REMARKS ON The LETTER of Admiral DE FONTE.

The Viceroys of New Spain and Peru, having Advice from the Court of Spain, and not from the Court and the Council of Spain; which latter is the common Form of Expression used in any Matter which had been under the Consideration of the Supreme Council of the Indies, implies that such Advice must have proceeded from the Secret Council, or from the King through his Minister, that the Design of the Equipment of the four Ships, and the Attempt of the Industrious Navigators from Boston might remain a Secret.

The Appellation of Industrious Navigators was conformable to the Characters of Gibbons and Shapley. Sir Thomas Button, in the Extract which there is from his Journal, gives Gibbons a great Eulogium as to his being an able Navigator; and this was the Character of Shapley amongst his Cotemporaries.

The Court of Spain knew that this Attempt to discover a Passage between the Atlantick and the Western Ocean, was intended by the Northward and Westward; and though they allude to all the Attempts to make such Discovery which had been at any Time made, by mentioning the several Reigns in which any such Attempts were made, yet they hint more particularly, that they expect this Attempt will be by Hudson's Bay, as they mention expresly in their Advice the two Voyages of Hudson and James. For what is here said, That the several Attempts, &c. is a Recital from the Advice sent by the Court to the Viceroys, or from the Orders that de Fonte received.

This Expedition from Boston particularly commanded the Attention of the Court of Spain, as Captain James had not absolutely denied there was a North-west Passage; and Fox, though not mentioned here, had published an Account in 1635, by which he had positively declared that there was a North-west Passage; and Sir Thomas Button, who kept his Journal a Secret, was very confident of a Passage, and is said to have satisfied King James the First. The Death of his Patron Prince Henry prevented his being fitted out again. Gibbons, his Intimate, had made the Voyage with him: Afterwards had made a second Attempt by himself, but lost his Season by being detained in the Ice. And now, though a married Man, had a Family, a Person in Trust and Power where he resided, engages in a third Attempt from Boston.

The second, third, and fourth Year of the Reign of King Charles refers solely to the Voyage of Captain James; to the Time he was engaging Friends to fit him out; and the Time when such Voyage was concluded on. As the English used the Julian, and the Spaniards the Gregorian Account, these Transactions which refer to Captain James's Expedition, could not be made to coalesce as to the Time, from the Difference there was between these two Computations, in any other Manner than by putting the Year of the King of England's Reign. As King Charles began his Reign the 27th of March 1625, two Days after the Commencement of the Year, according to the Julian Account, and the second Year of his Reign would not begin until the 27th of March 1626, two Days also after that Year commenced, but according to the Gregorian Account, the Year 1626 began in January; from the 1st of January to the 27th of March, the Year 1626, according to the Gregorian Account, would correspond with the first Year of the Reign of King Charles. As to this Expedition from Boston, it is mentioned to be in the Year 1639, and in the fourteenth Year of the Reign of King Charles; but the Year 1639, according to the Julian Account, is the fifteenth Year of that King's Reign; but according to the Gregorian Account, the Year 1639 corresponds from January to March with the fourteenth Year of that King's Reign.

The Times mentioned in this Letter do not refer to the Times when the Voyages were actually set out on, but when undertaken or resolved on, as it is expressed in the Letter, undertaken by some industrious Navigators from Boston. Captain James did not sail until the Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-one, not getting the King's Protection early enough in one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty, to proceed that Year, or in the fourth Year of the King's Reign. That is, he did not get it early enough in Spring to be ready by the latter End of March, as he must have been to proceed that Year; so the fourth Year of the King well agrees with this Proceeding. And de Fonte did not sail until one Thousand six Hundred and Forty, which was a Year after the Court of Spain had received Intelligence of such Undertaking from Boston. Which they would use the first Opportunity to transmit to New Spain; de Fonte therefore had at least six Months for the Equipment of the four Ships to go on this Expedition; a Time sufficient, in so fine a Climate, and every Thing that was necessary to be done was enforced by Orders of the Crown. Had this Equipment been executed in a much smaller Space of Time, there would have been nothing so admirable in it: Therefore the Objection, as to the Impossibility that Ships should be fitted between the Time the Court received this Information, and their sailing, drops to the Ground.

It is not any way strange that this Design, as it appears to have been, was made known to the Court of Spain the Year before that it was set out on; as that Court entertained a continual Jealousy of these Undertakings, as is apparent from their sending Vessels to intercept Davis; their having Informations as to Captain James's Voyage also, and the Consequences of it, as may be collected from this Letter.

Major General Gibbons, if he had not the King's Protection, yet he had Friends at the Court of England who made Application for him to be Captain of the Fort at Boston, and one of the Council, the latter End of the Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-eight, or in the Beginning of the Year one Thousand six Hundred and Thirty-nine. That the most secret Affairs of the Court were at that Time betrayed, I believe will be admitted, and the Secret of his designed Attempt might be known, by his applying for Leave of Absence from his Post during the Time that he should be engaged in this Undertaking. Or the Persons with whom he corresponded in England might be apprized of his intended Voyage, he could not, at that Time of Day, be supplied with every Thing that was necessary thereto in America; and as he intended to trade, he would be for procuring his Goods from England. By some of these Means probably his Design perspired, and was secretly and unexpectedly, transmitted to the Court of Spain.

There are several Reasons to be assigned why both Viceroys should be informed, not only the Viceroy of Peru, in whose District the Ships were to be fitted, but the Viceroy of New Spain also. That if a Passage was made by any other Way than where the Ships were to be stationed to intercept the Boston Men, or they accidentally passed such Ships, the Viceroys might order a Look-out also to be kept. And such a Provision being made, it would be scarce possible, if a Passage was obtained, that the Boston People should get clear out of those Seas, and not fall into the Hands of the Spaniards. Another Reason is, that such Particulars as de Fonte was to put in for on the Coast of Mexico might be ready, that de Fonte might not meet with the least Delay, as such Delay might occasion the Disappointment of his Design.

The Letter proceeds, 'Upon which, I Admiral de Fonte, received Orders from Spain and the Viceroys to equip four Ships of Force.' These Words, upon which, I understand not to allude to the Advice given the Viceroys, but refer to the Attempt intended from Boston, and as to which he had received his Orders from Spain. But from the Viceroys he received Orders only as to the Equipment of the four Ships, as Orders of that Nature would regularly proceed from them. If it was otherwise, and he had also received his Orders from them, containing Instructions as to the Conduct of his Voyage, he would have made his Report to the Viceroys as to the Manner in which he had conducted his Voyage, and they would have reported it to the Court.

De Fonte mentioning the Viceroys so simply and plainly, without any respectful or distinguishing Additions, is an Instance that this Letter was wrote to the Court of Spain, it not being proper, in a Letter so addressed, to mention the Viceroys in any other Manner; and as it is also evident from the Expression, I Admiral de Fonte, that he did not write this Letter in his private Capacity, but as an Admiral, therefore this Letter could not be otherwhere addressed than to such Court, to transmit an Account how he had executed these Orders, which he had received immediately from Spain.

De Fonte mentioning that the Advice which the Viceroys received was from the Court of Spain, and that the Orders he received were from Spain, carries a Distinction with it as though the Advice and the Orders were not transmitted from the same Persons. Those who transmitted the Advice to the Viceroys were not seemingly in the Secret, as to the particular Orders or Instructions which were sent to de Fonte, as to the Manner in which he was to conduct his Voyage. It was the Province of the Admiral of Castile, who was stiled Captain General of the Sea, who was subject to no Controul but the King's, to issue all Orders relative to maritime Affairs, and therefore de Fonte's Orders might come from him. Or otherwise these Orders were immediately transmitted by the Conde de Olivarez, who was on ill Terms with the Admiral, and regarded no Forms, under the Sanction of the Favour he had with the King, whom he influenced to authorize all his Measures. It is also consistent with the Conduct of Don Olivarez that this Affair should be managed in this Manner, who was always mysterious, confided in his own Judgment, singular in his Manners, and therefore was called a Lover of Projects, and supposed a meer Visionary in some of them. He did not want for Persons of the greatest Abilities to assist him, and the Accuracy with which the Orders are composed that were sent to de Fonte, (as may be collected from the Manner in which the Voyage is conducted, and in which it cannot be supposed de Fonte was left to his Discretion) is an Instance there had been no Want of the Assistance of able, sagacious and experienced Persons in the composing of such Orders and Instructions.

The Design of this introductory Part is to shew the Proceedings in this Affair previous to his Voyage; that the Advice was received, and the Orders subsequent were obeyed; and it is drawn with peculiar Care and a Conciseness which would be censured in a Voyage Writer, but is used with the greatest Propriety on this Occasion.

The Names of the Ships are agreeable to the Manner that the Spaniards name theirs; and by Ships of Force is not meant either their Caracks or Galeons, but Country Ships, which the Equipment seems to imply, made defensible against any Attacks of the Natives, and to have nothing to fear from the Boston Men, and these Ends could be obtained in Vessels which had no great Draught of Water, as the Rivers they were to pass up and the Lakes required, and of a Tonnage suitable to those Northern Seas, therefore de Fonte only expresses their Names, and their Commanders, says nothing of their Rates.

De Fonte, in his Course from the Callao of Lima, and in all his subsequent Courses through the Voyage, computes his Distance after the Marine Manner, from that Land from where he takes his Departure to the Land made when he enters a Harbour, or the Termination of the Land which makes such Harbour to Seaward; and here takes his Departure from the extreme Part of the Callao of Lima, which is in the Latitude 11° 5´ S. Longitude 80° 39´ W. and from which to St. Helena, being North of the Bay of Guiaguil, in Lat. 2° 5´ S. Long. 84° 6´ W. is two hundred Leagues; and there is no Fault in the Impression, as hath been supposed. Though these Words, on the North Side of the Bay of Guiaguil seem to be an Interpolation.

The Distance said to be run between the Callao of Lima and St. Helena is not reconcileable with the Accounts published by Dampier, Wood Rogers, or the Accounts in general, excepting with a Copy of a Spanish Manuscript, of the Latitudes and Longitudes of the most noted Places in the South Seas, corrected from the latest Observations, by Manuel Monz. Prieto, Professor of Arts in Peru, whose Computation of Longitude is from the Meridian of Paris; but he fixes Lima at full eighty Degrees. I use Prieto's Tables in this, and principally in all my subsequent Computations, though de Fonte no where mentions the Longitude in this Letter, as he only regards the Difference of the Meridian of Lima. And it by no Means invalidates but favours the Authenticity of this Account, that de Fonte differs in his Computation from the English and French Accounts at, and after those Times, which also differ from each other, as they only ranged along the Coasts of those Seas, judged of their Distances according to their Journals, and must have made many vague Observations, as to the Latitude of Places, by Inspection of the Land from Sea, and which Land they might not certainly know. Their best Directions they got from Manuscript Journals, or Sea Waggoners, composed for their own Use by Coasters. But the navigating of the King's Ships were better provided for in this respect; and we may well suppose that de Fonte was not, on this Occasion, deficient in Artists well versed in the Theory as well as the Practice of Navigation, and under this Character of an Artist we may consider Parmentiers. The Truth, as to the Latitude, once fixed is not variable by Time; and in this respect de Fonte and Prieto must agree, though a Century between the Time of their Computations.

The Expression, 'anchored in the Port of St. Helena (in Spanish, Santa Elena) within the Cape,' hath something more particular in it than appears on a transient View. The Point of St. Helena is thus described in the sailing Directions in the Atlas Maritimus, published in 1728. 'The Point itself is high, but as you come nearer in there is a lower Point runs out sharpening towards the Sea. And there are two distinct Anchorages within this Port, one within the lower Point, here Vessels ride without Shelter, and amongst Banks and Shoals. Under the high Land, there is the other Anchorage, deep Water, and secure riding.' Under this high Land, being called the Port within the Cape, is a Distinction which I do not find made by the Voyage Writers, or in any other of the sailing Directions for these Parts that I have seen; and de Fonte particularly mentions, as it may be supposed, being in Conformity with his Instructions.

De Fonte taking in the Betumen must have been in pursuance of his Instructions, and there provided for him by Order of the Viceroy.

That which follows, called vulgarly Tar, &c. seems to be an Interpolation, or additional Comment, though not distinguished as such; and it may be observed here is a different Mode of Expression, and a Want of that Conciseness which apparently precedes. If with these Words took a Quantity of Betumen, we connect on the 10th we passed the Equinoctial, then that Conciseness and Simplicity of the Narration is preserved. It is inconsistent that de Fonte should inform the Court, that it was not for Want of Tar that he put into this Port, and that he did not procure this Betumen to use instead of Tar, but to make Use of it as Medicine. The taking the Betumen aboard sufficiently intimated his Compliance with his Instructions. The Expression, we took it in for Medicine, hath something particular in it, seems to be a Note or Memorandum added by some Person who made the Voyage, to instruct a Friend for whom he made, or to whom he gave, a Copy of this Letter.

The one Degree seven Minutes of Latitude is misplaced, Cape St. Francisco being by no Geographers or Voyage Writers placed in that Latitude; the one Degree seven Minutes is the Latitude of the River St. Jago, and which Prieto lays down in one Degree eight Minutes.

As to the Courses and Distances eighty Leagues N. N. W. and twenty-five Leagues E. and by S. which were placed in the Margin in the first Edition, but are since crept into the Text. N. N. W. is a Course entirely contrary, and instead of one there is two Courses, North and North East, and which two Courses are consistent with the E. and by S. Course twenty-five Leagues, as that Course will then terminate in the Latitude and Longitude of the River Jago. This Error of North West for North East may be accounted for by remarking, that in the Spanish Compass North East and North West are rendered Nord Este and Nord Oeste: The Omission of the O in este is a Fault which may be committed even by a careful Transcriber, or may be a Mistake in the Translator, for Want of due Attention to the Compass.

In the Passage from St. Helena he would keep the Coast aboard, for the Benefit of a fair and fresh Wind, and which he would have without any Interruption from the Land Breezes, and by standing N. W. to clear the Islands of Solango and Paita, and then stand North Easterly would form a North Course of one Hundred and Thirty-two Miles, or forty-four Leagues, and then be off Cape Passao, in N. Lat. 8´. Long. 83° 59´ W. and well in with such Cape, as it is evident he was from the Expression in the Letter by the Cape del Passao with a North East Course, thirty-six Leagues, they would be in Lat. 1° 23´ North, Long. 82° 50´, and so have passed Cape Francisco, N. Lat. 50´, Long. 82° 55´, and with an East and by South Course twenty-five Leagues, would be in the Lat. 1° 8´, Long. 81° 36´, the Latitude and Longitude of the River St. Jago.

There was not such a Provision Country, it appears from later Accounts, on any Part of the Coast between this and Lima; nor could the Ships be any where brought up with greater Safety: St. Helena is described as a poor and barren Part of the Country.

The Health of his People, liable to scorbutick Disorders in the northern Climates whither he was going, was an Object that must be attended to, in order that the Voyage should meet with the desired Success. Therefore after the Betumen, he recruits what he had consumed of his fresh Provision in his run from Lima, and lays in a great additional Store, as is apparent if we consider that their Consumption in this respect is not proportionable to ours, from their Mode of dressing it. And we may judge from having so great a Quantity of Fowl ready, with Goats and Hogs, the People had received Orders to be thus provided against the Ships Arrival; the Sailors would be a great Assistance in curing the Provisions, the Flesh as well as the Fish, and would do it in the most suitable Manner for the Sea Service; a Number of Hands, gave an Expedition so as the Provisions would not be spoiled by the Heat of the Sun; and his Victualling detained de Fonte four Days.

Six Miles and a half, or the Left Hand the River is navigable for small Vessels, and all that follows seems by Way of Comment, and to be a spurious Interpolation, as also, which are there wild and in plenty.

'The 16th of April we sailed from the River of St. Jago to the Port and Town Raleo, 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little westerly, in about 11 Degrees 14 Min. of N. Latitude, leaving Mount St. Miguel, &c.'

The Point of Yeaxos, or the Sandy Strand, in Lat. 11° 58´, Long. 93° 31´, which covers the Port of Raleo (or Realejo) is three Hundred and twenty Leagues from the River St. Jago; but the Course N. 47° 30´ W. or N. W. almost a Quarter West, and by the Expression a little Westerly, the W. N. W. seems to mean, he steered first West from the River St. Jago, until he made the high Land, and then North-west, a little Westerly.

Between Mount Miguel and Point Cazarnina (rightly Caravina) is the Entrance in the Bay of Amapalla, which is to the Northward of the Port of Realejo; therefore the leaving Mount St. Miguel on the Larboard, &c. being an absolute Contradiction to de Fonte entering the Port of Realejo, is an Interpolation and not inserted by the Person who wrote the Letter, but a Comment very injudiciously added by Way of Explanation. From this Circumstance the Truth of my Assertion appears, as to there being Glosses and Comments added to the original Text, and that I had good Reason to believe several Places in the preceding Part of this Account to be Interpolations added by Way of Comment.

The great Ships that are built in New Spain are built in Raleo is disposed in the Margin in the first Edition; but in all the subsequent Editions hath crept into the Text. We may suppose the W. N. W. Course hath crept into the Text in the first Edition to make room for this Comment, as may be judged from the Course between St. Helena and St. Jago being placed in the Margin: And there is an apparent Reason for the Course and Distances being so placed, for when inserted in the Text, they interrupt the Attention; and as the Courses and Distances were all that was necessary to be mentioned, the Latitudes have been since added by some injudicious Person.—The Latitude of Passao, of Cape St. Francisco, is not mentioned, and the Latitude of Raleo is wrong, which the Course and Distance shews, and its Latitude is in most Maps agreeable to the Course and Distance here given. The Run, allowing de Fonte eight Days, would be but one hundred Miles in twenty-four Hours, which is very moderate going. Nor can there be any Objection, as to the Truth of this Account, from the Time that de Fonte is sailing between the Callao of Lima to St. Helena, from St. Helena to St. Jago.

All that belongs to the original Letter I take to be this, The 16th of April we sailed from the River St. Jago to the Port and Town of Raleo; here we bought (which probably might as well be rendered procured) four long well-sailed Shallops, built express for sailing, riding at Anchor, &c. The 320 Leagues W. N. W. a little Westerly, I suppose to have been placed in the Margin.

It cannot be supposed that Boats so fitted, and four of them, could be procured in so small a Time as de Fonte staid here, it implies they were previously provided before that he arrived, to be ready at the Arrival of the Ships.

'The 26th we sailed from Raleo for the Port of Saragua, or rather of Salagua, within the Islands and Shoals of Chamily, 480 Leagues N. W. and by West, a little Westerly from Raleo. From the Town of Saragua, a little East of Chamily at Saragua, and from Compostilo in the Neighbourhood of this Port, we took in a Master and six Mariners accustomed to trade with the Natives for Pearl the Natives catched on a Bank in 19 Degrees of Latitude North from the Baxos of St. Juan in 24 Degrees of North Latitude, 20 Leagues N. N. E. from Cape Saint Lucas, the South-east Point of California.'

The Point of Yeaxos is laid down in Lat. 11 Deg. 58 Min. Long. 93 Deg. 31 Min. and with a Course North-west and by West, a little Westerly, Distance four Hundred and eighty Leagues, de Fonte would be at the Islands of Chiametlas, in Lat. 22 Deg. 10 Min. Long. 114 Deg. 29 Min.

The Port of Saragua, or rather of Salagua (which is properly Zuelagua) is thus described. 'The Mount of Sant Jago is in the Port of Zuelagua. There are two very good Harbours which have good anchoring Ground, and will hold a great many Ships, by reason they are great and are called the Calletas. On the North-west Side of the said Bay is another very good Port, which is called likewise the Port of Zuelagua. You will find in it a River of fresh Water, and several Plantations. At the Sea Side is a Pathway that leads to the Town of Zuelagua, being four and a half Miles from the Port within Land. Between the Port of Zuelagua and the white Ferrelon (or Rock) is a very good Port, in which you are Land-locked from all Winds.'

From this Description it is easy to comprehend what is de Fonte's Meaning as to the Port of Zuelagua, where he took in his Master and Mariners on the North-west Side of the Bay, and which he expresses by, at Saragua a little East of Chamily; and which Master and Mariners were not promiscuously taken, but were chosen Men, as they were taken both from Zuelagua and Compostilo, in the Neighbourhood of the Port. Zuelagua seems originally the City which was called Xalisco; but from its unhealthy Situation, Compostilo was built more within Land; yet the former continuing to be a Port, some Inhabitants remained there.

The Islands and Shoals of Chiametla, which the Translation renders Chamily, which is a Name given to Islands South of Cape Corientes. But the Distinction is the Islands to Northward of Cape Corientes are called Chiametla, those to Southward Chametla and Camilli. Prieto agrees with de Fonte's Account first mentioning the Islands of Chiametlas in Lat. 22. 10. Long. 114. 29. and then El mal Pays y mal outradu.

This Master and Mariners were accustomed to trade with the Natives for Pearl, which the Natives catched on a Bank in nineteen Degrees of Latitude, being North from the Baxos of St. Juan, or the Bank of St. John, which is in twenty-four Degrees of North Latitude, and twenty Leagues North North-east from Cape Saint Lucas, the South-east Point of California; and this Account de Fonte had either from themselves, or the Character that was sent with them, to shew the most proper Persons had been provided to answer the Purpose for which they were procured. And all that belongs to the Text is, which the Natives catched on a Bank North from the Baxos St. Juan, twenty Leagues N. N. E. from Cape St. Lucas.

'The Master Admiral de Fonte had hired, with his Vessel and Mariners, who had informed the Admiral that, 200 Leagues North from Cape St. Lucas, a Flood from the North met the South Flood, and that he was sure it must be an Island, and Don Diego Pennelossa undertook to discover whether it was an Island or not, with his Ship and the four Shallops they bought at Raleo, and the Master and Mariners they hired at Zuelagua.'

Here the Thread of the Letter is broke, and the Translator proceeds as with a common Narrative of a Voyage. The Master might be easily deceived as to the Tide, as Time hath shewn in many Instances as to other Persons having been deceived in like Manner in other Parts. That we have no Account of what was the Event of this Expedition Pennelossa, who had undertaken the Charge, being no more to join de Fonte, as it was unnecessary and to no Purpose, Pennelossa would return first and send his Account to Court. De Fonte could in this Case do no further than shew he had sent him on this Service, it must be supposed, agreeable to his Instructions. Which, from the Boats brought from Realejo, (and must be of a particular Constructure, the like of which were not to be any where else on the Coast) and the Master and Mariners hired here, it is evident, was before proposed, that Pennelossa should go on this Part of the Expedition, not on the Master's declaring that there was a Tide from the Northward, and so California an Island. This was only mentioned by de Fonte, to shew what Intelligence he had got in this Affair.

The Account given of Pennelossa could be evidently no Part of the Letter. What is said as to his Descent, his being a Nobleman, his Address to Cosmography, and the Undertaking of this Discovery, must evidence as already said, whoever inserted the Account was satisfied as to their being such a Person so accomplished, and who aspired to undertake this Part of the Expedition. A Discovery of these Parts would carry, at this Time particularly, great Reputation and Honour with it, and by this Opportunity to intercept Persons on a Design so prejudicial to the Interests of the Court of Spain in those Parts, as it was then thought, had Pennelossa succeeded; he would have had no small Share of Merit; or if he did not succeed, the Merit of the Attempt would be accounted of, and not unjustly, it would be a Means of his Promotion through the Connections he had, as they would urge he did not pursue those Sciences for Speculation only, but to carry them into Practice for the Service of his Country. And according to the Regulations Don Olivarez had made, there was no Preferment but what was in consequence of Service.

Sister's Son of Don Lewis de Haro, and a young Nobleman, expresses as of the Time present, when the Copy was taken from which we have the Publication; and Don Haro, Prime Minister of Spain, was a Gloss added by another Hand. Neither is Don Luis de Haro the Person here meant, for he does not seem to have been of an Age to have had a Sister who could be Mother to Don Pennelossa; but Don Lopez de Haro is the Person meant, Marquis de Carpio, the Father of Don Luis, who was at that Time Gentleman of the Chamber to the King, and afterwards Prime Minister, and must be understood the Son of his Wife's Sister, who was a Daughter of Olivarez, married to the Marquis de Valderiabano.

'But Admiral de Fonte, with the other three Ships, sailed from them within the Islands of Chamilly the 10th May 1640, and having the Length of Cape Abel on the W. S. W. Side of California, in 26 Degrees of N. Latitude, 160 Leagues N. W. and W. from the Isles Chamilly; the Wind sprung up at S. S. E. a steady Gale, that from the 26th of May to the 14th of June he had sailed to the River Los Reys, in 53 Degrees of North Latitude, not having Occasion to lower a Topsail, in sailing 866 Leagues N. N. W. 410 Leagues from Port Abel to Cape Blanco, 456 Leagues to Rio los Reyes, all the Time most pleasant Weather, and sailed about 260 Leagues in crooked Channels, amongst Islands named the Archipelagus de St. Lazarus; where his Ships Boats always sailed a Mile a-head, sounding to see what Water, Rocks, and Sands, there was.'

De Fonte and Pennelossa both put out to Sea together; but as their Courses were various, one to the Westward of California, and the other to enter the Gulf. They parted within the Shoals of Chiametla the tenth of May 1640; and de Fonte attaining the Length of Cape Abel in Latitude 26, one Hundred and sixty Leagues North North-west and West from the Isles of Chiametla, he then meets with a fair Wind from South South-east. By the Latitude of Cape Abel, and the Distance run, it is apparent that the Islands Chiametla mentioned, are the Islands here meant.

De Fonte, after running one Hundred and sixty Leagues from the Isles of Chiametla, in Lat. 22 Deg. 10 Min. and Long. 114 Deg. 29 Min. attaining the Length of Cape Abel in Latitude 26, his Course could not be North-west and West, but North-west by West westerly, or 61° 22´. and, instead of, by, may be supposed an Error of the Press.

Dr. Heylin mentions a convenient Haven named St. Abad, who wrote near these Times. But it is Christabel, or Christeval, the Name of a Cape the Extremity of the Land, which forms a Harbour or Port of the same Name Christabel. Prieto mentions no Place on the main Land but the three Islands of Casonas, which lie off at Sea, so more to Westward than this Cape. They are in Lat. 26 Deg. Long. 122 Deg. 24 Min. the Longitude of Cape Abel I make in 122 Deg. 11 Min. and he lays down the Point of Madelena in 26 Deg. 30 Min. and the Long. 123 Deg. 24 Min. which seems to be the northermost Land of such Harbour. By de Fonte mentioning the Latitude of this Cape, and not any other, he may be supposed to take from hence a new Departure, as was usual with the Spaniards when they came to this Length in these Seas, so Prieto mentions Las Bajas de los Abraja, Primier Meridiano. Lat. 25° 15´. Long. 121 Deg. 54 Min. from Lima.

De Fonte in his Run from Chiametla met with contrary Winds; but when the Length of Cape Abel, he had Wind and Weather rather unexpected in those Parts; and the Spring not being much advanced, he rather expected to have been, at Times, under his Courses, which is meant by the Expression afterwards used, that he never had occasion to lower a Topsail, and is conformable with its being a steady Gale, or did not overblow. As the Run to Los Reys terminated the fourteenth of June, de Fonte, for the whole eight Hundred and sixty Leagues, sailed after the Rate of forty-five Leagues in twenty-four Hours, which is consistent with and agreeable to the Seamens common Experience, when favoured with such Wind and Weather. Amongst the Islands would have the Assistance of the Floods, and Wind enough to stem the Ebbs.

The Computation of the eight Hundred and sixty-six Leagues is four Hundred and ten Leagues to Cape Blanquial, to which there is a Course assigned North North-west; and as to four Hundred and fifty-six Leagues to Rio los Reys, no Courses are added, which we may assign to the Courses being originally in the Margin, when one was introduced into the Copy the other was neglected. And we have just Reason to suspect the Carelessness here, as it is first called Cape Abel, then Port Abel, and the River Los Reys in 53 Degrees, and afterwards Rio los Reys, as tho' they were distinct and separate. With the N. N. W. Course Rio los Reys could not be in the Latitude de Fonte mentions.

Port Abel, Latitude 26, Long. 122° 11´, and the Callao of Lima, being laid down Longitude 60 West from the first Meridian of Fero, and hitherto we have carried on our Computation of Longitude 80 from Paris, we shall hereafter compute from Fero and London; and Cape Christabel we compute 102° 11´ from the Meridian of Fero, or 119° 46´ from the Meridian of London.

The Course four Hundred and ten Leagues North North-west, de Fonte made Cape Blanquial in Latitude 45, Longitude from London 129° 28´, from the Meridian of Fero 111° 53´, to Northward and Westward of the Entrance of Martin Aquilar. Sufficient Observations have not been made to determine by the Geographers as to the true Latitudes and Longitudes of these Places, and, until they attain more perfect Informations, must disagree.

The Course from Blanquial is not inserted, but is to be determined by the Distance two Hundred and sixty Leagues, ending in Latitude 53 at Rio los Reys. De Fonte had, during the whole Time between Abel and Los Reys, the Wind in his Favour. Therefore his Course must have been to the Northward of the East; and if he run two Hundred and sixty Leagues, with a Course East 52° North, he would make 2 Deg. 1 Min. Latitude, and 20 Deg. 24 Min. Longitude. To correspond with which de Fonte must, for the one Hundred and ninety-six Leagues, made his Course North 52 Deg. West, which would determine in Latitude 50 Deg. 59 Min. and in Long. 141 Deg. 12 Min. from London, in 123 Deg. 27 Min. West from Fero. De Fonte would then be about thirty Leagues from the Land, agreeable to the Russian Discoveries, tho' this Voyage was made so many Years before that Attempt; a great Evidence of the Authenticity of this Account. His Conduct also in this Case was necessary, consistent with the Character of a good Seaman, not to make the Coast direct, or immediately engage with this Archipelago, to which he was a Stranger, and in Parts unknown, or where he had no sailing Directions but to form such Course as gradually to fall in with the Land, and, as the Wind was, if he saw Occasion, could at any Time stand off.

De Fonte by this Course, agreeable to the Latitude of the Suesta del Estrech D'Anian, which is laid down by Prieto in Latitude 51, would be to the Southern Part of the Entrance into such Archipelago, had he been Northward, as the Wind was, he would have regained it with great Difficulty and Loss of Time.

As this Table of Prieto was composed before the Russian Discoveries, and this Land, the Suesta del Estrech D'Anian, is computed in Longitude 141 Deg. 47 Min. computing Lima at 80 Deg. answerable to 238 Deg. 13 Min. East Longitude from Fero, it is a little singular that these Accounts should agree so well, as to the Longitude of this Part of America; is an Instance that Prieto did not proceed upon vague Calculations; had acquired a more exact Account than could be even supposed in these unfrequented Parts, and in his Care and Exactness, as to the more known Parts, we have no Reason to doubt but he hath laid down the Latitude and Longitude of the Suesta del Estrech de Anian, with the greatest Certainty that he could attain to.

I shall not controvert it whether these are the proper Streights of Anian. This Entrance was commonly called amongst the Navigators into those Parts by that Name, as is evident from former Accounts; and Hornius, from his Maps, which may be seen in Purchase, lays it down in the same Manner. My Intention is answered in producing an Authority from the Spaniards of New Spain, that there is an Entrance here agreeable to the Account in this Letter; also, in all Appearance, a superior Entrance to that of Martin Aguilar, which Prieto doth not expresly mention; neither could he properly; but inserts Cape Escondido in Lat. 43, and Cape Blanquial in Lat. 45, an intermediate Distance of one Hundred and twenty Miles. Again mentions the Port of Salagua in Lat. 46, and then the Port of Salado in Lat. 48; in which Interspace the Entrance of de Fuca is supposed to be.

By the Name Archipelago, de Fonte, who would give the Name with Propriety, expresses it to be a Sea; and on his Return says, he sailed down the River Los Reys to the North-east Part of the South Sea; after that returned home. Where the Word Part, properly speaking, or to use the Word as it really imports, can be no otherwise understood than as an Arm or Branch of the South Sea. Had he steered eight Hundred and sixty-six Leagues North North-west, he must necessarily have traversed the Courses of those brave Discoverers Capt. Beering and Tschirikow, which were from Lat. 45 in Asia, to Lat. 56 and 58 in America, and who were not interrupted by any such Islands. Capt. Tschirikow positively says, the Coast was without Islands where he was in Lat. 56; by Capt. Beering's Account in Lat. 58, the Islands lay only along the Coast; and de Fonte in his Account mentions, that he sailed in crooked Channels, amongst Islands. These various Descriptions shew that these Accounts relate to various Parts. As de Fonte could not, in the whole Extent between Asia and America, meet with such Islands, and yet was under a Necessity to pass up crooked Channels, with no small Hazard, as the Boats being a-head express, his Course must have been to the Eastward of where Captain Tschirikow fell in with the Land, and for the Distance of the two Hundred and thirty Leagues before de Fonte came to a River, to Los Reyes, was then passing up the North-east Part of the South Sea, as he terms it, and in some Part of which there were Islands, which he names the Archipelagus of St. Lazarus. There is a Singularity of Expression in the Letter, where his Boats always sailed a-head, the Word where limits the Islands to a certain Space, and that they were not extended the whole two Hundred and thirty Leagues, which is consistent with the Expedition he made, as otherwise the Ships must have often shortened sail, and it could not be avoided, and must have frequently brought up at Night.

As de Fonte did neither make the South or North Shore of this Streight, the most comprehensive Way of expressing himself was to say, he passed up these Islands, by which those who had composed his Instructions well knew the Parts he meant. It must be considered de Fonte was not as to this Part on Discovery, the Whole would be pointed out to him by his Instructions, which being to fall in with the Islands, or Entrance in such a Latitude, to mention either the North or South Limit of the Entrance would be improper; whereas the contrary was the Case as to Cape St. Helena, Francisco, Passao, and Cape Abel, as his Instructions were express, as to the making these Lands.

As de Fonte made a true Course East 81° North, subtract the Longitude 20 Deg. 24 Min. from the Longitude 141 Deg. 12 Min. from London, and from the 123 Deg. 27 Min. from Fero. The Entrance to the River _Los Reys_ lies in Lat. 53 Deg. Long. 120 Deg. 48 Min. from _London_, and 103 Deg. 3 Min. West from Fero. And that his Course was now Easterly is plain from the subsequent Words of the Letter, as they sailed more Easterly. It was also confident with the Purpose they were sent on, to meet a Vessel from Boston.

'The 22d of June Admiral de Fonte dispatched one of his Captains to Pedro de Barnarda, to sail up a fair River, a gentle Stream, and deep Water, went first N. and N. E. N. and N. W. into a large Lake full of Islands, and one very large Peninsula full of Inhabitants, a friendly honest People in this Lake, he named Lake Valasco, where Captain Barnarda left his Ship; nor all up the River was less than 4, 5, 6, 7, and 8 Fathom Water, both the Rivers and Lakes abounding with Salmon Trouts, and very large white Perch, some of two Foot long; and with three large Indian Boats, by them called Periagos, made of two large Trees 50 or 60 Foot long. Capt. Barnarda first sailed from his Ships in the Lake Valasco, one Hundred and forty Leagues West, and then 436 E. N. E. to 77 Degrees of Latitude. Admiral de Fonte, after he had dispatched Capt. Barnarda on the Discovery of the North and East Part of the Tartarian Sea.'

We may suppose, from the Manner in which this Part was managed, that there was a great Necessity to get the Translation finished in any Manner. As the Difficulties of the Translation increased, the Design of this Account being only Amusement, the Translator thought it would answer the Purpose to give the Account in gross.

The Date, the 22d June, is an apparent Error, by reason de Fonte did not enter into Lake Belle, as will be shewn hereafter, until that Time.

Admiral de Fonte dispatched one of his Captains to Pedro de Barnarda, to sail up a fair River, gentle Stream, and deep Water. Then the Translation breaks off abruptly, and the Translator renders the following Part as an Account of Bernarda's Voyage, not observing how just a Connection there is with de Fonte dispatching one of his Captains to Bernarda; and what follows being the Orders sent by him, and the Instructions for Bernarda; instead of being Bernarda's Account of his Expedition, and not observing how consistent it is with being a summary Recital of those Instructions these Words are which follow, Admiral de Fonte, after he had dispatched Captain Bernarda on the Discovery, &c.

As to his dispatching one of his Captains, he must be supposed to have besides the Captain of the Ship he was in, also one called an Admiral's Captain. The Instructions were of such Consequence, that a less Person might not be so properly employed, nor consistent with the Respect due to Bernarda.

De Fonte and Bernarda were Strangers here; but these Parts had been already discovered, as it is expresly said that two Pater Jesuits had been here two Years, and made Observations as far as the Latitude 66. From their Discoveries we may conclude, that these Instructions were formed which Bernarda received, and those of the whole Course of the Voyage; and it was necessary that de Fonte should not only mention that he had dispatched Bernarda, but should also, with the Brevity due to a Letter, mention the Orders with which he dispatched him. And further from what is expressed in those Orders, as to the River, the Course and Soundings, what Fish were in the River and Lake, the Road or Harbour which was to be found in the Lake, the Temper and Disposition of the Inhabitants, it evidently appears that there had been a prior Discovery of these Parts, and Observations made of every Thing worthy of Consideration, and necessary also at this Time to be mentioned to Bernarda. To let him know that his Ship could pass up the River, would find a Harbour in the Lake, he had nothing to fear from the Natives, and would meet with Provisions. There leaving his Ship he might be furnished with Periagos to proceed. And I understand his Directions to steer first North and North-east, then North and North-west, that he might make no Mistake by pursuing or entering into any other Openings which might present themselves in his Course up, and which from their Appearance might perplex him, as to which of them he was to enter; no uncommon Thing, as those who have been to Northward on like Undertakings will allow.

'The Admiral sailed up a very navigable River, which he named Rio los Reys, that run nearest N. E. but on several Points of the Compass 60 Leagues, at low Water, in a fair navigable Channel, not less than 4 or 5 Fathom Water. It flowed on both Rivers near the same Water, in the River Los Reys, 24 Feet Full and Change of the Moon; a S. S. E. Moon made high Water. It flowed in the River Haro, 22 Feet and a half Full and Change. They had two Jesuits with them, that had been on their Mission to 66 Degrees of North Latitude, and had made curious Observations.'

De Fonte, having dispatched Bernarda, sets out on his Part of the Expedition, and proceeds up the River Los Reys, at the Entrance of which he had arrived the fourteenth of June. During his Stay, until Bernarda was dispatched and sailed, he seems to have taken an accurate Account of the Tides in both Rivers. The Distance up the River was more than sixty Leagues, and though a good navigable Channel, yet would require a great Precaution in his Proceeding with the two Ships; Tide Times and the Night would make it necessary for him to bring too; for had he touched the Ground with either of them, the Delay that might have followed on such Accident, might have defeated this Part of the Undertaking, and the most important, and which, therefore, was allotted to him to execute.

Their having had two Jesuits with them seems an additional Note. That two Jesuits should be sent into those Parts to make Observations, is but consistent with the general Practice of the Jesuits to go on Missions into all Parts of the Globe, engaged by a special Vow, not injoined any other Order, to be always ready to go and preach whithersoever they shall be sent.

These Jesuits are by no Means a singular Instance of the People of that Order being great Adventurers, when we consider those who ventured to the Philippinas and Japan, enforced by the Vow, puffed up with the Vanity of popular Applause, the Favour of the President, and the Hope of being acceptable to the rest of the Order on their return from such Mission, expecting by such Mission to add to the Wealth or Reputation of the Order. The Effect of this Mission seems to have been they had acquired the Favour of the Natives. Had made some Observations of the Country, but principally to Northward, as to which they seem not to have got a perfect Account; though they did a great deal for the Time, the Unseasonableness of the Winter, and the melting Weather in the Spring considered; nor is it strange they should not get a perfect Account, in a Country so intermixed with Waters, which hide themselves in their Courses between inaccessible Mountains; and in many Places where they are to be come at, are deceitful in their Appearance, as to what they really are, whether Lakes, Gulphs of the Sea, or Inlets. As they proceeded to the Northward, they thought it the Part that principally claimed their Observation. Were of Opinion as to the Northward, that it was Part of the Continent of New Spain, or they would not have lead de Fonte to Los Reys, but caused him to proceed up that Streight which separated the Part they had been in from New Spain. As to this Mission not being known to the Publick, these Jesuits must have been sent from Europe into New Spain; and they would so far regard their Obedience to the Pope, as to pay due Respect to the King of Spain's Authority, in observing the established Maxim of the Time, as to keep their Discoveries a Secret from the Publick or other Nations. And as to all Missionaries who went into New Spain, the King of Spain hath a Power to call them to Account, by the Pope's Permission, though not permitted in Old Spain to meddle with ecclesiastical Affairs, or ecclesiastical Men.

'A Letter from Captain Barnarda, dated the 27th of June 1740, that he had left his Ship in the Lake Valasco, betwixt the Islands Barnarda and the Peninsula Conibasset, a very safe Port; it went down the River from the Lake 3 Falls, 80 Leagues, and fell into the Tartarian Sea in 61 Deg. with the Pater Jesuits, and 36 Natives, in three of their Boats, and 20 of his Spanish Seamen; that the Land trended away North East; that they should want no Provision, the Country abounding with Venison of three Sorts, and the Sea and Rivers with excellent Fish (Bread, Salt, Oil, and Brandy they carried with them) that he should do what was possible. The Admiral, when he received the Letter from Captain Barnarda, was arrived at an Indian Town called Conosset, on the South Side Lake Belle, where the two Pater Jesuits on their Mission had been two Years; a pleasant Place. The Admiral, with his two Ships, enter'd the Lake the 22d of June.'

The Letter from Bernarda being dated the 27th of June, it is impossible he should finish all that Business in four Days, which he gives de Fonte an Account of: This also confirms its being a Mistake as to the 22d of June, being the Time he received his Dispatches. It might well take Bernarda from the fourteenth of June to the twenty-seventh to receive his Dispatches, to pass up the River, and to the Peninsula in Lake Valasco, procure the Natives, who were not under his Command, get all Things fitted, and set out. And what this Letter contains, makes it evident it could be no Account of his Voyage that was before-mentioned.

This Letter is apparently an Answer to the Dispatches Bernarda received from de Fonte. He mentions, that he had left his Ship, agreeable to Orders, and in a safe Port; gives an Account how he was equipped to proceed; the Number of the Persons he had with him; that he had thirty-six of the Natives, which is conformable to the Character given of them, a friendly honest People, and shews the Influence of the Jesuits. These Natives, by joining in the Expedition, were Hostages for the good Behaviour of the others towards his People left behind, and an Assurance to Bernarda for the Security of his Ship left at the Port, were of great Use as Pilots as to the Coast, and also in sailing and managing their Periagos. Their having these Periagos implies they had a Country abounding with Waters; and it was their usual Way of passing from one Part to another, Time and Experience had made them expert in the Management of them; and by shifting from one Part to the other as the Seasons required for hunting or fishing, and by Excursions out of their own Country either for War or Curiosity, as is the Nature of Indians, they were become acquainted not only with the inland Waters, but also the Sea Coasts.

De Fonte had ordered Captain Bernarda that he should sail one Hundred and fifty Leagues West (but is rather to be believed a Mistake from not understanding the Compass, Oeste and Este being so similar) and then four Hundred and thirty-six Leagues East North East to 77 Degrees of Latitude. In Answer to which Bernarda here mentions, that from the Lake Valasco there was a River in which there was three Falls, eighty Leagues in Distance, and fell into the Tartarian Sea, in Latitude 61; that the Land trended away North East, and that he would do what was possible. By which Expression it is plain, that he did not pursue the exact Course that de Fonte directed; probably that Course was pointed out to Bernarda by which the Jesuits had travelled to Latitude 66, but pursued a Course more immediate and direct to attain to Latitude 77, the Back of Baffin's Bay, as to which the Natives had informed him; and that though he did not pursue the Course directed by de Fonte, which he found not to be so consistent with the Design he was sent on, yet he would do all that was possible to answer that Design. And the Expression also implies, that he was sensible he should meet with Difficulties, which he might expect from the Climate, the Ice, and the Fatigue; but as to the Article of Provisions, was in no Fear on that Account. As to what is mentioned as to Venison of three Sorts, they were the small Deer, the Moose, and the Elk, all which are in the Northern Parts about Hudson's Bay, and the Labrador Coast.

The Name of Haro given to the River is a particular Compliment to Don Haro, who was the Head of the Houses of Valasco; and the Name of Valasco, in Compliment to the other Houses, of that Family. Which Respect shewn by de Fonte seems to indicate a particular Connection with, or his being related to that Family, as already mentioned. Valasco, as here wrote, with a va, as those Families did write it at that Time, and one of that Family, who was Constable of Castile, in his Titles is named John Ferdinandes de Vallasco, Constable of Castilia, &c. now Lord of the Houses of Vallasco, &c. and by the Orthography in the Letter being so conformable with that which was used at that Time, and not with a ve as at present, we have very good Reason to suppose, that the Letter was not only wrote in Spanish, but also by de Fonte on his return from his Voyage. Don Ferdinandez was living in 1610, and succeeded by his Son, in his Title and Honour of Constable of Castile, Don Bernardino, who was living at the Time of the Voyage.

'The Admiral entered the Lake an Hour before high Water, and there was no Fall or Cataract, and 4 and 5 Fathom Water, and 6 and 7 Fathom Water generally in the Lake Belle. There is a little Fall of Water half Flood, and an Hour and Quarter before high Water the Flood begins to set gently into Lake Belle: The River is fresh at 20 Leagues Distance from the Mouth or Entrance of the River Los Reyes. The River and Lake abounds with Salmon, Salmon Trouts, Pikes, Perch and Mullets, and two other Sorts of Fish peculiar to that River, admirable good; and Lake Belle also abounds with all those Sorts of Fish large and delicate: And Admiral de Fonte also says, the Mullets catched in Rios Reyes and Lake Belle, are much delicater than are to be found, he believes, in any Part of the World.'

De Fonte was not inactive from the 14th to the 22d of June. Various Courses, contrary Winds, waiting for the Tides at times; from the Circumstance of the Tide as to Lake Belle, that there is a Fall until half Flood, and it is an Hour and Quarter only before high Water that the Flood makes in, evidences that there was a Current against him; and it is further evident, as on his return he was but two Days running from Conosset to the Entrance of the River Los Reyes.

De Fonte is very particular in his Account, being now to take a Survey of the Parts through which a Passage was expected, and in which Parts he now was. He mentions the Trial of the Tides at Los Reyes and Haro; gives a particular Account of the Navigation up Los Reyes, and to Lake Belle; that it was fresh Water after they were sixty Miles up the River; and what is no immaterial Circumstance in this Affair, shews how far the Waters from Westward flowed up, which he instances in the Account of the Fish. That such as came out of the Sea into the Land or fresh Waters to spawn at those Seasons, and afterwards return to the Sea, went no further than Lake Belle; for here he found the Mother Fish, as he describes them, large and delicate, superior to those in the River, and indulges his Fancy, so delicate as, he believes, they are not to be exceeded in any other Part of the World. De Fonte, in his Orders to Bernarda, shewed it was fresh Water in Part of Haro, and in the Lake Conibasset, from the Salmon and Perch, in which he means Sea Perch, which come into fresh Waters at this Season of the Year.

'The first of July 1640, Admiral de Fonte sailed from the rest of his Ships in the Lake Belle, in a good Port, covered by a fine Island, before the Town of Conosset, from thence to a River I named Parmentiers, in Honour of my industrious judicious Comrade Mr. Parmentiers, who had most exactly marked every Thing in and about that River.'

We now proceed to consider the Remainder of Admiral de Fonte's Letter, which was published in June 1708.

Admiral de Fonte, when he received the Letter from Capt. Bernarda, was arrived at an Indian Town called Conosset, in the Lake Belle; and as he entered such Lake the twenty-second, probably arrived at the Town the same Day; staid eight Days, and then sailed the first of July. That Bernarda should write, as to the Situation of his Affairs, must have been before concerted between them, they having been informed by the Jesuits or Parmentiers, that it was practicable for Bernarda to send such Message, that the Admiral might know whether Bernarda had met with any Accident as to his Ship, or any other Obstacle to his Proceeding, as he might assist him from those Ships Companies then with the Admiral. How the Letter was conveyed is not expressed; probably by a Seaman with an Indian Guide (the Distance between the Admiral and Bernarda, at this Time, will be considered hereafter) who would use all possible Expedition both by Land and Water: Had the Advantage of very short Nights. De Fonte would not proceed until he received this Account, though ready as soon as he received it. As de Fonte sailed on the first of July, that Account must have come to his Hand the thirtieth of June.

The Ships being secure in a good Harbour, and the Command left with Ronquillo, the Admiral proceeds to the River Parmentiers, so named in Honour of Mons. Parmentiers, whom he stiles his Comrade, and commends his Industry and Judgment in the Survey of such River, and the Parts adjacent. From his being stiled his Comrade, he was in no Command, as he could not have a Commission without having been bred in the Service, and a Native of Spain. Therefore being a Person immediately necessary for to have on this Occasion, he is introduced under the Character of a Friend and Companion. Mr. Gage mentions, Chap. xv. of his new Survey of the West Indies, one Thomas Rocalono, a Frenchman, a Prior of the Cloister of Cemitlan, who, with himself, was the only Stranger in that Country, by which he means in that Part where he was; and it implies there being others in other Parts, which falsifies the Assertion that no Frenchman was ever admitted in Peru.

The Countries of Quivira and Anian were represented, at that Time, to be barren or desolate; as is also evident from the Description of the Inhabitants eating raw Flesh, drinking Blood, and in all Respects suitable to the Character of the Eskemaux Indians, who by Choice, not Necessity, make Use of such Diet when out a hunting or travelling, which expresses those Parts to be very inhospitable, and where the Indians only frequent at certain Seasons, in Pursuit of the wild Game, and for fishing. And Cibola is represented as a Country which hath a Cultivation, where the Indians constantly live, and seem a different People from those of Quivira and Anian. This is agreeable to the Accounts given at that Time, which is sufficient to shew that the Jesuits could not expect that they should be able, or would undertake to pass through such a Country as Quivira and Anian in Pursuit of their Discoveries to Northward; therefore must have taken some Opportunity of being conveyed there, which could only be by some Persons who had been on these Coasts, and had, through Necessity, Interest, or Curiosity, passed up these Waters, and surveyed the adjacent Country in Pursuit of something which might turn out to their private Emolument: Nor were such Attempts unprecedented, even on our Parts, though the Hazards were much greater. The private Trade carried on by the People from Boston, in Hudson's Bay, before there was a Grant to the Company; which Trading might not have come to the Knowledge of the People in England, or been known to the Publick for a Series of Years, had it not been for an Accident which happened to Captain Gillam, who thereupon made a Discovery of this Trade. Nor is there the least Improbability but that Parmentiers had, on some Occasion, introduced himself into these Parts, had invited the Jesuits to a Mission there, who, on other Missions, had undertaken what hath been much more hazardous, and succeeded. There were sufficient Motives for that Undertaking; the Northern Bounds were then unknown, so that they could not affirm America to be Continent, nor certainly to be an Island distinguished from the old World. This is the Account Mr. Gage gives us, Chap. xiii. and mentioning that he will not write, as many do, by Relation and Hearsay, but by more sure Intelligence, Insight and Experience. He says Quivira is seated on the most Western Part of America, just over against Tartary; from whence, being not much distant, some suppose that the Inhabitants came into this new World. The West Side of America, if it be not Continent with Tartary, it yet disjoined by a small Streight. Here then was a sufficient Matter to encourage a Mission of this Sort, and to keep a Progress to the Eastward, or in America, with the Discoveries that were going on by the Missionars sent to Japan; and there was a Propriety in this being done, as the Coasts of both were supposed to be at no great Distance from each other: And this was expresly the Purpose of their Mission, as it is said they had been to Latitude 66, and made curious Observations, on which Account they were with Bernarda. As Parmentiers went to the Eastward with de Fonte, who must have had a different Motive from them for coming into those Parts, he must have had his own private Emolument in view, his better Success in which depended on his Secrecy, as he thereby prevented others from interfering; which Consideration would prevail with him, as with all Traders, superior to any Satisfaction the Publick might have from his Informations; and as Trade would be carried on most successfully where the Inhabitants were more numerous, we find he had found his Way to Eastward, apparently the most populous, as the Jesuits had gone to the Northward and Westward, principally as most consistent with their Plan; tho' Conosset was where the Jesuits had been first introduced, where their courteous Behaviour and Management of the Natives, would be of Advantage to Parmentiers. In searching for the most popular and inhabited Part of the Country, he would become acquainted with the Geography of those Parts necessarily, Depths of Water, Shoals, Tides, which his own Preservation, and the better conducting of himself would naturally lead him to observe; but there might be a more particular Reason for his Observation of the River Parmentiers, and of all the Parts about it; and therefore he had been so exact as to the Falls, which were the Obstruction of the Ship Navigation through to the Eastern Sea, that lay beyond the Streights of Ronquillo, for his own private Advantage; by opening a new and extensive Trade, he would have greatly promoted it if he had found this Communication practicable for Ships of Burthen.

The People that Captain Tchirikow met with on the Coast is no Objection to the Character given of those within Land in this Letter, as it is from Experience known that the Eskemaux, who are along the Coast of the Labrador, are cruel and thievish; but that Indians of a different Disposition live within Land.

As to Parmentiers being the general Interpreter for all, he is not said to be so. He would, for the Benefit it would be to him in his Trade, endeavour to learn the Language, and would of course acquire something of it unavoidably, as he frequented amongst the Indians: And it must be observed, though there are many different Nations, and there is a Difference in Dialect, yet there is a Language which all those Nations will understand, called the Council Language.

That Voyages had been made to these Parts more than once is evident, as the Jesuits staid there two Years, therefore did not return with the same Opportunity by which they came there, but another; and it is probable that there had been a Voyage prior to that, which had encouraged them to undertake this Mission.

In what Manner de Fonte proceeded, the Boats and Number of Persons he had with him, the Translator hath omitted. It is mentioned, that de Fonte sailed from the rest of his Ships; the River Parmentiers hath Falls of thirty-two Feet perpendicular Height from its Source to where it issues into Lake de Fonte; so again, on the South Side Lake Belle on board our Ships; and had it been with his Ship, his Inference that there was no North-west Passage would have been unjust, as his meeting with this Ship the Vessel from Boston, would have effectually proved the contrary.

'We passed eight Falls, in all 32 Foot, perpendicular from its Source out of Lake Belle; it falls into the large Lake I named Lake de Fonte, at which Place we arrived the 6th of July. This Lake is 160 Leagues long, and 60 broad; the Length is East North East, and West South West, to twenty or thirty, in some Places sixty Fathom deep; the Lake abounds with excellent Cod and Ling, very large and well fed; there are several very large Islands, and ten small ones; they are covered with shrubby Woods; the Moss grows six or seven Foot long, with which the Moose, a very large Sort of Deer, are fat with in the Winter, and other lesser Deer, as Fallow, &c. There are Abundance of wild Cherries, Strawberries, Hurtleberries, and wild Currants; and also of wild Fowls, Heath Cocks and Hens; likewise Partridges and Turkeys; and Sea Fowl in great Plenty. On the South Side the Lake is a very large fruitful Island, had a great many Inhabitants, and very excellent Timber, as Oaks, Ashes, Elm and Fir Trees, very large and tall.'

We here again see the Form of the Letter, de Fonte expressing himself, as in the first Part of the Letter, I named Parmentiers, my industrious; and there are other Instances.

The River Parmentiers, which is the Communication by which the Waters of Lake Belle are conveyed into the Lake de Fonte, so named we may suppose not in Compliment to himself, which would be absurd, but of his Family, as the Expression is, I named Lake de Fonte, though it almost deserves the Name of a Mediterranean Sea; but from having a superior Water near it, with which it communicated, de Fonte calls it a Lake. It is not a casual naming of Places, or Waters, as Hudson's Bay, given to that great Mediterranean Sea, and continued, but the Names of the Waters he passed through, would be given with Exactness and Propriety. In the Lake de Fonte there was a great Depth of Water, also Banks, as there is said to be in some Parts twenty or thirty Fathom Water, as is also evident from the Cod and Ling there, and which instance it to be a Salt Water Lake. It was the Season when these Fish come to the Northward to spawn. The shrubby Wood on the Islands, the Moss for the Subsistence of the Deer hanging on the Trees, the wild Cherries and other Fruits ripening at that Season of the Year, are all corresponding Tokens of his being advanced to the North-east Part of America, is agreeable in all the above Respects to the Country Northward and Westward in Canada, about the River St. Lawrence, to the interior Parts of the Country of Labrador, in Lat. 56; but as you proceed further to Northward, the high rocky Mountains, which in this Part are only confined to the Coast, then extend more inland, increase in their Height, and in Lat. 59° and 60°, the whole Country, as far as Baffin's Bay, seems to consist only of Ridges of barren Mountains, interspersed with Waters; and the Progress of the Productions, as to Trees and Plants, gradually decreases from a more flourishing to an inferior Sort, as you proceed to Northward; in Lat. 59, on the Western Side of Hudson's Bay to the Northward of Seal River, there is no Wood, only Grass and a small Shrub of about a Foot in Heighth, which continues, as far as it is known to Westward, and a thin Soil, with a hard rocky Stone just below the Surface, and very frequently there are large Ponds of standing Water.

De Fonte seems to have made a Stop at the Island at the South of Lake de Fonte, to take Refreshment, and make Inquiry as to the Boston Ship, it being out of his Course, or on any other Account to go there.

'The 14th of July we sailed out of the East North-east End of the Lake de Fonte, and passed a Lake I named the Estricho de Ronquillo, thirty-four Leagues long, two or three Leagues broad, twenty, twenty-six and twenty-eight Fathom of Water; we passed this Streight in ten Hours, having a stout Gale of Wind, and a whole Ebb. As we sailed more Easterly the Country grew very sensibly worse.'

What follows, 'as it is in the North and South Parts of America,' appears to me an additional Comment.

De Fonte mentions, as he went more Easterly the Country grew worse; from which it may be supposed he found the Alteration to begin when he was come to the Eastern Part of the Lake, and more so, as he passed the Streights of Ronquillo.

Where the Streight of Ronquillo terminated de Fonte makes no mention; gives us no Account of the Soundings or Tides; but his Silence here, and the preceding Circumstances, sufficiently prove that he thought himself then in some Branch of the Atlantick Ocean. And it is to be observed there is the same affected Silence here as to the Part he was come into, as when he had left the Western Ocean and entered the North-east Part of the South Sea to pass up to Los Reys.

'The 17th we came to an Indian Town, and the Indians told our Interpreter Mons. Parmentiers, that a little Way from us lay a great Ship, where there never had been one before.'

The Indian telling the Interpreter Parmentiers, which expresses a Kind of Acquaintance made between them, and de Fonte's passing out of the Lake into the Sea, coming to a Town, and Parmentiers knowing the Language, is an Evidence of Parmentiers' having been there before. And we may suppose, that from the Time they left the River Parmentiers, de Fonte had been on the Inquiry, it being now Time to expect the People from Boston; and what the Indian told him was in pursuance of such Inquiry.

'We sailed to them, and found only one Man advanced in Years, and a Youth; the Man was the greatest Man in the Mechanical Parts of the Mathematicks, I had ever met with; my second Mate was an Englishman, an excellent Seaman, as was my Gunner, who had been taken Prisoners at Campechy, as well as the Master's Son; they told me the Ship was of New England, from a Town called Boston. The Owner and the whole Ship's Company came on board the thirtieth; and the Navigator of the Ship, Captain Shapley, told me, his Owner was a fine Gentleman, and Major General of the largest Colony in New England, called the Maltechusets; so I received him like a Gentleman, and told him my Commission was to make a Prize of any People seeking a North-west or West Passage into the South Sea; but I would look on them as Merchants trading with the Natives for Bevers, Otters and other Furs and Skins, and so for a small Present of Provisions I had no need on, I gave him my Diamond Ring, which cost me twelve Hundred Pieces of Eight (which the modest Gentleman received with difficulty) and having given the brave Navigator Captain Shapley, for his fine Charts and Journals, a Thousand Pieces of Eight, and the Owner of the Ship, Seimor Gibbons, a quarter Cask of good Peruan Wine, and the ten Seamen, each twenty Pieces of Eight, the sixth of August, with as much Wind as we could fly before and a Current, we arrived at the first Fall of the River Parmentiers.'

De Fonte makes no Delay, but immediately proceeds as the Case required; finds an old Man aboard, the Man (as being a great Mechanick might be very useful on such an Expedition) and a Youth, might venture to stay, their Age would plead as to any Severity that might be intended by de Fonte; and through the Fear of which Severity the others retired into the Woods, where they could manage without being sensible of those Difficulties which Europeans apprehend. To leave the Ship without any one aboard, de Fonte could of Course have taken her as being deserted; and by their Retirement into the Woods, his Pursuit of them there would have alarmed the Indians, and more especially if he had attempted any Severity, it might have been fatal to him and his Company, from the Resistance they might have met with, not only from the Boston People, but the Indians assisting them, as they would have considered it as an Insult, an Exercise of Power which they would apprehend he had no Right to use in those Parts, as to a People who were trading with them, and been the Occasion that the Spaniards would have been no more received as Friends in those Parts.

De Fonte had particularly provided himself with some Englishmen, who, by a friendly Converse with the People from Boston, might endeavour to learn their Secrets, and prepare them the better by what they would be instructed to tell them to come to a Compliance with the Admiral's Intentions. The Result of this Affair de Fonte only mentions; but they would not have staid away so long, would have returned sooner aboard, had they only left the Ship on Account of Trade. Trade was only a secondary Object, the Discovery was the principal, and they would not have staid in one Place, at this Season, had they not been necessitated through a Fear of de Fonte so to do. It may be supposed the Englishmen who were with de Fonte, two of whom were from Campechy, and the other become Catholick, as he was married to the Master's Daughter, they would not act either with much Sincerity or Truth as to their own Countrymen, but managed with the old Man to bring the Owner, Navigator, and rest of the Crew aboard.

On their return the Navigator of the Ship was the first who waited on the Admiral, and he calls him Captain Shapley, his Name Nicholas Shapley, who was famous as a Navigator, for his Knowledge in the Mathematicks and other Branches of Science, that the common People supposed he dealt in the Magick Art, and had the Name given him of Old Nick, not by the People of Boston, but by a Set of Libertines as they termed them, and who had separated from the People of Boston, and gone to live by themselves at Piscatua, where he was settled at a Place called Kittery, in the Province of Main; the Name of Kittery given by his Brother Alexander Shapley, to a Tract of Land he had settled on there; and they write the Name Shapley exactly in the Manner in which it is wrote in the Letter. The Brother Alexander was a Cotemporary at Oxford with Captain James, who went on Discovery, and his Acquaintance. The Descendants of Alexander, a genteel People, were not many Years since living at Kittery; but Nicholas Shapley retired to New London, where he had a Son that was living in the Year one Thousand seven Hundred and fifty-two, a Fisherman. The Family at Kittery were very shy as to giving any Information as to what they knew in this Affair, upon an Application by the Author of these Observations, or looking into Alexander's Papers, as an officious Person had got beforehand, and discouraged them from giving any Gratification of this Sort, under Pretence, if their Papers were seen, it might give some Insight into a Lawsuit depending between the Branches of the Family, or expected to be commenced; and that there was a great Reward for the Discovery of a North-west Passage, which, if the Account was attained from them they would be intitled to a Part, which by this Means they would be deprived of. Jealousies of this Kind raised by a pretended, at least an ignorant Friend, against the Application of a Stranger, who assured them he was superior to any Trick of that Sort, and would give them any Satisfaction in his Power as they should propose, occasioned a Disappointment. The Son of Captain Nicholas, upon an Application made by the Author likewise, had nothing but his Father's Sea Chest, in which, there were once a great many Papers, and which his Mother, the Wife of Captain Nicholas, made a great Account of; but the Son being an illiterate Man, had made Use of them in the Family as waste Paper. I have mentioned him as illiterate, but he was a well meaning Man, and he had heard his Mother talk something about such an Affair; but I shall not lay a Stress upon the Account he gave, as he may be supposed prompted by the earnest Manner of the Inquiry to give grateful Answers, in Expectation of a Reward. The Number of Settlers in all Piscatua, the Province of Main included, did not at that Time exceed four Hundred People, but is now become a well settled Country; yet there was amongst the antient People about Kittery, a Tradition of Captain Nicholas having been on such a Voyage, and as to which, on proper Application to Persons who have Influence, and will make due Inquiry, it appears to me the Publick will receive a farther Satisfaction than they may at present expect. A considerable Merchant who lived at Falmouth in Piscatua, a Man of Character, no Way biassed for or against a North-west Passage, but as he is since dead, I may take the Liberty to say, married a Daughter of his late Excellency Governor Weymouth, mentioned an Anecdote respecting his Father, who was a very antient Man: That when the Dispute was between the late Governor Dobbs and Captain Middleton, he said, Why do they make such a Fuzz about this Affair, our Old Nick (meaning Captain Shapley) was through there? And this antient Gentleman had been an Intimate of Captain Shapley's.

Early in the Year before this Voyage Major General Gibbons went with others over to Piscatua, to have a Conference about Church Matters; and Mr. Alexander Shapley was one on the Part of the Settlers in Piscatua, and who had but returned from England the Fall before. At this Meeting, probably, they fixed on the Time and Manner of executing the Design, which they had before concerted. This whole Affair was concerted in an obscure Part, the Affair not known to the People of Boston, as it was more to the Purpose of those who undertook it to keep it a Secret; and probably Major Gibbons was more inclined it should be so, as he had before met with two Disappointments. The Characters of the Persons were such, as by whom it is very reasonable to suppose such an Expedition might be undertaken. Mr. Alexander Shapley was a Merchant, a lively, active, enterprising Man; sufficient to this Purpose hath been said of his Brother: And we may add to the Character of Major General Gibbons, it was said of him, that he was much of a Gentleman, a brave, social and friendly Man, had the latter End of the Year 1639 a Commission to be Captain of the Fort, was one of the Council, also concerned in Church Matters, as appears from Records. But during the Time that this Voyage was making, that worthy Pastor of Boston and great Antiquarian Mr. Prince, who, from a generous Disposition to get at the Truth, used extraordinary Industry in this Affair, by searching the Records in the old Church there in the Year 1752, could not find his Hand set to any Thing, or any Matters relating to Major General Gibbons, tho' he found Papers signed by him frequently before, and other Transactions in which he is mentioned to be concerned, also after the Time of this Voyage, and the only Objection that he could find was, that the Wife of Major General Gibbons must have had a seven Months Child, if he went on such Voyage, as it was a Custom in the Church of Boston, at that Time, that the Child should be brought to be baptized the Sunday after it was born; and by the Register it appears that this was the Case, according to the Time that it must be supposed he returned.

The Name was Edward Gibbons; and Seimor is a Mistake of the Translator, not observing that as de Fonte respectfully stiles Shapley Captain, he would not mention the Owner by his Christian Name only, a fine Gentleman and a Major General, but stiles him agreeable thereto after the Spanish Manner Sennor; and this Mistake of the Translator, as to the Name, and not observing that the Major General and the Owner were one and the same Person, shews that the Translator and Editors knew nothing of the Persons mentioned.

What is said of the largest Colony in New England, called the Maltechusets: The Dominions of New England consisted, at that Time, of the Colonies of Plymouth, Massachusets, and Connecticut, of which Massachusets was the largest, as New Hampshire, Piscatua, and the Province of Main, were under its Jurisdiction: And it is a little remarkable that the Admiral should call it the Maltechusets; he apprehended it a Mistake, though so exact as to the Names Shapley and Gibbons; seems to have given the Alteration agreeable to his own Ideas, and that it must have Reference to Malta.

The old Man told them the Ship was of New England, from the Town called Boston, which was the only Place where they could fit out properly or conveniently, the Part where Shapley lived consisting only of a few scattered Houses, and as it was very frequent from Boston to make Voyages to the Northward, their true Design for further Discoveries might remain a Secret to all but themselves.

De Fonte's Address to Gibbons as the Owner, represented so on this Occasion to serve the Purpose, though the Vessel seems to have been Alexander Shapley's, implies that he understood, or took the Advantage on finding they had been trading with the Indians, that they had two Purposes in their Undertaking, to discover a Passage, and to trade. As to the first, de Fonte tells him he had an Order to make a Prize of any People seeking a West or North-west Passage, speaking in general Terms, not of them only, so concealing the Advice he had received as to their particular undertaking of this Discovery; nor could it be peculiarly understood as to the Subjects of England, for the Danes also, to their immortal Honour, had before attempted the same Discovery; and in Consequence let him know that the Part he was in was of the Dominions of the Crown of Spain, as his Commission could be of no Force beyond the Extent of that Dominion. De Fonte's Address likewise implied, that as he would consider them only as Traders, that he would not make Prisoners of them on that Account; but expected after this Adventure that others would learn to keep nearer home, for Fear of falling into a like Accident, and meeting not with the same favourable Treatment. Nevertheless he takes effectual Measures to embarrass them on their Return, and obliges them to stay no longer in those Parts, as he takes from them what de Fonte calls a small Present of Provisions, which he had no Need on, but he knew they might, and as to which, the Affair of Provisions, he gave such an Attention to, through the Course of his Voyage; and though small what he accepted in respect to the Subsistance of those he had with him, yet as the Sequel will shew, was afterwards the Occasion of infinite Distress to the Boston People. The Gift in return, which is pompously mentioned at twelve Hundred Pieces of Eight, when we consider the Price Things bore of this Sort where he purchased it, in Peru, as he estimates by Pieces of Eight, the Manner of Valuation in those Parts, would not be to Gibbons a Hundred Pounds Sterling; and the Present to the Seamen must be considered as in lieu of these Provisions; and by this Means of mutual Presents countenanced what was absolutely extorted by Force, as was the Case with Shapley, as to his Charts and Journals, which he would not have parted with, but constrained through Fear; and by his English Seamen de Fonte could let them know that the Provisions, Charts, and Journals would be acceptable. He executed his Design in this Manner, that if the Boston People returned there could be no proper Foundation for the Court of England to take Umbrage at his Proceeding.

The Generosity of de Fonte so exceeding what their Present and the Charts and Journals could be worth, would be considered as to make them some Satisfaction for their Disappointment; for the Fears they had been put into, and their being detained there; the Gift of Wine, might be from a Respect to Major General Gibbons, as an Officer, whom de Fonte stiles modest, tho' he might perceive it to be the Effect of his Uneasiness on being thus intercepted. In all other Respects, what he gave was a Debt which the Crown of Spain would pay, would be considered as Money advanced in their Service; a Sum of no Consideration with them, as he had met with these People, procured their Charts by which they got into the Secret, by what Way they had advanced so far, and probably very particular Charts and Journals of the other Voyagers whom Gibbons was acquainted with; and he would endeavour to be furnished with all Materials which he could probably procure before that he set out. It would be greatly commended by the Court of Spain the artful Management of de Fonte in distressing these People, and not with a seeming Intention, and giving an absolute Discouragement to other Adventurers, who would be afraid of falling into the Spaniards Hands, whom it would be supposed constantly frequented those Parts.

De Fonte only mentions the Issue of this Affair, what would be immediately necessary for the Court to know; he mentions no intervening Circumstances, nor what Time there was between their Examination and the Presents, whether he or they sailed first, but it must be supposed they were more than a Day together, and that de Fonte would see them out of those Parts, as, if they had staid longer, they might probably have supplied themselves well with Provisions, and proceeded further; but as they were circumstanced, they would be put under a Necessity to set out for home, would be glad to leave him the first Opportunity; and as de Fonte seems to be waiting for a Wind, which he had the sixth of August, and it had in the interim been fair for the Boston People, they were certainly gone before that de Fonte set out on his Return.

In the Ecclesiastical History of New England, by the Reverend Cotton Mather, published at London in 1702, in Folio, in his Account of wonderful Sea Deliverances, Book the sixth, is The wonderful Story of Major Gibbons.

'Among remarkable Sea Deliverances, no less than three several Writers have published that wherein Major Edward Gibbons was concerned. A Vessel bound from Boston to some other Parts of America, was, through the Continuance of contrary Winds, kept so long at Sea, that the People aboard were in extreme straits for Want of Provision, and seeing that nothing here below could afford them any Relief, they looked upwards unto Heaven, in humble and fervent Supplications. The Winds continuing still as they were, one of the Company made a sorrowful Motion that they should, by a Lot, single out One to die, and by Death to satisfy the ravenous Hunger of the rest. After many a doleful and fearful Debate upon this Motion, they came to a Result, that it must be done! The Lot is cast; one of the Company is taken; but where is the Executioner that shall do the terrible Office upon a poor Innocent? It is a Death now to think who shall act this bloody Part in the Tragedy: But before they fall upon this involuntary and unnatural Execution, they once more went unto their zealous Prayers; and, behold, while they were calling upon God, he answered them, for there leaped a mighty Fish into their Boat, which, to their double Joy, not only quieted their outrageous Hunger, but also gave them some Token of a further Deliverance: However, the Fish is quickly eaten; the horrible Famine returns, the horrible Distress is renewed; a black Despair again seizes their Spirits: For another Morsel they come to a second Lot, which fell upon another Person; but still they cannot find an Executioner: They once again fall to their importunate Prayers; and, behold, a second Answer from above; a great Bird lights, and fixes itself on the mast; one of the Men spies it, and there it stands until he took it by the Wing with his Hand. This was a second Life from the Dead. This Fowl, with the Omen of a further Deliverance in it, was a sweet Feast unto them. Still their Disappointments follow them; they can see no Land; they know not where they are: Irresistable Hunger once more pinches them: They have no Hope to be saved but by a third Miracle: They return to another Lot; but before they go to the Heart-breaking Talk of slaying the Person under Designation, they repeat their Addresses unto the God of Heaven, their former Friend in Adversity; and now they look and look again, but there is nothing: Their Devotions are concluded, and nothing appears; yet they hoped, yet they staid, yet they lingered: At last one of them spies a Ship, which put a new Hope and Life into them all: They bear up with their Ship; they man their Longboat; they go to board the Vessel, and are admitted. It proves a French Pyrate: Major Gibbons Petitions for a little Bread, and offers all for it; but the Commander was one who had formerly received considerable Kindnesses of Major Gibbons at Boston, and now replied chearfully, Major Gibbons, not an Hair of you, or your Company, shall perish if it lies in my Power to preserve you. Accordingly he supplied their Necessities, and they made a comfortable End of their Voyage.'