. Hymn. VII. 29.

1150.

X. 5. 4.

1151.

See above, ch. 1. § 3.

1152.

Thus I write for Ἀμάδοκος in Paus. I. 4. 4. and Λαοδόκος, ib. X. 23. 3. on account of the Laodice of Herodotus. Herodotus VIII. 39. mentions, on a similar occasion, the native heroes Phylacus and Autonous.

1153.

Scholl. Apoll. Rh. II. 675. unless Cluver. Germ. Ant. I. p. 16, is right in correcting Κελτοὺς for Δελφούς.

1154.

See the beautiful fragment in prose in Himerius Orat. XIV. 10. with which Cicero de N. D. III. 23. agrees; see Heindorf's note. It is to this ode, perhaps, that the words of Plutarch refer, De Mus. 14. δῆλον ἐκ τῶν χορῶν καὶ τῶν θυσιῶν, ἃς προσῆγον μετ᾽ αὐλῶν τῷ θεῷ, καθάπερ ἄλλοι τε καὶ Ἀλκαῖος ἔν τινι τῶν ὕμνων ἱστορεῖ.

1155.

In this part occurred what Pausanias X. 8, 5. cites from the προοίμιον ἐς Ἀπόλλωνα of Alcæus, that the water of Castalia came from the Cephisus.

1156.

Diod. II. 47. where the period is alone falsely stated. That the harvest begins at the rising of the Pleiades, is stated by Hesiod. Op. et D. 381. Compare the story in Eratosth. Catast. 29.

1157.

Tischbein I. 8. 9. with the correct explanation of Italinsky. As in the vase in Tischbien IV. 8. the tripod is represented as standing beside the figure, which is a certain proof that Apollo is in question.—Nevertheless, some very distinguished antiquarians are still of opinion that the figure is Triptolemus, and not Apollo; indeed the Instituto di corrispondenza Archeologica at Rome has lately published a painted vase (I. Distrib. pl. 4.), in which Τριπτολεμος is written by this figure in the same position, and with the same accompaniments; whence it seems to me probable that, in antiquity, the ideas attached to this composition were not fixed. A vase in Millin I. 46. represents Apollo Daphnephorus attended by a Hyperborean in the Arimaspian costume.

1158.

Paus. X. 5. 5.

1159.

XXI. 3.

1160.

Œnomaus ap. Euseb. Præp. Evang. p. 133. Steph. quotes from a supposed oracle of a prophetess named Asteria, that the inhabitants and priests of Delos came from the Hyperboreans.

1161.

Aristot. Hist. An. VI. 35. Antig. Caryst. 61. p. 111. ed. Beckmann. Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 124.

1162.

Herod. IV. 35. Opis and Hecaërgus, according to Pseudo-Plato Axioch. pag. 371. A. Servius ad Æn. XI. 858. The circumstance of the θήκη of these virgins being turned to the east shows that it was of the Cretan time, since the Dorians laid their dead to the east, the Ionians to the west. See book IV. ch. 1. § 2.

1163.

περφέρεες, also ἀμαλλοφόροι and ὑλοφόροι. See Porphyr. de Abstin. II. 19. Rhoer ad 1 and Spanheim ad Callim. Hymn. Del. 283.

1164.

Dodona was Hyperborean, according to Etymol. M. in Δωδωναῖος.

1165.

Plutarch de Musica 14.

1166.

According to Herodotus and Callim. ad Del. 281. cf. Plin. H. N. IV. 26. Mela III. 5. Salmasius considers the gifts as θυμάτων ἀπαρχαὶ, prosiciæ hostiarum, with Mela; but they were doubtless primitiæ frugum, Exerc. Plin. p. 147.

1167.

No weight can be laid on the particular road, as Pausanias I. 31. 2. mentions one which touches Attica, where also there were rites or sanctuaries, τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων, Chrysost. Epist. ad Tit. Rom. 3. vol. XI. p. 744 E. ed. Montfaucon. See below, § 6.

1168.

Heyne Excurs. ad Æn. IV. 2. He also comes to Delos in the spring.

1169.

Tischbein II. 12. Compare the coins of Chalcedon ap. Valliant. et Theupoli. A commentary is furnished by the beginning of Callimachus' hymn to Apollo.

1170.

Above, ch. 1. § 2.

1171.

Herod. IV. 13. The statement of Herodotus is exactly confirmed by a fragment of Aristeas in Tzetz. Chiliad. VII. 144. which may be genuine. In v. 688. for καὶ σφᾶς ανθρωπους should be written καὶ φᾶς᾽ ἀνθρώπους (φασί).

1172.

Φοιβόλαμπτος. The Issedones were first mentioned by Alcman, who called them Ἀσσέδονες, Steph. Byz. in Ἰσσήδονες. He also mentioned the Rhipæans, Schol. Soph. Œd. Col. 1312.

1173.

Ap. Steph. Byz. in Ὕπερβόρεοι.

1174.

The two last points are likewise mentioned by Hellanicus ap. Clem. Alex. Strom. I. p. 305. Later authorities on this point I pass over.

1175.

Herod. IV. 25.

1176.

Olymp. III. 14. cf. Olymp. VIII. 41. Pyth. X. 31. Isthm. V. 22.

1177.

Ap. Schol. Apoll. Rh. IV. 284.

1178.

This is considered by Voss as the original notion, who supposes the whole fable of the happy Hyperboreans to be an invention of Spanish sailors, Ad Virg. Georg. II. p. 381. Weltkunde, Jena Journal Quart. II. p. 20, 29. sqq.: on the Griffins ib. Quart. IV. His opinions have been implicitly followed by Uckert, Géographie, vol. II. p. 237.

1179.

See particularly Apollon. Rh. IV. 284. who, according to the Scholia, follows Æschylus.

1180.

Boreas, according to Sophocles ap. Strab. VII. p. 204. carried Orithyia. Ὕπέρ τε πόντον πάντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔσχατα χθονὸς, Νυκτός τε πηγὰς οὐρανοῦ τ᾽ ἀναπτυχὰς, Φοίβου τε παλαιὸν κῆπον.

1181.

Hellanicus ubi sup. Simonides and Pindar ap. Strab. XV. p. 1038 B. Æschyl. Choëph. 371.

1182.

Pyth. X. 56.

1183.

Compare the αἴθρια στέφη, Suidas in στέφος—τὰ ἐξ Ὕπερβορέων κομιζόμενα, ὡς ἀεὶ ἐν ὑπαίθρῳ τιθέμενα. Cratinus ap. Hesych. in v. Bekker. Anecd. p. 355. 30. Classical Journal vol. VI. p. 369.

1184.

Ap. Ælian. N. A. XI. 1. compare Creuzer Vet. Historic. fragm. p. 85. This Hecatæus still believed in the real existence of the Hyperboreans, Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 615. Steph. Byz. in Καραμβύκαι.

1185.

Comp. Callim. fragm. 187. Bœus and Simmias ἐν Απόλλωνι ap. Anton. Liber, c. 20. Tzet. zes Chil. VII. 144. v. 677. (compare Brunck Anal. vol. II. p. 525.) Gesner comment. Soc. Gotting. vol. II. p. 33.

1186.

Boeckh. Corp. Inscript. No. 1688. lin. 14.

1187.

Mela and Plin. ubi sup. cf. Hellanic. ubi sup. It is remarkable that this custom of leaping from high rocks occurs, in precisely the same manner as among the Hyperboreans, in Scandinavian legends. See Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, p. 486.

1188.

De Nat. Deor. III. 23.

1189.

So also Etymol. M. in νόμοι κιθαρ. p. 607. Referred to music (from νόμος, a strain) by Schol. Pind. Nem. V. 42. Procl. Chrestom. p. 282. 13. in Gaisford's Hephæstion.

1190.

Pyth. IX. 64. Boeckh. Explic. p. 324.

1191.

Orchomenos, p. 348.

1192.

The Parrhasian Apollo on mount Lycæum (Paus. VIII. 38. 2.) was originally the Apollo Nomius.

1193.

Cicero de Div. I. 57. 130. from Heraclides Ponticus.

1194.

Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 500. partly from Bacchylides, Pherecydes fragm. 42. ed. Sturz.

1195.

Schol. Apoll. Rh. II. 514. cf. Schol. II. α. 766.

1196.

Clem. Alex. Protrept. p. 8. cf. Porphyr. Vit. Pythag. § 16. Cyrill. adv. Julian, p. 542.

1197.

The statement that Pythagoras placed at Delphi on a grave an inscription of these words, “Apollo the son of Silenus,” is a confused and fabulous story of late times, Porphr. ubi sup. The wild olive was sacred to Apollo Nomius, according to Theocritus XXV. 20; and he was considered the author of a kind of epilepsy, Hippocrat. de Morbo Sacro, p. 303.

1198.

Below, ch. 8. § 15.

1199.

Hesiod. fragm. 21. ed. Gaisford.

1200.

Paus. VIII. 30.

1201.

Apollo is represented with a crown of ears on his head, in a gem in Lippert's Dactyliothek I. p. 62. No. 145. Sometimes also on coins there is only a grain of corn with symbols of Apollo, e.g., on those of Hephæstia and Abdera.

1202.

Σμίνθοι ἀρουραῖοι, Æschylus ap. Ælian. Hist. An. XII. 15.

1203.

Strabo XIII. p. 604. Schol. II. α. 89. Ælian ubi sup. Tzetz. ad Lycoph. 1302. Apollo bears a mouse in his hand on a coin of Hadrian, belonging to Alexandria Troas Mionnet. tom. II. p. 644. A painted vase in Tischbein II. 17. probably refers to the sacred mice of a Smintheum; concerning which see Heraclid. Pont. ap. Strab. ubi sup. According to Pollux IX. 6. 84. the Argives had a mouse on their coins (as an emblem of Apollo); Eckhel has none of this kind; Mr. Payne Knight's collection contains a very small ancient gold coin with this type. See Knight on the Symbolical Language of Mythology, § 128. note.

1204.

Strabo XIII. p. 613.

1205.

Philochorus ap. Schol. Vulg. ad Od. XX. 155. cf. ad XXI. 258.

1206.

Plutarch Dion. 23.

1207.

Plutarch de Defect. Orac. 7, 12. de Pyth. Orac. 12. Symp. Quæst. III. 10.

1208.

Æginetica, p. 27. The Apollo Ἠλεῖος at Argos (Paus. VIII. 46. 2.) is hardly a Ἤλιος.

1209.

The Trœzenian Ὦρος (Paus. II. 30. 6.) was probably a god of the seasons, and afterwards the sun; but ὥρα and the Ægyptian Horus cannot surely have any etymological connexion.

1210.

Herod. VI. 97. Pseudo-Plat. Axioch. p. 371 A. comp. Æsch. Pers. 206.

1211.

See below, ch. 6. § 10. [Transcriber's Note: There is no such section in that chapter.]

1212.

Eurip. Phaeth. fr. 2. Matthiæ. Ἀπόλλω δ᾽ ἐν βροτοῖς σ᾽ ὀρθῶς καλεῖ Ὅστις τὰ σιγῶντ᾽ ὀνόματ᾽ οἶδε δαιμόνων.

1213.

Fragm. 48. The same doctrine was followed by Apollodorus (Macrob. Sat. I. 17.) and Philochorus, according to whom there was a Helius-Apollo among the Tritopatores, ap. Strab. XIV. p. 655.

1214.

C. 24. It is only the following narration which is taken from the Bassarides of Æschylus; comp. Timotheus περὶ κοσμοπούας ap. Euseb. Scalig. p. 4.

1215.

This fact refers to the actual worship of the sun in Thrace, Sophocles in Tereo ap. Schol. Il. XV. 705.

1216.

The passages in which he is considered as the god of the sun, a fragment in J. Diaconus, and a hymn, are of the latest date. The Sibylline oracle in Zosimus II. 6. where Apollo is called Helius, is of the Alexandrine age; likewise the strange hymn in Brunck's Analecta, vol. II. p. 518. is of very late date. Moreover, the coins, in which Apollo is represented with rays round his head, are, as far as I can discover, all of the age of the emperors.

1217.

The Apollo γενέτωρ of Delos was probably so called with a fixed though obscure reference, like the Apollo πατρῷος, which the Orphic philosophers in Macrob. Sat. I. 17. also explained to be progenitor in general. See above, ch. 2. § 15.