Book 2 — Footnotes (continued 4)

890.

W. H. Furness, Home-Life of Borneo Head-Hunters (Philadelphia, 1902), p. 59. According to Messrs. Hose and McDougall, the spirits which animate the skulls appear not to be those of the persons from whose shoulders the heads were taken. However, the spirits (called Toh) reside in or about the heads, and “it is held that in some way their presence in the house brings prosperity to it, especially in the form of good crops; and so essential to the welfare of the house are the heads held to be that, if through fire a house has lost its heads and has no occasion for war, the people will beg a head, or even a fragment of one, from some friendly house, and will instal it in their own with the usual ceremonies.” See Ch. Hose and W. McDougall, The Pagan Tribes of Borneo (London, 1912), ii. 20, 23.

891.

Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East2 (London, 1863), i. 197.

892.

Hugh Low, Sarawak (London, 1848), pp. 206 sq. In quoting this passage I have taken the liberty to correct a grammatical slip.

893.

Spenser St. John, op. cit. i. 204. See further G. A. Wilken, “Iets over de schedelvereering,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xxxviii. (1889) pp. 89-129; id., Verspreide Geschriften (The Hague, 1912), iv. 37-81. A different view of the purpose of head-hunting is maintained by Mr. A. C. Kruyt, in his essay, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja's van Midden-Celebes, en zijne Beteekenis,” Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks, iii. 2 (Amsterdam, 1899), pp. 147 sqq. The natives of Nias, an island to the west of Sumatra, think it necessary to obtain the heads of their enemies for the purpose of celebrating the final obsequies of a dead chief. Their notion seems to be that the ghost of the deceased ruler demands this sacrifice in his honour, and will punish the omission of it by sending sickness or other misfortunes on the survivors. Thus among these people the custom of head-hunting is based on their belief in human immortality and on their conception of the exacting demands which the dead make upon the living. When the skulls have been presented to a dead chief, the priest prays to him for his blessing on the sowing and harvesting of the rice, on the fruitfulness of women, and so forth. See C. Fries, “Das ‘Koppensnellen’ auf Nias,” Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift, February, 1908, pp. 73-88. From this account it would seem that it is not the spirits of the slain men, but the ghost of the dead chief from whom the blessings of fertility and so forth are supposed to emanate. Compare Th. C. Rappard, “Het eiland Nias en zijne bewoners,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, lxii. (1909) pp. 609-611.

894.

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 4-7.

895.

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 169 sqq.

896.

H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos. 4099, 4100, 4103, 4105, 4106, 4116, 4117, 4119, 4120, 4121, 4123, 4124, 4127, 4128, 4131, 4136, 4139, 4140, 4142, 4156, 4163, 4167; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 85, 86, 93, 94, 95, Inscr. Nos. 21-24, 26, 50, 51, 52, 61, 62, 63. See further, J. Toutain, Les Cultes Païens dans l'Empire Romain (Paris, 1911), pp. 73 sqq., 103 sqq.

897.

S. Dill, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire2 (London, 1899), p. 16.

898.

Augustine, De civitate Dei, vii. 26.

899.

But the two were publicly worshipped at Dyme and Patrae in Achaia (Pausanias, vii. 17. 9, vii. 20. 3), and there was an association for their worship at Piraeus. See P. Foucart, Des Associations Religieuses chez les Grecs (Paris, 1873), pp. 85 sqq., 196; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, p. 772, No. 982.

900.

Rapp, s.v. “Kybele,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1656.

901.

As to the savage theory of inspiration or possession by a deity see (Sir) Edward B. Tylor, Primitive Culture,2 ii. 131 sqq. As to the savage theory of a new birth see Balder the Beautiful, ii. 251 sqq. As to the use of blood to wash away sins see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 107 sqq.; Psyche's Task, Second Edition, pp. 44 sq., 47 sqq., 116 sq. Among the Cameroon negroes accidental homicide can be expiated by the blood of an animal. The relations of the slayer and of the slain assemble. An animal is killed and every person present is smeared with its blood on his face and breast. They think that the guilt of manslaughter is thus atoned for, and that no punishment will overtake the homicide. See Missionary Autenrieth, “Zur Religion der Kamerun-Neger,” in Mitteilungen der geographischen Gesellschaft zu Jena, xii. (1893) pp. 93 sq. In Car Nicobar a man possessed by devils is cleansed of them by being rubbed all over with pig's blood and beaten with leaves. The devils are thus transferred to the leaves, which are thrown into the sea before daybreak. See V. Solomon, “Extracts from diaries kept in Car Nicobar,” in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 227. Similarly the ancient Greeks purified a homicide by means of pig's blood and laurel leaves. See my note on Pausanias, ii. 31. 8 (vol. iii. pp. 276-279). The original idea of thus purging a manslayer was probably to rid him of the angry ghost of his victim, just as in Car Nicobar a man is rid of devils in the same manner. The purgative virtue ascribed to the blood in these ceremonies may be based on the notion that the offended spirit accepts it as a substitute for the blood of the guilty person. This was the view of C. Meiners (Geschichte der Religionen, Hanover, 1806-1807, ii. 137 sq.) and of E. Rohde (Psyche,3 Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903, ii. 77 sq.).

902.

A good instance of such an attempt to dress up savagery in the garb of philosophy is the fifth speech of the emperor Julian, “On the Mother of the Gods” (pp. 206 sqq. ed. F. C. Hertlein, Leipsic, 1875-1876).

903.

As to the diffusion of Oriental religions in the Roman Empire see G. Boissier, La Religion Romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins5 (Paris, 1900), i. 349 sqq.; J. Reville, La Religion à Rome sous les Sévères (Paris, 1886), pp. 47 sqq.; S. Dill, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire2 (London, 1899), pp. 76 sqq.

904.

Compare Servius on Virgil, Aen. ii. 604, vi. 661; Origen, Contra Celsum, viii. 73 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xi. 1628); G. Boissier, La Religion Romaine d'Auguste aux Antonins5 (Paris, 1900), i. 357 sq.; E. Westermarck, The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas (London, 1906-1908), i. 345 sq.; H. H. Milman, History of Latin Christianity,4 i. 150-153, ii. 90. In the passage just cited Origen tells us that the Christians refused to follow the Emperor to the field of battle even when he ordered them to do so; but he adds that they gave the emperor the benefit of their prayers and thus did him more real service than if they had fought for him with the sword. On the decline of the civic virtues under the influence of Christian asceticism see W. E. H. Lecky, History of European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne3 (London, 1877), ii. 139 sqq.

905.

To prevent misapprehension I will add that the spread of Oriental religions was only one of many causes which contributed to the downfall of ancient civilization. Among these contributory causes a friend, for whose judgment and learning I entertain the highest respect, counts bad government and a ruinous fiscal system, two of the most powerful agents to blast the prosperity of nations, as may be seen in our own day by the blight which has struck the Turkish empire. It is probable, too, as my friend thinks, that the rapid diffusion of alien faiths was as much an effect as a cause of widespread intellectual decay. Such unwholesome growths could hardly have fastened upon the Graeco-Roman mind in the days of its full vigour. We may remember the energy with which the Roman Government combated the first outbreak of the Bacchic plague (Th. Mommsen, Roman History, iii. 115 sq., ed. 1894). The disastrous effects of Roman financial oppression on the industries and population of the empire, particularly of Greece, are described by George Finlay (Greece under the Romans,2 Edinburgh and London, 1857, pp. 47 sqq.).

906.

See Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monuments figurés relatifs aux Mystères de Mithra (Brussels, 1896-1899); id., s.v. “Mithras,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 3028 sqq. Compare id., Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 207 sqq.

907.

Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monuments, i. 333 sqq.

908.

E. Renan, Marc-Aurèle et la Fin du Monde Antique (Paris, 1882), pp. 576 sqq.; Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monuments, i. 339 sqq.

909.

Tertullian, De corona, 15; id., De praescriptione haereticorum, 40; Justin Martyr, Apologia, i. 66; id., Dialogus cum Tryphone, 78 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, vi. 429, 660). Tertullian explained in like manner the resemblance of the fasts of Isis and Cybele to the fasts of Christianity (De jejunio, 16). Justin Martyr thought that by listening to the words of the inspired prophets the devils discovered the divine intentions and anticipated them by a series of profane and blasphemous imitations. Among these travesties of Christian truth he enumerates the death, resurrection, and ascension of Dionysus, the virgin birth of Perseus, and Bellerophon mounted on Pegasus, whom he regards as a parody of Christ riding on an ass. See Justin Martyr, Apology, i. 54.

910.

J. de Acosta, Natural and Moral History of the Indies, translated by E. Grimston (London, 1880), bk. v. chs. 11, 16, 17, 18, 24-28, vol. ii. pp. 324 sq., 334 sqq., 356 sqq.

911.

Compare S. Dill, Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire2 (London, 1899), pp. 80 sqq.; id., Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius (London, 1904), pp. 619 sqq.

912.

E. Renan, Marc-Aurèle et la Fin du Monde Antique (Paris, 1882), pp. 579 sq.; Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monuments, i. 338.

913.

Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 221; Columella, De re rustica, ix. 14. 12; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie (Berlin, 1825-1826), ii. 124; G. F. Unger, in Iwan Müller's Handbuch der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, i.1 (Nördlingen, 1886) p. 649.

914.

In the calendar of Philocalus the twenty-fifth of December is marked N. Invicti, that is, Natalis Solis Invicti. See Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, i.2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), p. 278, with Th. Mommsen's commentary, pp. 338 sq.

915.

Cosmas Hierosolymitanus, Commentarii in Sancti Gregorii Nazianzeni Carmina (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xxxviii. 464): ταύτην [Christmas] ἧγον ἔκπαλαι δὲ τὴν ἡμέραν ἑορτὴν Ἔλληνες, καθ᾽ ἤν ἐτελοῦντο κατὰ τὸ μεσονύκτιον, ἐν ἀδύτοις τισὶν ὑπεισερχόμενοι, ὄθεν ἐξιόντες ἔκραζον: “Ἡ παρθένος ἕτεκεν, αὔξει φῶς.” ταύτην Ἐπιφάνιος ὁ μέγας τῆς Κυπρίων ἱερεύς φησι τὴν ἑορτὴν καὶ Σαῤῥακηνούς ἄγειν τῇπαρ᾽ αὐτῶν σεβομένῃ Ἀφροδίτῃ, ἤν δὴ Χαμαρᾶ τῇ αὐτῶν προσαγορεύουσι γλώττῃ. The passage is quoted, with some verbal variations, by Ch. Aug. Lobeck, Aglaophamus (Königsberg, 1829), ii. 1227 note 2. See Franz Cumont, “Le Natalis Invicti,” Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1911 (Paris, 1911), pp. 292-298, whose learned elucidations I follow in the text. That the festival of the Nativity of the Sun was similarly celebrated in Egypt may be inferred from a Greek calendar drawn up by the astrologer Antiochus in Lower Egypt at the end of the second or the beginning of the third century a.d.; for under the 25th December the calendar has the entry, “Birthday of the Sun, the light waxes” (Ἡλίου γενέθλιον; αὔξει φῶς). See F. Cumont, op. cit. p. 294.

916.

Macrobius, Saturnalia, i. 18. 10.

917.

F. Cumont, s.v. “Caelestis,” in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, v. i. 1247 sqq. She was called the Queen of Heaven (Jeremiah vii. 18, xliv. 18), the Heavenly Goddess (Herodotus, iii. 8; Pausanias, i. 14. 7), or the Heavenly Virgin (Tertullian, Apologeticus, 23; Augustine, De civitate Dei, ii. 4). The Greeks spoke of her as the Heavenly Aphrodite (Herodotus, i. 105; Pausanias, i. 14. 7). A Greek inscription found in Delos contains a dedication to Astarte Aphrodite; and another found in the same island couples Palestinian Astarte and Heavenly Aphrodite. See G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecorum,2 vol. ii. pp. 619 sq., No. 764; R. A. Stewart Macalister, The Philistines, their History and Civilization (London, 1913), p. 94.

918.

Dedications to Mithra the Unconquered Sun (Soli invicto Mithrae) have been found in abundance. See Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monuments, ii. 99 sqq. As to the worship of the Unconquered Sun (Sol Invictus) see H. Usener, Das Weihnachtsfest2 (Bonn, 1911), pp. 348 sqq.

919.

Fr. Cumont, op. cit. i. 325 sq., 339.

920.

J. Bingham, The Antiquities of the Christian Church, bk. xx. ch. iv. (Bingham's Works, vol. vii. pp. 279 sqq., Oxford, 1855); C. A. Credner, “De natalitiorum Christi origine,” Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, iii. 2 (1833), pp. 236 sqq.; Mgr. L. Duchesne, Origines du Culte Chrétien3 (Paris, 1903), pp. 257 sqq.; Th. Mommsen, in Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, i.2 Pars prior, p. 338. The earliest mention of the festival of Christmas is in the calendar of Philocalus, which was drawn up at Rome in 336 a.d. The words are VIII. kal. jan., natus Christus in Betleem Judee (L. Duchesne, op. cit. p. 258).

921.

Quoted by C. A. Credner, op. cit. p. 239, note 46; by Th. Mommsen, Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, i.2 Pars prior, pp. 338 sq.; and by H. Usener, Das Weihnachtsfest2 (Bonn, 1911), pp. 349 sq.

922.

Augustine, Serm. cxc. 1 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, xxxviii. 1007).

923.

Leo the Great, Serm. xxii. (al. xxi.) 6 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, liv. 198). Compare St. Ambrose, Serm. vi. 1 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, xvii. 614).

924.

A. Credner, op. cit. pp. 236 sqq.; E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture,2 ii. 297 sq.; Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monuments, i. 342, 355 sq.; Th. Mommsen, in Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, i.2 Pars prior, pp. 338 sq.; H. Usener, Das Weihnachtsfest2 (Bonn, 1911), pp. 348 sqq. A different explanation of Christmas has been put forward by Mgr. Duchesne. He shows that among the early Christians the death of Christ was commonly supposed to have fallen on the twenty-fifth of March, that day having been “chosen arbitrarily, or rather suggested by its coincidence with the official equinox of spring.” It would be natural to assume that Christ had lived an exact number of years on earth, and therefore that his incarnation as well as his death took place on the twenty-fifth of March. In point of fact the Church has placed the Annunciation and with it the beginning of his mother's pregnancy on that very day. If that were so, his birth would in the course of nature have occurred nine months later, that is, on the twenty-fifth of December. Thus on Mgr. Duchesne's theory the date of the Nativity was obtained by inference from the date of the Crucifixion, which in its turn was chosen because it coincided with the official equinox of spring. Mgr. Duchesne does not notice the coincidence of the vernal equinox with the festival of Attis. See his work, Origines du Culte Chrétien3 (Paris, 1903), pp. 261-265, 272. The tradition that both the conception and the death of Christ fell on the twenty-fifth of March is mentioned and apparently accepted by Augustine (De Trinitate, iv. 9, Migne's Patrologia Latina, xlii. 894).

925.

See above, pp. 253 sqq.

926.

However, the lament for Adonis is mentioned by Ovid (Ars Amat. i. 75 sq.) along with the Jewish observance of the Sabbath.

927.

See above, pp. 268 sqq.

928.

Columella, De re rustica, ix. 14. 1; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 246; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 21. 10; L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, ii. 124.

929.

Mgr. L. Duchesne, Origines du Culte Chrétien,3 pp. 262 sq. That Christ was crucified on the twenty-fifth of March in the year 29 is expressly affirmed by Tertullian (Adversus Judaeos, 8, vol. ii. p. 719, ed. F. Oehler), Hippolytus (Commentary on Daniel, iv. 23, vol. i. p. 242, ed. Bonwetsch and Achelis), and Augustine (De civitate Dei, xviii. 54; id., De Trinitate, iv. 9). See also Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, iv. (Leipsic, 1906- 1909) col. 1222, s.v. “Crucimissio”: “pol. silv. fast. Mart 25 aequinoctium. principium veris. crucimissio gentilium. Christus passus hoc die.” From this last testimony we learn that there was a gentile as well as a Christian crucifixion at the spring equinox. The gentile crucifixion was probably the affixing of the effigy of Attis to the tree, though at Rome that ceremony appears to have taken place on the twenty-second rather than on the twenty-fifth of March. See above, p. 267. The Quartodecimans of Phrygia celebrated the twenty-fifth of March as the day of Christ's death, quoting as their authority certain acts of Pilate; in Cappadocia the adherents of this sect were divided between the twenty-fifth of March and the fourteenth of the moon. See Epiphanius, Adversus Haeres. l. 1 (vol. ii. p. 447, ed. G. Dindorf; Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xli. 884 sq.). In Gaul the death and resurrection of Christ were regularly celebrated on the twenty-fifth and twenty-seventh of March as late as the sixth century. See Gregory of Tours, Historia Francorum, viii. 31. 6 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, lxxi. 566); S. Martinus Dumiensis (bishop of Braga), De Pascha, 1 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, lxxii. 50), who says: “A plerisque Gallicanis episcopis usque ante non multum tempus custoditum est, ut semper VIII. Kal. April. diem Paschae celebrent, in quo facta Christi resurrectio traditur.” According to this last testimony, it was the resurrection, not the crucifixion, of Christ that was celebrated on the twenty-fifth of March; but Mgr. Duchesne attributes the statement to a mistake of the writer. With regard to the Roman practice the twenty-fifth and twenty-seventh of March are marked in ancient Martyrologies as the dates of the Crucifixion and Resurrection. See Vetustius Occidentalis Ecclesiae Martyrologium, ed. Franciscus Maria Florentinus (Lucca, 1667), pp. 396 sq., 405 sq. On this subject Mgr. Duchesne observes: “Hippolytus, in his Paschal Table, marks the Passion of Christ in a year in which the fourteenth of Nisan falls on Friday twenty-fifth March. In his commentary on Daniel he expressly indicates Friday the twenty-fifth of March and the consulship of the two Gemini. The Philocalien Catalogue of the Popes gives the same date as to day and year. It is to be noted that the cycle of Hippolytus and the Philocalien Catalogue are derived from official documents, and may be cited as evidence of the Roman ecclesiastical usage” (Origines du Culte Chrétien,3 p. 262).

930.

Mgr. L. Duchesne, op. cit. p. 263.

931.

Mgr. L. Duchesne, l.c. A sect of the Montanists held that the world began and that the sun and moon were created at the spring equinox, which, however, they dated on the twenty-fourth of March (Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, vii. 18). At Henen-Su in Egypt there was celebrated a festival of the “hanging out of the heavens,” that is, the supposed reconstituting of the heavens each year in the spring (E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 63). But the Egyptians thought that the creation of the world took place at the rising of Sirius (Porphyry, De antro nympharum, 24; Solinus, xxxii. 13), which in antiquity fell on the twentieth of July (L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 127 sqq.).

932.

See above, pp. 263, 281 sqq.

933.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 324 sqq.

934.

Above, pp. 246 sqq.

935.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 14 sqq.

936.

See below, vol. ii. pp. 81 sqq.

937.

Above, pp. 302 sqq.

938.

Another instance of the substitution of a Christian for a pagan festival may be mentioned. On the first of August the people of Alexandria used to commemorate the defeat of Mark Antony by Augustus and the entrance of the victor into their city. The heathen pomp of the festival offended Eudoxia, wife of Theodosius the Younger, and she decreed that on that day the Alexandrians should thenceforth celebrate the deliverance of St. Peter from prison instead of the deliverance of their city from the yoke of Antony and Cleopatra. See L. Ideler, Handbuch der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, i. 154.

939.

Lactantius, De mortibus persecutorum, 2; id., Divin. Institut. iv. 10. 18. As to the evidence of the Gallic usage see S. Martinus Dumiensis, quoted above, p. 307 note.

940.

The passage occurs in the 84th of the Quaestiones Veteris et Novi Testamenti (Migne's Patrologia Latina, xxxv. 2279), which are printed in the works of Augustine, though internal evidence is said to shew that they cannot be by that Father, and that they were written three hundred years after the destruction of Jerusalem. The writer's words are as follows: “Diabolus autem, qui est satanas, ut fallaciae suae auctoritatem aliquam possit adhibere, et mendacia sua commentitia veritate colorare, primo mense quo sacramenta dominica scit celebranda, quia non mediocris potentiae est, Paganis quae observarent instituit mysteria, ut animas eorum duabus ex causis in errore detineret: ut quia praevenit veritatem fallacia, melius quiddam fallacia videretur, quasi antiquitate praejudicans veritati. Et quia in primo mense, in quo aequinoctium habent Romani, sicut et nos, ea ipsa observatio ab his custoditur; ita etiam per sanguinem dicant expiationem fieri, sicut et nos per crucem: hac versutia Paganos detinet in errore, ut putent veritatem nostram imitationem potius videri quam veritatem, quasi per aemulationem superstitione quadam inventam. Nec enim verum potest, inquiunt, aestimari quod postea est inventum. Sed quia apud nos pro certo veritas est, et ab initio haec est, virtutum atque prodigiorum signa perhibent testimonium, ut, teste virtute, diaboli improbitas innotescat.” I have to thank my learned friend Professor Franz Cumont for pointing out this passage to me. He had previously indicated and discussed it (“La Polémique de l'Ambrosiaster contre les Païens,” Revue d'Histoire et de Littérature religieuses, viii. (1903) pp. 419 sqq.). Though the name of Attis is not mentioned in the passage, I agree with Prof. Cumont in holding that the bloody expiatory rites at the spring equinox, to which the writer refers, can only be those of the Day of Blood which formed part of the great aequinoctial festival of Attis. Compare F. Cumont, Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 106 sq., 333 sq.

941.

On the decadence of Buddhism and its gradual assimilation to those popular Oriental superstitions against which it was at first directed, see Monier Williams, Buddhism2 (London, 1890), pp. 147 sqq.

942.

The historical reality both of Buddha and of Christ has sometimes been doubted or denied. It would be just as reasonable to question the historical existence of Alexander the Great and Charlemagne on account of the legends which have gathered round them. The great religious movements which have stirred humanity to its depths and altered the beliefs of nations spring ultimately from the conscious and deliberate efforts of extraordinary minds, not from the blind unconscious co-operation of the multitude. The attempt to explain history without the influence of great men may flatter the vanity of the vulgar, but it will find no favour with the philosophic historian.

943.

G. F. Schömann, Griechische Alterthümer4 (Berlin, 1897-1902), ii. 473; L. Preller, Griechische Mythologie, i.4 (Berlin, 1894) pp. 248 sq.; Greve, s.v. “Hyakinthos,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 2763 sq. Other views of Hyacinth have been expressed by G. F. Welcker (Griechische Götterlehre, Göttingen, 1857-1862, i. 472), G. F. Unger (“Der Isthmientag und die Hyakinthien,” Philologus, xxxvii. (1877) pp. 20 sqq.), E. Rohde (Psyche,3 i. 137 sqq.) and S. Wide (Lakonische Kulte, Leipsic, 1893, p. 290).

944.

Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 3. 3, iii. 10. 3; Nicander, Ther. 901 sqq., with the Scholiast's note; Lucian, De saltatione, 45; Pausanias, iii. 1. 3, iii. 19. 5; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 241 sqq.; Ovid, Metam. x. 161-219; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxi. 66.

945.

Theophrastus, Histor. Plant. vi. 8. 1 sq. That the hyacinth was a spring flower is plainly indicated also by Philostratus (Imag. i. 23. 1) and Ovid (Metam. x. 162-166). See further Greve, s.v. “Hyakinthos,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 2764; J. Murr, Die Pflanzenwelt in der griechischen Mythologie (Innsbruck, 1890), pp. 257 sqq.; O. Schrader, Reallexikon der Indogermanischen Altertumskunde (Strasburg, 1901), pp. 383 sq. Miss J. E. Harrison was so kind as to present me with two specimens of the flower (Delphinium Ajacis) on which the woful letters were plainly visible. A flower similarly marked, of a colour between white and red, was associated with the death of Ajax (Pausanias, i. 35. 4). But usually the two flowers were thought to be the same (Ovid, Metam. xiii. 394 sqq.; Scholiast on Theocritus, x. 28; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxi. 66; Eustathius on Homer, Iliad, ii. 557, p. 285).

946.

Xenophon, Hellenica, iv. 5. 7-17; Pausanias, iii. 10. 1.

947.

Pausanias, iii. 1. 3, iii. 19. 1-5.

948.

Hesychius, s.v. Ἑκατομβεύς; G. F. Unger in Philologus, xxxvii. (1877) pp. 13-33; Greve, s.v. “Hyakinthos,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 2762; W. Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities,3 i. 339. From Xenophon (Hellenica, iv. 5) we learn that in 390 b.c. the Hyacinthian followed soon after the Isthmian festival, which that year fell in spring. Others, however, identifying Hecatombeus with the Attic month Hecatombaeon, would place the Hyacinthia in July (K. O. Müller, Dorier,2 Breslau, 1844, i. 358). In Rhodes, Cos, and other Greek states there was a month called Hyacinthius, which probably took its name from the Hyacinthian festival. The month is thought to correspond to the Athenian Scirophorion and therefore to June. See E. Bischof, “De fastis Graecorum antiquioribus,” Leipziger Studien für classische Philologie, vii. (1884) pp. 369 sq., 381, 384, 410, 414 sq.; G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 vol. i. pp. 396, 607, Nos. 614, note 3, 744, note 1. If this latter identification of the month is correct, it would furnish an argument for dating the Spartan festival of Hyacinth in June also. The question is too intricate to be discussed here.

949.

Athenaeus, iv. 17, pp. 139 sq. Strabo speaks (vi. 3. 2, p. 278) of a contest at the Hyacinthian festival. It may have been the chariot races mentioned by Athenaeus.

950.

Hesychius, s.v. Πολύβοια.

951.

E. Rohde, Psyche,3 i. 137 sqq.

952.

Pausanias, iii. 19. 3. The Greek word here used for sacrifice (ἐναγίζειν) properly denotes sacrifices offered to the heroic or worshipful dead; another word (θύειν) was employed for sacrifices offered to gods. The two terms are distinguished by Pausanias here and elsewhere (ii. 10. 1, ii. 11. 7). Compare Herodotus, ii. 44. Sacrifices to the worshipful dead were often annual. See Pausanias, iii. 1. 8, vii. 19. 10, vii. 20. 9, viii. 14. 11, viii. 41. 1, ix. 38. 5, x. 24. 6. It has been observed by E. Rehde (Psyche,3 i. 139, note 2) that sacrifices were frequently offered to a hero before a god, and he suggests with much probability that in these cases the worship of the hero was older than that of the deity.

953.

Pausanias, iii. 19. 14.

954.

See above, p. 44; and below, vol. ii. pp. 213 sqq.