Book 2 — Footnotes (continued 2)

316.

Rev. J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 126 sq. In the Senegal and Niger region of Western Africa it is said to be commonly believed by women that they can conceive without any carnal knowledge of a man. See Maurice Delafosse, Haut-Sénégal-Niger, Le Pays, les Peuples, les Langues, l'Histoire, les Civilisations (Paris, 1912), iii. 171.

317.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda, pp. 47 sq.; Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 506 sq. As to the custom of depositing the afterbirths of children at the foot of banana (plantain) trees, see J. Roscoe, op. cit. pp. 52, 54 sq.

318.

W. Crooke, Natives of Northern India (London, 1907), p. 202. As to the Hindoo custom of burying infants but burning older persons, see The Belief in Immortality and the Worship of the Dead, i. 162 sq.

319.

Census of India, 1911, vol. xiv. Punjab, Part i., Report, by Pandit Harikishan Kaul (Lahore, 1912), p. 299.

320.

E. M. Gordon, Indian Folk Tales (London, 1908), p. 49. Other explanations of the custom are reported by the writer, but the original motive was probably a desire to secure the reincarnation of the dead child in the mother.

321.

E. M. Gordon, op. cit. pp. 50 sq.

322.

E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (Madras, 1906), p. 155; id., Castes and Tribes of Southern India (Madras, 1909), iv. 52.

323.

W. Crooke, Natives of Northern India, p. 202; Census of India, 1901, vol. xvii. Punjab, Part i., Report, by H. A. Rose (Simla, 1902), pp. 213 sq.

324.

Census of India, 1901, vol. xiii. Central Provinces, Part i., Report, by R. V. Russell (Nagpur, 1902), p. 93.

325.

For stories of such virgin births see Comte H. de Charency, Le folklore dans les deux Mondes (Paris, 1894), pp. 121-256; E. S. Hartland, The Legend of Perseus, vol. i. (London, 1894) pp. 71 sqq.; and my note on Pausanias vii. 17. 11 (vol. iv. pp. 138-140). To the instances there cited by me add: A. Thevet, Cosmographie Universelle (Paris, 1575), ii. 918 [wrongly numbered 952]; K. von den Steinen, Unter den Naturvölkern Zentral-Brasiliens (Berlin, 1884), pp. 370, 373; H. A. Coudreau, La France Equinoxiale, ii. (Paris, 1887) pp. 184 sq.; Relations des Jésuites, 1637, pp. 123 sq. (Canadian reprint, Quebec, 1858); Franz Boas, Indianische Sagen von der Nord-Pacifischen Küste Amerikas (Berlin, 1895), pp. 311 sq.; A. G. Morice, Au pays de l'Ours Noir (Paris and Lyons, 1897), p. 153; A. Raffray, “Voyage à la côte nord de la Nouvelle Guinée,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), VIe Série, xv. (1878) pp. 392 sq.; J. L. van der Toorn, “Het animisme bij den Minangkabauer der Padangsche Bovenlanden,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xxxix. (1890) p. 78; E. Aymonier, “Les Tchames et leurs religions,” Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, xxiv. (1901) pp. 215 sq.; Major P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (London, 1907), p. 195. In some stories the conception is brought about not by eating food but by drinking water. But the principle is the same.

326.

F. S. Krauss, Sitte und Brauch der Süd-Slaven (Vienna, 1885), p. 531.

327.

Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss's Deutsch Neu-Guinea, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 26.

328.

W. H. R. Rivers, “Totemism in Polynesia and Melanesia,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxix. (1909) pp. 173-175. Compare Totemism and Exogamy, ii. 89 sqq. As to this Melanesian belief that animals can enter into women and be born from them as human children with animal characteristics, Dr. Rivers observes (p. 174): “It was clear that this belief was not accompanied by any ignorance of the physical rôle of the human father, and that the father played the same part in conception as in cases of birth unaccompanied by an animal appearance. We found it impossible to get definitely the belief as to the nature of the influence exerted by the animal on the woman, but it must be remembered that any belief of this kind can hardly have escaped the many years of European influence and Christian teaching which the people of this group have received. It is doubtful whether even a prolonged investigation of this point could now elicit the original belief of the people about the nature of the influence.” To me it seems that the belief described by Dr. Rivers in the text is incompatible with the recognition of human fatherhood as a necessary condition for the birth of children, and that though the people may now recognize that necessity, perhaps as a result of intercourse with Europeans, they certainly cannot have recognized it at the time when the belief in question originated.

329.

Baldwin Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1904), p. 330, compare id. ibid. pp. xi, 145, 147-151, 155 sq., 161 sq., 169 sq., 173 sq., 174-176, 606; id., Native Tribes of Central Australia (London, 1899), pp. 52, 123-125, 126, 132 sq., 265, 335-338.

330.

B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Northern Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 162, 330 sq.

331.

B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, pp. 337 sq.

332.

W. Baldwin Spencer, An Introduction to the Study of Certain Native Tribes of the Northern Territory (Melbourne, 1912), p. 6: “The two fundamental beliefs of reincarnation and of children not being of necessity the result of sexual intercourse, are firmly held by the tribes in their normal wild state. There is no doubt whatever of this, and we now know that these two beliefs extend through all the tribes northwards to Katherine Creek and eastwards to the Gulf of Carpentaria.” In a letter (dated Melbourne, July 27th, 1913) Professor Baldwin Spencer writes to me that the natives on the Alligator River in the Northern Territory “have detailed traditions—as also have all the tribes—of how great ancestors wandered over the country leaving numbers of spirit children behind them who have been reincarnated time after time. They know who everyone is a reincarnation of, as the names are perpetuated.”

333.

W. Baldwin Spencer, An Introduction to the Study of Certain Native Tribes of the Northern Territory (Melbourne, 1912), pp. 41-45.

334.

Walter E. Roth, North Queensland Ethnography, Bulletin No. 5, Superstition, Magic, and Medicine (Brisbane, 1903), pp. 22, § 81.

335.

Walter E. Roth, op. cit. p. 23, § 82.

336.

Walter E. Roth, op. cit. p. 23, § 83. Mr. Roth adds, very justly: “When it is remembered that as a rule in all these Northern tribes, a little girl may be given to and will live with her spouse as wife long before she reaches the stage of puberty—the relationship of which to fecundity is not recognised—the idea of conception not being necessarily due to sexual connection becomes partly intelligible.”

337.

The Bishop of North Queensland (Dr. Frodsham) in a letter to me, dated Bishop's Lodge, Townsville, Queensland, July 9th, 1909. The Bishop's authority for the statement is the Rev. C. W. Morrison, M.A., acting head of the Yarrubah Mission. In the same letter Dr. Frodsham, speaking from personal observation, refers to “the belief, practically universal among the northern tribes, that copulation is not the cause of conception.” See J. G. Frazer, “Beliefs and Customs of the Australian Aborigines,” Folk-lore, xx. (1909) pp. 350-352; Man, ix. (1909) pp. 145-147; Totemism and Exogamy, i. 577 sq.

338.

Herbert Basedow, Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia, pp. 4 sq. (separate reprint from the Transactions of the Royal Society of South Australia, vol. xxxi. 1907).

339.

A. R. Brown, “Beliefs concerning Childbirth in some Australian Tribes,” Man, xii. (1912) pp. 180 sq. Compare id., “Three Tribes of Western Australia,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xliii. (1913) p. 168.

340.

Those who desire to pursue this subject further may consult with advantage Mr. E. S. Hartland's learned treatise Primitive Paternity (London, 1909-1910), which contains an ample collection of facts and a careful discussion of them. Elsewhere I have argued that the primitive ignorance of paternity furnishes the key to the origin of totemism. See Totemism and Exogamy, i. 155 sqq., iv. 40 sqq.

341.

Jeremiah ii. 27. The ancient Greeks seem also to have had a notion that men were sprung from trees or rocks. See Homer, Od. xix. 163; F. G. Welcker, Griechische Götterlehre (Göttingen, 1857-1862), i. 777 sqq.; A. B. Cook, “Oak and Rock,” Classical Review, xv. (1901) pp. 322 sqq.

342.

The ashera and the masseba. See 1 Kings xiv. 23; 2 Kings xviii. 4, xxiii. 14; Micah v. 13 sq. (in Hebrew, 12 sq.); Deuteronomy xvi. 21 sq.; W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 187 sqq., 203 sqq.; G. F. Moore, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, svv., “Asherah” and “Massebah.” In the early religion of Crete also the two principal objects of worship seem to have been a sacred tree and a sacred pillar. See A. J. Evans, “Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxi. (1901) pp. 99 sqq.

343.

As to conical images of Semitic goddesses, see above, pp. 34 sqq. The sacred pole (asherah) appears also to have been by some people regarded as the embodiment of a goddess (Astarte), not of a god. See above, p. 18, note 2. Among the Khasis of Assam the sacred upright stones, which resemble the Semitic masseboth, are regarded as males, and the flat table-stones as female. See P. R. T. Gurdon, The Khasis (London, 1907), pp. 112 sq., 150 sqq. So in Nikunau, one of the Gilbert Islands in the South Pacific, the natives had sandstone slabs or pillars which represented gods and goddesses. “If the stone slab represented a goddess it was not placed erect, but laid down on the ground. Being a lady they thought it would be cruel to make her stand so long.” See G. Turner, LL.D., Samoa (London, 1884), p. 296.

344.

See above, pp. 91 sqq.

345.

As to the excavations at Gezer, see R. A. Stewart Macalister, Reports on the Excavation of Gezer (London, n.d.), pp. 76-89 (reprinted from the Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund); id., Bible Side-lights from the Mound of Gezer (London, 1906), pp. 57-67, 73-75. Professor Macalister now inclines to regard the socketed stone as a laver rather than as the base of the sacred pole. He supposes that the buried infants were first-born children sacrificed in accordance with the ancient law of the dedication of the first-born. The explanation which I have adopted in the text agrees better with the uninjured state of the bodies, and it is further confirmed by the result of the Austrian excavations at Tell Ta'annek (Taanach) in Palestine, which seem to prove that there children up to the age of two years were not buried in the family graves but interred separately in jars. Some of these sepulchral jars were deposited under or beside the houses, but many were grouped round a rock-hewn altar in a different part of the hill. There is nothing to indicate that any of the children were sacrificed: the size of some of the skeletons precludes the idea that they were slain at birth. Probably they all died natural deaths, and the custom of burying them in or near the house or beside an altar was intended to ensure their rebirth in the family. See Dr. E. Sellin, “Tell Ta'annek,” Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, l. (Vienna, 1904), No. iv. pp. 32-37, 96 sq. Compare W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, p. 59 n.3. I have to thank Professor R. A. Stewart Macalister for kindly directing my attention to the excavations at Tell Ta'annek (Taanach). It deserves to be mentioned that in an enclosure close to the standing stones at Gezer, there was found a bronze model of a cobra (R. A. Stewart Macalister, Bible Side-lights, p. 76). Perhaps the reptile was the deity of the shrine, or an embodiment of an ancestral spirit.

346.

The Dying God, pp. 166 sqq. See Note I., “Moloch the King,” at the end of this volume.

347.

Philo of Byblus, quoted by Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. i. 10. 29 sq.; 2 Kings iii. 27.

348.

See above, p. 15.

349.

Philo of Byblus, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. pp. 569, 570, 571. See above, p. 13.

350.

See above, p. 16.

351.

Sophocles, Trachiniae, 1191 sqq.; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, ii. 7. 7; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 38; Hyginus, Fab. 36.

352.

[S. Clementis Romani,] Recognitiones, x. 24, p. 233, ed. E. G. Gersdorf (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, i. 1434).

353.

Josephus, Antiquit. Jud. viii. 5. 3, Contra Apionem, i. 18. Whether the quadriennial festival of Hercules at Tyre (2 Maccabees iv. 18-20) was a different celebration, or only “the awakening of Melcarth,” celebrated with unusual pomp once in four years, we do not know.

354.

Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 d, e. That the death and resurrection of Melcarth were celebrated in an annual festival at Tyre has been recognised by scholars. See Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 25 sqq.; H. Hubert et M. Mauss, “Essai sur le sacrifice,” L'Année Sociologique, ii. (1899) pp. 122, 124; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques,2 pp. 308-311. Iolaus is identified by some modern scholars with Eshmun, a Phoenician and Carthaginian deity about whom little is known. See F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. (Bonn, 1841) pp. 536 sqq.; F. Baethgen, Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte (Berlin, 1888), pp. 44 sqq.; C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum (Gotha, 1896-1903), i. 268; W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, pp. 282 sqq.

355.

Zenobius, Centur. v. 56 (Paroemiographi Graeci, ed. E. L. Leutsch et F. G. Schneidewin, Göttingen, 1839-1851, vol. i. p. 143).

356.

Quails were perhaps burnt in honour of the Cilician Hercules or Sandan at Tarsus. See below, p. 126, note 2.

357.

Alfred Newton, Dictionary of Birds (London, 1893-96), p. 755.

358.

H. B. Tristram, The Fauna and Flora of Palestine (London, 1884), p. 124. For more evidence as to the migration of quails see Aug. Dillmann's commentary on Exodus xvi. 13, pp. 169 sqq. (Leipsic, 1880).

359.

The Tyrian Hercules was said to be a son of Zeus and Asteria (Eudoxus of Cnidus, quoted by Athenaeus, ix. 47, p. 392 d; Cicero, De natura deorum, iii. 16. 42). As to the transformation of Asteria into a quail see Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 4. 1; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 401; Hyginus, Fab. 53; Servius on Virgil, Aen. iii. 73. The name Asteria may be a Greek form of Astarte. See W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, p. 307.

360.

Quintus Curtius, iv. 2. 10; Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 24. 5.

361.

Strabo, iii. 5. 5, pp. 169 sq.; Mela, iii. 46; Scymnus Chius, Orbis Descriptio, 159-161 (Geographi Graeci Minores, ed. C. Müller, i. 200 sq.).

362.

Silius Italicus, iii. 14-32; Mela, iii. 46; Strabo, iii. 5. 3, 5, 7, pp. 169, 170, 172; Diodorus Siculus, v. 20. 2; Philostratus, Vita Apollonii, v. 4 sq.; Appian, Hispanica, 65. Compare Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 16. 4. That the bones of Hercules were buried at Gades is mentioned by Mela (l.c.). Compare Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, i. 36. In Italy women were not allowed to participate in sacrifices offered to Hercules (Aulus Gellius, xi. 6. 2; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 12. 28; Sextus Aurelius Victor, De origine gentis Romanae, vi. 6; Plutarch, Quaestiones Romanae, 60). Whether the priests of Melcarth at Gades were celibate, or had only to observe continence at certain seasons, does not appear. At Tyre the priest of Melcarth might be married (Justin, xviii. 4. 5). The worship of Melcarth under the name of Hercules continued to flourish in the south of Spain down to the time of the Roman Empire. See J. Toutain, Les Cultes païens dans l'Empire Romain, Première Partie, i. (Paris, 1907) pp. 400 sqq.

363.

Livy, xxi. 21. 9, 22. 5-9; Cicero, De Divinatione, i. 24. 49; Silius Italicus, iii. 1 sqq., 158 sqq.

364.

Pausanias, x. 4. 5.

365.

B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 674; G. A. Cooke, Text-Book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, p. 351.

366.

F. Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner, Numismatic Commentary on Pausanias, pp. 10-12, with pl. A; Stoll, s.v. “Melikertes,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 2634.

367.

Justin, xviii. 6. 1-7; Virgil, Aen. iv. 473 sqq., v. i. sqq.; Ovid, Fasti, iii. 545 sqq.; Timaeus, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, i. 197. Compare W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 373 sqq. The name of Dido has been plausibly derived by Gesenius, Movers, E. Meyer, and A. H. Sayce from the Semitic dôd, “beloved.” See F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 616; Meltzer, s.v. “Dido,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 1017 sq.; A. H. Sayce, Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians (London and Edinburgh, 1887), pp. 56 sqq. If they are right, the divine character of Dido becomes more probable than ever, since “the Beloved” (Dodah) seems to have been a title of a Semitic goddess, perhaps Astarte. See above, p. 20, note 2. According to Varro it was not Dido but her sister Anna who slew herself on a pyre for love of Aeneas (Servius on Virgil, Aen. iv. 682).

368.

Justin, xviii. 6. 8.

369.

Silius Italicus, i. 81 sqq.

370.

See above, pp. 16, 110 sqq.

371.

Ezekiel xxviii. 14, compare 16.

372.

Balder the Beautiful, ii. 1 sqq. But, as I have there pointed out, there are grounds for thinking that the custom of walking over fire is not a substitute for human sacrifice, but merely a stringent form of purification. On fire as a purificatory agent see below, pp. 179 sqq., 188 sq.

373.

Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. In Greece itself accused persons used to prove their innocence by walking through fire (Sophocles, Antigone, 264 sq., with Jebb's note). Possibly the fire-walk of the priestesses at Castabala was designed to test their chastity. For this purpose the priests and priestesses of the Tshi-speaking people of the Gold Coast submit to an ordeal, standing one by one in a narrow circle of fire. This “is supposed to show whether they have remained pure, and refrained from sexual intercourse, during the period of retirement, and so are worthy of inspiration by the gods. If they are pure they will receive no injury and suffer no pain from the fire” (A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast, London, 1887, p. 138). These cases favour the purificatory explanation of the fire-walk.

374.

Euripides, Iphigenia in Tauris, 621-626. Compare Diodorus Siculus, xx. 14. 6.

375.

Herodotus, vii. 167. This was the Carthaginian version of the story. According to another account, Hamilcar was killed by the Greek cavalry (Diodorus Siculus, xi. 22. 1). His worship at Carthage is mentioned by Athenagoras (Supplicatio pro Christianis, p. 64, ed. J. C. T. Otto, Jena, 1857.) I have called Hamilcar a king in accordance with the usage of Greek writers (Herodotus, vii. 165 sq.; Aristotle, Politics, ii. 11; Polybius, vi. 51; Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 54. 5). But the suffetes, or supreme magistrates, of Carthage were two in number; whether they were elected for a year or for life seems to be doubtful. Cornelius Nepos, who calls them kings, says that they were elected annually (Hannibal, vii. 4), and Livy (xxx. 7. 5) compares them to the consuls; but Cicero (De re publica, ii. 23. 42 sq.) seems to imply that they held office for life. See G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, pp. 115 sq.

376.

Lucian, Amores, 1 and 54.

377.

See above, p. 32.

378.

G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, Nos. 23 and 29, PP. 73, 83 sq., with the notes on pp. 81, 84.

379.

G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iii. 566-578. The colossal statue found at Amathus may be related, directly or indirectly, to the Egyptian god Bes, who is represented as a sturdy misshapen dwarf, wearing round his body the skin of a beast of the panther tribe, with its tail hanging down. See E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians (London, 1904), ii. 284 sqq.; A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1897), pp. 159 sqq.; A. Furtwängler, s.v. “Herakles,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 2143 sq.

380.

However, human victims were burned at Salamis in Cyprus. See below, p. 145.

381.

See above, p. 41.

382.

For traces of Phoenician influence in Cilicia see F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, ii. 2, pp. 167-174, 207 sqq. Herodotus says (vii. 91) that the Cilicians were named after Cilix, a son of the Phoenician Agenor.

383.

As to the fertility and the climate of the plain of Tarsus, which is now very malarious, see E. J. Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey (London, 1879), chaps. i.-vii. The gardens for miles round the city are very lovely, but wild and neglected, full of magnificent trees, especially fine oak, ash, orange, and lemon-trees. The vines run to the top of the highest branches, and almost every garden resounds with the song of the nightingale (E. J. Davis, op. cit. p. 35).

384.

Strabo, xiv. 5. 13, pp. 673 sq.

385.

Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxiii. vol. ii. pp. 14 sq., 17, ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857).

386.

F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, ii. 2, pp. 171 sq.; P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins (Cambridge, 1883), pl. x. Nos. 29, 30; B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 614; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia (London, 1900), pp. 167-176, pl. xxix.-xxxii.; G. Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection (Glasgow, 1899-1905), ii. 547; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 727. In later times, from about 175 b.c. onward, the Baal of Tarsus was completely assimilated to Zeus on the coins. See B. V. Head, op. cit. p. 617; G. F. Hill, op. cit. pp. 177, 181.

387.

Sir W. M. Ramsay, Luke the Physician, and other Studies in the History of Religion (London, 1908), pp. 112 sqq.

388.

E. J. Davis, “On a New Hamathite Inscription at Ibreez,” Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, iv. (1876) pp. 336-346; id., Life in Asiatic Turkey (London, 1879), pp. 245-260; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 723-729; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Prehellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1903) pp. 77-81, 85 sq., with plates iii. and iv.; L. Messerschmidt, Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum (Berlin, 1900), Tafel xxxiv.; Sir W. M. Ramsay, Luke the Physician (London, 1908), pp. 171 sqq.; John Garstang, The Land of the Hittites (London, 1910), pp. 191-195, 378 sq. Of this sculptured group Messrs. W. M. Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth say that “it yields to no rock-relief in the world in impressive character” (American Journal of Archaeology, vi. (1890) p. 347). Professor Garstang would date the sculptures in the tenth or ninth century b.c. Another inscribed Hittite monument found at Bor, near the site of the ancient Tyana, exhibits a very similar figure of a priest or king in an attitude of adoration. The resemblance extends even to the patterns embroidered on the robe and shawl, which include the well-known swastika carved on the lower border of the long robe. The figure is sculptured in high relief on a slab of stone and would seem to have been surrounded by inscriptions, though a portion of them has perished. See J. Garstang, op. cit. pp. 185-188, with plate lvi. For the route from Tarsus to Ibreez (Ivriz) see E. J. Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 198-244; J. Garstang, op. cit. pp. 44 sqq.

389.

See above, pp. 28 sq.

390.

Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. When Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia (51-50 b.c.) he encamped with his army for some days at Cybistra, from which two of his letters to Atticus are dated. But hearing that the Parthians, who had invaded Syria, were threatening Cilicia, he hurried by forced marches through the pass of the Cilician Gates to Tarsus. See Cicero, Ad Atticum, v. 18, 19, 20; Ad Familiares, xv. 2, 4.

391.

E. J. Davis, in Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, iv. (1876) pp. 336 sq., 346; id., Life in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 232 sq., 236 sq., 264 sq., 270-272. Compare W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia (London, 1842), ii. 304-307.

392.

L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites (London, 1903), pp. 49 sq. On an Assyrian cylinder, now in the British Museum, we see a warlike deity with bow and arrows standing on a lion, and wearing a similar bonnet decorated with horns and surmounted by a star or sun. See De Vogüé, Mélanges d'Archéologie Orientale (Paris, 1868), p. 46, who interprets the deity as the great Asiatic goddess. As to the horned god of Ibreez “it is a plausible theory that the horns may, in this case, be analogous to the Assyrian emblem of divinity. The sculpture is late and its style rather suggests Semitic influence” (Professor J. Garstang, in some MS. notes with which he has kindly furnished me).

393.

See below, p. 132.

394.

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 16 sq., ii. 3 sqq.

395.

The identification is accepted by E. Meyer (Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. p. 641), G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez (Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 727), and P. Jensen (Hittiter und Armenier, Strasburg, 1898, p. 145).

396.

Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1893) p. 79.

397.

G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. 360-362; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 572 sqq., 586 sq.

398.

That the cradle of the Hittites was in the interior of Asia Minor, particularly in Cappadocia, and that they spread from there south, east, and west, is the view of A. H. Sayce, W. M. Ramsay, D. G. Hogarth, W. Max Müller, F. Hommel, L. B. Paton, and L. Messerschmidt. See Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement for 1884, p. 49; A. H. Sayce, The Hittites3 (London, 1903), pp. 80 sqq.; W. Max Müller, Asien und Europa (Leipsic, 1893), pp. 319 sqq.; Ramsay and Hogarth, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, xv. (1893) p. 94; F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients (Munich, 1904), pp. 42, 48, 54; L. B. Paton, The Early History of Syria and Palestine (London, 1902), pp. 105 sqq.; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites (London, 1903), pp. 12, 13, 19, 20; D. G. Hogarth, “Recent Hittite Research,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxix. (1909) pp. 408 sqq. Compare Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1909) pp. 617 sqq.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 315 sqq. The native Hittite writing is a system of hieroglyphics which has not yet been read, but in their intercourse with foreign nations the Hittites used the Babylonian cuneiform script. Clay tablets bearing inscriptions both in the Babylonian and in the Hittite language have been found by Dr. H. Winckler at Boghaz-Keui, the great Hittite capital in Cappadocia; so that the sounds of the Hittite words, though not their meanings, are now known. According to Professor Ed. Meyer, it seems certain that the Hittite language was neither Semitic nor Indo-European. As to the inscribed tablets of Boghaz-Keui, see H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907, 1. Die Tontafelfunde,” Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 1-59; “Hittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts of Dr. Winckler by Meta E. Williams, Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, iv. (Liverpool, 1912), pp. 90-98.

399.

G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. 351, note 3, with his references; L. B. Paton, op. cit. p. 109; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites, p. 10; F. Hommel, op. cit. p. 42; W. Max Müller, Asien und Europa, p. 332. See the preceding note.

400.

A. H. Sayce, “The Hittite Inscriptions,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1893) pp. 48 sq.; P. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 42 sq.

401.

Georgius Syncellus, Chronographia, vol. i. p. 290, ed. G. Dindorf (Bonn, 1829): Ἡρακλέα τινές φασιν ἐν Φοινίκῃ γνωρίζεσθαι Σάνδαν ἐπιλεγόμενον, ὡς καὶ μεχρὶ νῦν ὑπὸ Καππαδόκων καὶ Κιλίκων. In this passage Σάνδαν is a correction of F. C. Movers's (Die Phoenizier, i. 460) for the MS. reading Δισανδάν, the ΔΙ having apparently arisen by dittography from the preceding ΑΙ; and Κιλίκων is a correction of E. Meyer's (“Über einige semitische Götter,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, xxxi. 737) for the MS. reading Ἱλίων. Compare Jerome (quoted by Movers and Meyer, ll.cc.): “Hercules cognomento Desanaus in Syria Phoenice clarus habetur. Inde ad nostram usque memoriam a Cappadocibus et Eliensibus (al. Deliis) Desanaus adhuc dicitur.” If the text of Jerome is here sound, he would seem to have had before him a Greek original which was corrupt like the text of Syncellus or of Syncellus's authority. The Cilician Hercules is called Sandes by Nonnus (Dionys., xxxiv. 183 sq.). Compare Raoul-Rochette in Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 159 sqq.

402.

Ammianus Marcellinus, xiv. 8. 3; Dio Chrysostom, Or. xxxiii. vol. ii. p. 16, ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1857). The pyre is mentioned only by Dio Chrysostom, whose words clearly imply that its erection was a custom observed periodically. On Sandan or Sandon see K. O. Müller, “Sandon und Sardanapal,” Kunstarchaeologische Werke, iii. 6 sqq.; F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 458 sqq.; Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 178 sqq.; E. Meyer, “Über einige Semitische Götter,” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, xxxi. (1877) pp. 736-740: id., Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 641 sqq. § 484.

403.

P. Gardner, Catalogue of Greek Coins, the Seleucid Kings of Syria (London, 1878), pp. 72, 78, 89, 112, pl. xxi. 6, xxiv. 3, xxviii. 8; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia (London, 1900), pp. 180, 181, 183, 190, 221, 224, 225, pl. xxxiii. 2, 3, xxxiv. 10, xxxvii. 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of some Kilikian Cities,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xviii. (1898) p. 169, pl. xiii. 1, 2. The structure represented on the coins is sometimes called not the pyre but the monument of Sandan or Sardanapalus. Certainly the cone resting on the square base reminds us of the similar structure on the coins of Byblus as well as of the conical image of Aphrodite at Paphos (see above, pp. 14, 34); but the words of Dio Chrysostom make it probable that the design on the coins of Tarsus represents the pyre. At the same time, the burning of the god may well have been sculptured on a permanent monument of stone. The legend ΟΡΤΥΓΟΘΗΡΑ, literally “quail-hunt,” which appears on some coins of Tarsus (G. F. Hill, op. cit. pp. lxxxvi. sq.), may refer to a custom of catching quails and burning them on the pyre. We have seen (above, pp. 111 sq.) that quails were apparently burnt in sacrifice at Byblus. This explanation of the legend on the coins of Tarsus was suggested by Raoul-Rochette (op. cit. pp. 201-205). However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that “the interpretation of Ὀρτυγοθήρα as anything but a personal name is rendered very unlikely by the analogy of all the other inscriptions on coins of the same class.” Doves were burnt on a pyre in honour of Adonis (below, p. 147). Similarly birds were burnt on a pyre in honour of Laphrian Artemis at Patrae (Pausanias, vii. 18. 12).

404.

Herodian, iv. 2.

405.

See Franz Cumont, “L'Aigle funéraire des Syriens et l'Apothéose des Empereurs,” Revue de l'Histoire des Religions, lxii, (1910) pp. 119-163.

406.

F. Imhoof-Blumer, Monnaies Grecques (Amsterdam, 1883), pp. 366 sq., 433, 435, with plates F. 24, 25, H. 14 (Verhandelingen der Konink. Akademie von Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, xiv.); F. Imhoof-Blumer und O. Keller, Tier- und Pflanzenbilder auf Münzen und Gemmen des klassischen Altertums (Leipsic, 1889), pp. 70 sq., with pl. xii. 7, 8, 9; F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Coin-types of some Kilikian Cities,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xviii. (1898) pp. 169-171; P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, pl. xiii. 20; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia, pp. 178, 179, 184, 186, 206, 213, with plates xxxii. 13, 14, 15, 16, xxxiv. 2, xxxvi. 9; G. Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection, ii. 548, with pl. lx. 11. The booted Sandan is figured by G. F. Hill, op. cit. pl. xxxvi. 9.

407.

Herodotus, i. 76; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Πτέριον. As to the situation of Boghaz-Keui and the ruins of Pteria see W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia (London, 1842), i. 391 sqq.; H. Barth, “Reise von Trapezunt durch die nördliche Hälfte Klein-Asiens,” Ergänzungsheft zu Petermann's Geographischen Mittheilungen, No. 2 (1860), pp. 44-52; H. F. Tozer, Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor (London, 1881), pp. 64, 71 sqq.; W. M. Ramsay, “Historical Relations of Phrygia and Cappadocia,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S., xv. (1883) p. 103; id., Historical Geography of Asia Minor (London, 1890), pp. 28 sq., 33 sq.; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 596 sqq.; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien (Berlin, 1890), pp. 71-80, with Atlas, plates xi.-xiv.; E. Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce (Paris, 1898), pp. 13 sqq.; O. Puchstein, “Die Bauten von Boghaz-Köi,” Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 62 sqq.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites (London, 1910), pp. 196 sqq.

408.

This procession of men is broken (a) by two women clad in long plaited robes like the women on the opposite wall; (b) by two winged monsters; and (c) by the figure of a priest or king as to which see below, pp. 131 sq.

409.

W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia (London, 1842), i. 393-395; H. F. Tozer, Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor, pp. 59 sq., 66-78; W. M. Ramsay, “Historical Relations of Phrygia and Asia Minor,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 623-656, 666-672; K. Humann und O. Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien, pp. 55-70, with Atlas, plates vii.-x.; E. Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, pp. 3-5, 16-26; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites, pp. 42-50; Th. Macridy-Bey, La Porte des Sphinx à Eyuk, pp. 13 sq. (Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1908, No. 3, Berlin); Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 631 sq.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites (London, 1910), pp. 196 sqq. (Boghaz-Keui) 256 sqq. (Eyuk). Compare P. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier, pp. 165 sqq. In some notes with which my colleague Professor J. Garstang has kindly furnished me he tells me that the two animals wearing Hittite hats, which appear between the great god and goddess in the outer sanctuary, are not bulls but certainly goats; and he inclines to think that the two heaps on which the priest stands in the outer sanctuary are fir-cones. Professor Ed. Meyer holds that the costume which the priestly king wears is that of the Sun-goddess, and that the corresponding figure in the procession of males on the left-hand side of the outer sanctuary does not represent the priestly king but the Sun-goddess in person. “The attributes of the King,” he says (op. cit. p. 632), “are to be explained by the circumstance that he, as the Hittite inscriptions prove, passed for an incarnation of the Sun, who with the Hittites was a female divinity; the temple of the Sun is therefore his emblem.” As to the title of “the Sun” bestowed on Hittite kings in inscriptions, see H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 32, 33, 36, 44, 45, 53. The correct form of the national name appears to be Chatti or Hatti rather than Hittites, which is the Hebrew form (חתי) of the name. Compare M. Jastrow, in Encyclopaedia Biblica, ii. coll. 2094 sqq., s.v. “Hittites.” An interesting Hittite symbol which occurs both in the sanctuary at Boghaz-Keui and at the palace of Euyuk is the double-headed eagle. In both places it serves as the support of divine or priestly personages. After being adopted as a badge by the Seljuk Sultans in the Middle Ages, it passed into Europe with the Crusaders and became in time the escutcheon of the Austrian and Russian empires. See W. J. Hamilton, op. cit. i. 383; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, op. cit. iv. 681-683, pl. viii. E; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites, p. 50.

410.

W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia, i. 394 sq.; H. Barth, in Monatsberichte der königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1859, pp. 128 sqq.; id., “Reise von Trapezunt,” Ergänzungsheft zu Petermann's Geograph. Mittheilungen, No. 2 (Gotha, 1860), pp. 45 sq.; H. F. Tozer, Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor, p. 69; E. Chantre, Mission en Cappadoce, pp. 20 sqq. According to Barth, the scene represented is the marriage of Aryenis, daughter of Alyattes, king of Lydia, to Astyages, son of Cyaxares, king of the Medes (Herodotus, i. 74). For a discussion of various interpretations which have been proposed see G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 630 sqq.

411.

This is in substance the view of Raoul-Rochette, Lajard, W. M. Ramsay, G. Perrot, C. P. Tiele, Ed. Meyer, and J. Garstang. See Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 180 note 1; W. M. Ramsay, “On the Early Historical Relations between Phrygia and Cappadocia,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 113-120; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 630 sqq.; C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 255-257; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 633 sq.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 235-237; id., The Syrian Goddess (London, 1913), pp. 5 sqq.

412.

K. Humann und O. Puchstein, Reisen in Kleinasien und Nordsyrien (Berlin, 1902), Atlas, pl. xlv. 3; Ausgrabungen zu Sendschirli, iii. (Berlin, 1902) pl. xli.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, p. 291, with plate lxxvii.; R. Koldewey, Die Hettitische Inschrift gefunden in der Königsburg von Babylon (Leipsic, 1900), plates 1 and 2 (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, Heft 1); L. Messerschmidt, Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum, pl. i. 5 and 6; id., The Hittites (London, 1903), pp. 40-42, with fig. 6 on p. 41; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques2 (Paris, 1905), p. 93. The name of the god is thought to have been Teshub or Teshup; for a god of that name is known from the Tel-el-Amarna letters to have been the chief deity of the Mitani, a people of Northern Mesopotamia akin in speech and religion to the Hittites, but ruled by an Aryan dynasty. See Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 578, 591 sq., 636 sq.; R. F. Harper, Assyrian and Babylonian Literature, pp. 222, 223 (where the god's name is spelt Tishub). The god is also mentioned repeatedly in the Hittite archives which Dr. H. Winckler found inscribed on clay tablets at Boghaz-Keui. See H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft zu Berlin, No. 35, December 1907, pp. 13 sq., 32, 34, 36, 38, 39, 43, 44, 51 sq., 53; “Hittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts of Dr. Winckler, Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, iv. (Liverpool and London, 1912) pp. 90 sqq. As to the Mitani, their language and their gods, see H. Winckler, op. cit. pp. 30 sqq., 46 sqq. In thus interpreting the Hittite god who heads the procession at Boghaz-Keui I follow my colleague Prof. J. Garstang (The Land of the Hittites, p. 237; The Syrian Goddess, pp. 5 sqq.), who has kindly furnished me with some notes on the subject. I formerly interpreted the deity as the Hittite equivalent of Tammuz, Adonis, and Attis. But against that view it may be urged that (1) the god is bearded and therefore of mature age, whereas Tammuz and his fellows were regularly conceived as youthful; (2) the thunderbolt which he seems to carry would be quite inappropriate to Tammuz, who was not a god of thunder but of vegetation; and (3) the Hittite Tammuz is appropriately represented in the procession of women immediately behind the Mother Goddess (see below, pp. 137 sq.), and it is extremely improbable that he should be represented twice over with different attributes in the same scene. These considerations seem to me conclusive against the interpretation of the bearded god as a Tammuz and decisive in favour of Professor Garstang's view of him.

413.

J. Garstang, “Notes of a Journey through Asia Minor,” Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, i. (Liverpool and London, 1908) pp. 3 sq., with plate iv.; id., The Land of the Hittites, pp. 138, 359, with plate xliv. In this sculpture the god on the bull holds in his right hand what is described as a triangular bow instead of a mace, an axe, or a hammer.

414.

A. Wiedemann, Ägyptische Geschichte (Gotha, 1884), ii. 438-440; G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. (Paris, 1897) pp. 401 sq.; W. Max Müller, Der Bündnisvortrag Ramses' II. und des Chetitirkönigs, pp. 17-19, 21 sq., 38-44 (Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft, 1902, No. 5, Berlin); L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites, pp. 14-19; J. H. Breasted, Ancient Records of Egypt (Chicago, 1906-1907), iii. 163-174; id., A History of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1908), p. 311; Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 631, 635 sqq.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 347-349. The Hittite copy of the treaty was discovered by Dr. H. Winckler at Boghaz-Keui in 1906. The identification of Arenna or Arinna is uncertain. In a forthcoming article, “The Sun God[dess] of Arenna,” to be published in the Liverpool Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, Professor J. Garstang argues that Arenna is to be identified with the Cappadocian Comana.

415.

Ed. Meyer, “Dolichenus,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 1191-1194; A. von Domaszewski, Die Religion des römischen Heeres (Treves, 1895), pp. 59 sq., with plate iiii. fig. 1 and 2; Franz Cumont, s.v. “Dolichenus,” in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, v. i. coll. 1276 sqq.; J. Toutain, Les Cultes païens dans l'Empire Romain, ii. (Paris, 1911) pp. 35-43. For examples of the inscriptions which relate to his worship see H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, vol. ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902) pp. 167-172, Nos. 4296-4324.

416.

As to the lions and mural crown of Cybele see Lucretius, ii. 600 sqq.; Catullus, lxiii. 76 sqq.; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 23. 20; Rapp, s.v. “Kybele,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1644 sqq.

417.

Lucian, De dea Syria, 31; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 23. 19. Lucian's description of her image is confirmed by coins of Hierapolis, on which the goddess is represented wearing a high head-dress and seated on a lion. See B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 654; G. Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection (Glasgow, 1899-1905), iii. 139 sq.; J. Garstang, The Syrian Goddess, pp. 21 sqq., 70, with fig. 7. That the name of the Syrian goddess of Hierapolis-Bambyce was Atargatis is mentioned by Strabo (xvi. 1. 27, p. 748). On Egyptian monuments the Semitic goddess Kadesh is represented standing on a lion. See W. Max Müller, Asien und Europa, pp. 314 sq. It is to be remembered that Hierapolis-Bambyce was the direct successor of Carchemish, the great Hittite capital on the Euphrates, and may have inherited many features of Hittite religion. See A. H. Sayce, The Hittites,3 pp. 94 sqq., 105 sqq.; and as to the Hittite monuments at Carchemish, see J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 122 sqq.

418.

Diodorus Siculus, ii. 9. 5.

419.

In thus interpreting the youth with the double axe I agree with Sir W. M. Ramsay (“On the Early Historical Relations between Phrygia and Cappadocia,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S. xv. (1883) pp. 118, 120), C. P. Tiele (Geschichte der Religion im Alterturm, i. 246, 255), and Prof. J. Garstang (The Land of the Hittites, p. 235; The Syrian Goddess, p. 8). That the youthful figure on the lioness or panther represents the lover of the great goddess is the view also of Professors Jensen and Hommel. See P. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier, pp. 173-175, 180; F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients, p. 51. Prof. Perrot holds that the youth in question is a double of the bearded god who stands at the head of the male procession, their costume being the same, though their attributes differ (G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 651). But, as I have already remarked, it is unlikely that the same god should be represented twice over with different attributes in the same scene. The resemblance between the two figures is better explained on the supposition that they are Father and Son. The same two deities, Father and Son, appear to be carved on a rock at Giaour-Kalesi, a place on the road which in antiquity may have led from Ancyra by Gordium to Pessinus. Here on the face of the rock are cut in relief two gigantic figures in the usual Hittite costume of pointed cap, short tunic, and shoes turned up at the toes. Each wears a crescent-hilted sword at his side, each is marching to the spectator's left with raised right hand; and the resemblance between them is nearly complete except that the figure in front is beardless and the figure behind is bearded. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 714 sqq., with fig. 352; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 162-164. A similar, but solitary, figure is carved in a niche of the rock at Kara-Bel, but there the deity, or the man, carries a triangular bow over his right shoulder. See below, p. 185. With regard to the lionesses or panthers, a bas-relief found at Carchemish, the capital of a Hittite kingdom on the Euphrates, shows two male figures in Hittite costume, with pointed caps and turned-up shoes, standing on a crouching lion. The foremost of the two figures is winged and carries a short curved truncheon in his right hand. According to Prof. Perrot, the two figures represent a god followed by a priest or a king. See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 549 sq.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 123 sqq. Again, on a sculptured slab found at Amrit in Phoenicia we see a god standing on a lion and holding a lion's whelp in his left hand, while in his right hand he brandishes a club or sword. See Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit. iii. 412-414. The type of a god or goddess standing or sitting on a lion occurs also in Assyrian art, from which the Phoenicians and Hittites may have borrowed it. See Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit. ii. 642-644. Much evidence as to the representation of Asiatic deities with lions has been collected by Raoul-Rochette, in his learned dissertation “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 106 sqq. Compare De Vogüé, Mélanges d'Archéologie Orientale, pp. 44 sqq.

420.

Similarly in Yam, one of the Torres Straits Islands, two brothers named Sigai and Maiau were worshipped in a shrine under the form of a hammer-headed shark and a crocodile respectively, and were represented by effigies made of turtle-shell in the likeness of these animals. But “the shrines were so sacred that no uninitiated persons might visit them, nor did they know what they contained; they were aware of Sigai and Maiau, but they did not know that the former was a hammer-headed shark and the latter a crocodile; this mystery was too sacred to be imparted to uninitiates. When the heroes were addressed it was always by their human names, and not by their animal or totem names.” See A. C. Haddon, “The Religion of the Torres Straits Islanders,” Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor (Oxford, 1907), p. 185.

421.

“There can be no doubt that there is here represented a Sacred Marriage, the meeting of two deities worshipped in different places, like the Horus of Edfu and the Hathor of Denderah” (C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 255). This view seems to differ from, though it approaches, the one suggested in the text. That the scene represents a Sacred Marriage between a great god and goddess is the opinion also of Prof. Ed. Meyer (Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 633 sq.), and Prof. J. Garstang (The Land of the Hittites, pp. 238 sq.; The Syrian Goddess, p. 7).

422.

See above, p. 133.

423.

See below, p. 285. Compare the remarks of Sir W. M. Ramsay (“Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiii. (1890) p. 78): “Similar priest-dynasts are a widespread feature of the primitive social system of Asia Minor; their existence is known with certainty or inferred with probability at the two towns Komana; at Venasa not far north of Tyana, at Olba, at Pessinous, at Aizanoi, and many other places. Now there are two characteristics which can be regarded as probable in regard to most of these priests, and as proved in regard to some of them: (1) they wore the dress and represented the person of the god, whose priests they were; (2) they were ἱερώνυμοι, losing their individual name at their succession to the office, and assuming a sacred name, often that of the god himself or some figure connected with the cultus of the god. The priest of Cybele at Pessinous was called Attis, the priests of Sabazios were Saboi, the worshippers of Bacchos Bacchoi.” As to the priestly rulers of Olba, see below, pp. 144 sqq.

424.

See above, p. 132. However, Prof. Ed. Meyer may be right in thinking that the priest-like figure in the procession is not really that of the priest but that of the god or goddess whom he personated. See above, p. 133 note.

425.

See above, pp. 36 sqq.

426.

H. Winckler, “Vorläufige Nachrichten über die Ausgrabungen in Boghaz-köi im Sommer 1907,” Mitteilungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft, No. 35, December, 1907, pp. 27 sq., 29; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 352 sq.; “Hittite Archives from Boghaz-Keui,” translated from the German transcripts of Dr. Winckler by Meta E. Williams, Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology, iv. (Liverpool and London, 1912) p. 98. We have seen (above, p. 136) that in the seals of the Hittite treaty with Egypt the Queen appears along with the King. If Dr. H. Winckler is right in thinking (op. cit. p. 29) that one of the Hittite queens was at the same time sister to her husband the King, we should have in this relationship a further proof that mother-kin regulated the descent of the kingship among the Hittites as well as among the ancient Egyptians. See above, p. 44, and below, vol. ii. pp. 213 sqq.

427.

Compare Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 629-633.

428.

The figure exhibits a few minor variations on the coins of Tarsus. See the works cited above, p. 127.

429.

Above, p. 119.

430.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 358 sqq.

431.

The Dying God, pp. 166 sqq.

432.

Athenaeus, v. 54, p. 215 b, c. The high-priest of the Syrian goddess at Hierapolis held office for a year, and wore a purple robe and a golden tiara (Lucian, De dea Syria, 42). We may conjecture that the priesthood of Hercules at Tarsus was in later times at least an annual office.

433.

E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) § 389, p. 475; H. Winckler, in E. Schrader's Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 p. 88. Kuinda was the name of a Cilician fortress a little way inland from Anchiale (Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672).

434.

E. Meyer, op. cit. i. § 393, p. 480; C. P. Tiele, Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte, p. 360. Sandon and Sandas occur repeatedly as names of Cilician men. They are probably identical with, or modified forms of, the divine name. See Strabo, xiv. 5. 14, p. 674; Plutarch, Poplicola, 17; Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, ed. August Boeckh, etc. (Berlin, 1828-1877) vol. iii. p. 200, No. 4401; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques (Brussels, 1900), p. 718, No. 878; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-histor. Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 46, 131 sq., 140 (Inscriptions 115, 218, 232).

435.

Strabo, xiv. 5. 10, p. 672. The name of the high-priest Ajax, son of Teucer, occurs on coins of Olba, dating from about the beginning of our era (B. V. Head, Historia Numorum, Oxford, 1887, p. 609); and the name of Teucer is also known from inscriptions. See below, pp. 145, 151, 159.

436.

E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 226, 263; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriften der Kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 53, 88.

437.

Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, pp. 718 sqq., No. 878. Tarkondimotos was the name of two kings of Eastern Cilicia in the first century b.c. One of them corresponded with Cicero and fell at the battle of Actium. See Cicero, Epist. ad Familiares, xv. 1. 2; Strabo, xiv. 5. 18, p. 676; Dio Cassius, xli. 63. 1, xlvii. 26. 2, l. 14. 2, li. 2. 2, li. 7. 4, liv. 9. 2; Plutarch, Antoninus, 61; B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 618; W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii. pp. 494 sq., Nos. 752, 753. Moreover, Tarkudimme or Tarkuwassimi occurs as the name of a king of Erme (?) or Urmi (?) in a bilingual Hittite and cuneiform inscription engraved on a silver seal. See W. Wright, The Empire of the Hittites2 (London, 1886), pp. 163 sqq.; L. Messerschmidt, Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum, pp. 42 sq., pl. xlii. 9; id., The Hittites, pp. 29 sq.; P. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier (Strasburg, 1898), pp. 22, 50 sq. In this inscription Prof. Jensen suggests Tarbibi- as an alternative reading for Tarku-. Compare P. Kretschmer, Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (Göttingen, 1896), pp. 362-364.

438.

Isocrates, Or. ix. 14 and 18 sq.; Pausanias, ii. 29. 2 and 4; W. E. Engel, Kypros, i. 212 sqq. As to the names Teucer and Teucrian see P. Kretschmer, op. cit. pp. 189-191. Prof. Kretschmer believes that the native population of Cyprus belonged to the non-Aryan stock of Asia Minor.

439.

W. E. Engel, Kypros, i. 216.

440.

Porphyry, De abstinentia, ii. 54 sq.; Lactantius, Divin. Inst. i. 21. As to the date when the custom was abolished, Lactantius says that it was done “recently in the reign of Hadrian.” Porphyry says that the practice was put down by Diphilus, king of Cyprus, “in the time of Seleucus the Theologian.” As nothing seems to be known as to the date of King Diphilus and Seleucus the Theologian, I have ventured to assume, on the strength of Lactantius's statement, that they were contemporaries of Hadrian. But it is curious to find kings of Cyprus reigning so late. Beside the power of the Roman governors, their authority can have been little more than nominal, like that of native rajahs in British India. Seleucus the Theologian may be, as J. A. Fabricius supposed (Bibliotheca Graeca,4 Hamburg, 1780-1809, vol. i. p. 86, compare p. 522), the Alexandrian grammarian who composed a voluminous work on the gods (Suidas, s.v. Σέλευκος). Suetonius tells an anecdote (Tiberius, 56) about a grammarian named Seleucus who flourished, and faded prematurely, at the court of Tiberius.

441.

Lucian, De dea Syria, 49.

442.

Diogenianus, Praefatio, in Paroemiographi Graeci, ed. E. L. Leutsch et F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1839-1851), i. 180. Raoul-Rochette regarded the custom as part of the ritual of the divine death and resurrection. He compared it with the burning of Melcarth at Tyre. See his memoir, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (1848), p. 32.

443.

Lucian, De dea Syria, 54.

444.

A. H. Sayce, in W. Wright's Empire of the Hittites,2 p. 186; W. M. Ramsay, “Pre-Hellenic Monuments of Cappadocia,” Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l'Archéologie Égyptiennes et Assyriennes, xiv. (1903) pp. 81 sq.; C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 251; W. Max Müller, Asien und Europa, p. 333; P. Jensen, Hittiter und Armenier, pp. 70, 150 sqq., 155 sqq.; F. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients, pp. 44, 51 sq.; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites, p. 40. Sir W. M. Ramsay thinks (l.c.) that Tark was the native name of the god who had his sanctuary at Dastarkon in Cappadocia and who was called by the Greeks the Cataonian Apollo: his sanctuary was revered all over Cappadocia (Strabo, xiv. 2. 5, p. 537). Prof. Hommel holds that Tarku or Tarchu was the chief Hittite deity, worshipped all over the south of Asia Minor. Prof. W. Max Müller is of opinion that Targh or Tarkh did not designate any particular deity, but was the general Hittite name for “god.” There are grounds for holding that the proper name of the Hittite thunder-god was Teshub or Teshup. See above, p. 135 note.

445.

J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. (1890) p. 458; id., “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. (1891) p. 222; W. M. Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia Minor (London, 1890), pp. 22, 364. Sir W. M. Ramsay had shown grounds for thinking that Olba was a Grecized form of a native name Ourba (pronounced Ourwa) before Mr. J. T. Bent discovered the site and the name.

446.

J. Theodore Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445, 450-453; id., “A Journal in Cilicia Tracheia,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 208, 210-212, 217-219; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-historische Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 49, 70; D. G. Hogarth and J. A. R. Munro, “Modern and Ancient Roads in Eastern Asia Minor,” Royal Geographical Society, Supplementary Papers, vol. iii. part 5 (London, 1893), pp. 653 sq. As to the Cilician pirates see Strabo, xiv. 5. 2, pp. 668 sq.; Plutarch, Pompeius, 24; Appian, Bellum Mithridat. 92 sq.; Dio Cassius, xxxvi. 20-24 [3-6], ed. L. Dindorf; Cicero, De imperio Cn. Pompeii, 11 sq.; Th. Mommsen, Roman History (London, 1868), iii. 68-70, iv. 40-45, 118-120. As to the crests carved on their towns see J. T. Bent, “Cilician Symbols,” Classical Review, iv. (1890) pp. 321 sq. Among these crests are a club (the badge of Olba), a bunch of grapes, the caps of the Dioscuri, the three-legged symbol, and so on. As to the cedars and ship-building timber of Cilicia in antiquity see Theophrastus, Historia Plantarum, iii. 2. 6, iv. 5. 5. The cedars and firs have now retreated to the higher slopes of the Taurus. Great destruction is wrought in the forests by the roving Yuruks with their flocks; for they light their fires under the trees, tap the firs for turpentine, bark the cedars for their huts and bee-hives, and lay bare whole tracts of country that the grass may grow for their sheep and goats. See J. T. Bent, in Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 453-458.

447.

D. G. Hogarth, A Wandering Scholar in the Levant (London, 1896), pp. 57 sq.

448.

J. Theodore Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 445 sq., 458-460; id., “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. (1890) pp. 220-222; E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Western Cilicia,” ib. pp. 262-270; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-histor. Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 83-91; W. M. Ramsay and D. G. Hogarth, in American Journal of Archaeology, vi. (1890) p. 345; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, p. 858, No. 1231. In one place (Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. 222) Bent gives the height of Olba as 3800 feet; but this is a misprint, for elsewhere (Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. 446, 458) he gives the height as exactly 5850 or roughly 6000 feet. The misprint has unfortunately been repeated by Messrs. Heberdey and Wilhelm (op. cit. p. 84 note 1). The tall tower of Olba is figured on the coins of the city. See G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia (London, 1900), pl. xxii. 8.

449.

Sir Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology12 (London, 1875), ii. 518 sqq.; Encyclopaedia Britannica, Ninth Edition, s.v. “Caves,” v. 265 sqq. Compare my notes on Pausanias, i. 35. 7, viii. 29. 1.

450.

J. T. Bent, in Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. (1890) p. 447.

451.

Fr. Beaufort, Karmania (London, 1817), pp. 240 sq.

452.

Strabo, xiv. 5. 5, pp. 670 sq.; Mela, i. 72-75, ed. G. Parthey; J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 446-448; id., “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 212-214; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-histor. Classe, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 70-79. Mr. D. G. Hogarth was so good as to furnish me with some notes embodying his recollections of the Corycian cave. All these modern writers confirm the general accuracy of the descriptions of the cave given by Strabo and Mela. Mr. Hogarth indeed speaks of exaggeration in Mela's account, but this is not admitted by Mr. A. Wilhelm. As to the ruins of the city of Corycus on the coast, distant about three miles from the cave, see Fr. Beaufort, Karmania (London, 1817), pp. 232-238; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. cit. pp. 67-70.

453.

The suggestion is Mr. A. B. Cook's. See his article, “The European Sky-god,” Classical Review, xvii. (1903) p. 418, note 2.

454.

J. T. Bent, in Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. (1890) p. 448; id., in Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 214-216. For the inscription containing the names of the priests see R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. cit. pp. 71-79; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, pp. 718 sqq., No. 878; above, p. 145.

455.

Mela, i. 76, ed. G. Parthey (Berlin, 1867). The cave of Typhon is described by J. T. Bent, ll.cc.

456.

Aeschylus, Prometheus Vinctus, 351-372.

457.

Pindar, Pyth. i. 30 sqq., who speaks of the giant as “bred in the many-named Cilician cave.”

458.

Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 6. 3.

459.

Pausanias, viii. 29. 1, with my notes. Pausanias mentions (viii. 32. 5) bones of superhuman size which were preserved at Megalopolis, and which popular superstition identified as the bones of the giant Hopladamus.

460.

Pausanias, viii. 29. 1.

461.

A. Holm, Geschichte Siciliens im Alterthum (Leipsic, 1870-1874), i. 57, 356.

462.

(Sir) Edward B. Tylor, Researches into the Early History of Mankind3 (London, 1878), p. 322, who adduces much more evidence of the same sort.

463.

J. T. Bent, “Explorations in Cilicia Tracheia,” Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S. xii. (1890) pp. 448 sq.; id., “A Journey in Cilicia Tracheia,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xii. (1891) pp. 208-210; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriften der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 51-61.

464.

See above, pp. 26 sq.

465.

B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 616. [However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me: “The attribution to Tarsus of the 'Atheh coins is unfounded. Head himself only gives it as doubtful. I should think they belong further East.” In the uncertainty which prevails on this point I have left the text unchanged. Note to Second Edition.]

466.

The name 'Athar-'atheh occurs in a Palmyrene inscription. See G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, No. 112, pp. 267-270. In analysing Atargatis into 'Athar-'atheh ('Atar-'ata) I follow E. Meyer (Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 605, 650 sq.), F. Baethgen (Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, pp. 68-75), Fr. Cumont (s.v. “Atargatis,” Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ii. 1896), G. A. Cooke (l.c.), C. P. Tiele (Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 245), F. Hommel (Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients, pp. 43 sq.), Father Lagrange (Études sur les Religions Sémitiques,2 p. 130), and L. B. Paton (s.v. “Atargatis,” J. Hastings's Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, ii. 164 sq.). In the great temple at Hierapolis-Bambyce a mysterious golden image stood between the images of Atargatis and her male partner. It resembled neither of them, yet combined the attributes of other gods. Some interpreted it as Dionysus, others as Deucalion, and others as Semiramis; for a golden dove, traditionally associated with Semiramis, was perched on the head of the figure. The Syrians called the image by a name which Lucian translates “sign” (σημήιον). See Lucian, De dea Syria, 33. It has been plausibly conjectured by F. Baethgen that the name which Lucian translates “sign” was really 'Atheh (עתה), which could easily be confused with the Syriac word for “sign” (אהא). See F. Baethgen, op. cit. p. 73. A coin of Hierapolis, dating from the third century a.d., exhibits the images of the god and goddess seated on bulls and lions respectively, with the mysterious object between them enclosed in a shrine, which is surmounted by a bird, probably a dove. See J. Garstang, The Syrian Goddess (London, 1913), pp. 22 sqq., 70 sq., with fig. 7. The modern writers cited at the beginning of this note have interpreted the Syrian 'Atheh as a male god, the lover of Atargatis, and identical in name and character with the Phrygian Attis. They may be right; but none of them seems to have noticed that the same name 'Atheh (עתה) is applied to a goddess at Tarsus.

467.

As to the image, see above, p. 137.

468.

Lucian, De dea Syria, 31.

469.

Macrobius, Saturn, i. 23. 12 and 17-19. The Greek name of Baalbec was Heliopolis, “the City of the Sun.”

470.

G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, pp. 163, 164. The statue bears a long inscription, which in the style of its writing belongs to the archaic type represented by the Moabite Stone. The contents of the inscription show that it is earlier than the time of Tiglath-Pileser III. (745-727 b.c.). On Hadad, the Syrian thunder-god, see F. Baethgen, Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, pp. 66-68; C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 248 sq.; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques,2 pp. 92 sq. That Hadad was the consort of Atargatis at Hierapolis-Bambyce is the opinion of P. Jensen (Hittiter und Armenier, p. 171), who also indicates his character as a god both of thunder and of fertility (ib., p. 167). The view of Prof. J. Garstang is similar (The Syrian Goddess, pp. 25 sqq.). That the name of the chief male god of Hierapolis-Bambyce was Hadad is rendered almost certain by coins of the city which were struck in the time of Alexander the Great by a priestly king Abd-Hadad, whose name means “Servant of Hadad.” See B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 654; J. Garstang, The Syrian Goddess, p. 27, with fig. 5.

471.

H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 pp. 442-449; M. Jastrow, Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens (Giessen, 1905-1912), i. 146-150, with Bildermappe, plate 32, fig. 97. The Assyrian relief is also figured in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, s.v. “Marduk,” ii. 2350. The Babylonian ramâmu “to scream, roar” has its equivalent in the Hebrew ra'am (רעם) “to thunder.” The two names Adad (Hadad) and Ramman occur together in the form Hadadrimmon in Zechariah, xii. 11 (with S. R. Driver's note, Century Bible).

472.

See above, pp. 121, 123.

473.

See above, p. 130. However, the animal seems to be rather a goat. See above, p. 133 note.

474.

See above, p. 132.

475.

G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia, pp. 181, 182, 185, 188, 190, 228.

476.

E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 246 sq.; F. Baethgen, Beiträge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, pp. 76 sqq. The idolatrous Hebrews spread tables for Gad, that is, for Fortune (Isaiah lxv. 11, Revised Version).

477.

Macrobius, Saturn. iii. 8. 2; Servius on Virgil, Aen. ii. 632.

478.

Ephippus, cited by Athenaeus, xii. 53, p. 537.

479.

F. Baethgen, op. cit. p. 77; G. A. Cooke, Text-book of North-Semitic Inscriptions, p. 269.

480.

See above, p. 151.

481.

Strabo, xiv. 5. 16, p. 675.

482.

B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), pp. 605 sq.; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia, pp. cxvii. sqq., 95-98, plates xv. xvi. xl. 9; G. Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection, ii. 536 sq., pl. lix. 11-14. The male and female figures appear on separate coins. The attribution to Mallus of the coins with the female figure and conical stone has been questioned by Messrs. J. P. Six and G. F. Hill. I follow the view of Messrs. F. Imhoof-Blumer and B. V. Head. [However, Mr. G. F. Hill writes to me that the attribution of these coins to Mallus is no longer maintained by any one. Imhoof-Blumer himself now conjecturally assigns them to Aphrodisias in Cilicia, and Mr. Hill regards this conjecture as very plausible. See F. Imhoof-Blumer, Kleinasiatische Münzen (Vienna, 1901-1902), ii. 435 sq. In the uncertainty which still prevails on the subject I have left the text unchanged. For my purpose it matters little whether this Cilician goddess was worshipped at Mallus or at Aphrodisias. Note to Second Edition.]

483.

See above, pp. 34 sq.

484.

Philo of Byblus, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 569. El is figured with three pairs of wings on coins of Byblus. See G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, ii. 174; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques,2 p. 72.

485.

Imhoof-Blumer, s.v. “Kronos,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1572; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia, pp. cxxii. 99, pl. xvii. 2.

486.

G. F. Hill, op. cit. pp. cxxi. sq., 98, pl. xvii. 1.

487.

Another native Cilician deity who masqueraded in Greek dress was probably the Olybrian Zeus of Anazarba or Anazarbus, but of his true nature and worship we know nothing. See W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (Leipsic, 1903-1905), ii. p. 267, No. 577; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Ἄδανα (where the MS. reading Ολυμβρος was wrongly changed by Salmasius into Ὄλυμπος).

488.

Strabo, xiv. 5. 19, p. 676. The expression of Strabo leaves it doubtful whether the ministers of the goddess were men or women. There was a headland called Sarpedon near the mouth of the Calycadnus River in Western Cilicia (Strabo, xiii. 4. 6, p. 627, xiv. 5. 4, p. 670), where Sarpedon or Sarpedonian Apollo had a temple and an oracle. The temple was hewn in the rock, and contained an image of the god. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-histor. Classe, xliv. (Vienna, 1896) No. vi. pp. 100, 107. Probably this Sarpedonian Apollo was a native deity akin to Sarpedonian Artemis.

489.

E. J. Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 128-134; J. T. Bent, “Recent Discoveries in Eastern Cilicia,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xi. (1890) pp. 234 sq.; E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Eastern Cilicia,” ibid. pp. 243 sqq.; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. cit. pp. 25 sqq. The site of Hieropolis-Castabala was first identified by J. T. Bent by means of inscriptions. As to the coins of the city, see Fr. Imhoof-Blumer, “Zur Münzkunde Kilikiens,” Zeitschrift für Numismatik, x. (1883) pp. 267-290; G. F. Hill, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia, pp. c.-cii. 82-84, pl. xiv. 1-6; G. Macdonald, Catalogue of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection, ii. 534 sq.

490.

On the difference between Hieropolis and Hierapolis see (Sir) W. M. Ramsay, Historical Geography of Asia Minor, pp. 84 sq. According to him, the cities designated by such names grew up gradually round a sanctuary; where Greek influence prevailed the city in time eclipsed the sanctuary and became known as Hierapolis, or the Sacred City, but where the native element retained its predominance the city continued to be known as Hieropolis, or the City of the Sanctuary.

491.

E. L. Hicks, “Inscriptions from Eastern Cilicia,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xi. (1890) pp. 251-253; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. cit. p. 26. These writers differ somewhat in their reading and restoration of the verses, which are engraved on a limestone basis among the ruins. I follow the version of Messrs. Heberdey and Wilhelm.

492.

J. T. Bent and E. L. Hicks, op. cit. pp. 235, 246 sq.; R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, op. cit. p. 27.

493.

Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537. See above, p. 115. The Cilician Castabala, the situation of which is identified by inscriptions, is not mentioned by Strabo. It is very unlikely that, with his intimate knowledge of Asia Minor, he should have erred so far as to place the city in Cappadocia, to the north of the Taurus mountains, instead of in Cilicia, to the south of them. It is more probable that there were two cities of the same name, and that Strabo has omitted to mention one of them. Similarly, there were two cities called Comana, one in Cappadocia and one in Pontus; at both places the same goddess was worshipped with similar rites. See Strabo, xii. 2. 3, p. 535, xii. 3. 32, p. 557. The situation of the various Castabalas mentioned by ancient writers is discussed by F. Imhoof-Blumer, “Zur Münzkunde Kilikiens,” Zeitschrift für Numismatik, x. (1883) pp. 285-288.

494.

See The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 37 sq.

495.

Jamblichus, De mysteriis, iii. 4.

496.

Another Cilician goddess was Athena of Magarsus, to whom Alexander the Great sacrificed before the battle of Issus. See Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 5. 9; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Μάγαρσος; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 444. The name of the city seems to be Oriental, perhaps derived from the Semitic word for “cave” (מגרה). As to the importance of caves in Semitic religion, see W. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 197 sqq. The site of Magarsus appears to be at Karatash, a hill rising from the sea at the southern extremity of the Cilician plain, about forty-five miles due south of Adana. The walls of the city, built of great limestone blocks, are standing to a height of several courses, and an inscription which mentions the priests of Magarsian Athena has been found on the spot. See R. Heberdey und A. Wilhelm, “Reisen in Kilikien,” Denkschriften der kaiser. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosoph.-histor. Classe, xliv. (1896) No. vi. pp. 6-10.

497.

E. T. Atkinson, The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) pp. 826 sq.

498.

The Rev. G. E. White (Missionary at Marsovan, in the ancient Pontus), in a letter to me dated 19 Southmoor Road, Oxford, February 11, 1907.

499.

Strabo, xiv. 5. 9, pp. 671 sq.; Arrian, Anabasis, ii. 5; Athenaeus, xii. 39, p. 530 a, b. Compare Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Ἀγχιάλη; Georgius Syncellus, Chronographia, vol. i. p. 312, ed. G. Dindorf (Bonn, 1829). The site of Anchiale has not yet been discovered. At Tarsus itself the ruins of a vast quadrangular structure have sometimes been identified with the monument of Sardanapalus. See E. J. Davis, Life in Asiatic Turkey, pp. 37-39; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 536 sqq. But Mr. D. G. Hogarth tells me that the ruins in question seem to be the concrete foundations of a Roman temple. The mistake had already been pointed out by Mr. R. Koldewey. See his article, “Das sogenannte Grab des Sardanapal zu Tarsus,” Aus der Anomia (Berlin, 1890), pp. 178-185.

500.

See G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 542 sq. They think that the figure probably represented the king in a common attitude of adoration, his right arm raised and his thumb resting on his forefinger.

501.

L. Messerschmidt, Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum, pp. 17-19, plates xxi.-xxv.; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 492, 494 sq., 528-530, 547; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 107-122.

502.

Prof. W. Max Müller is of opinion that the Hittite civilization and the Hittite system of writing were developed in Cilicia rather than in Cappadocia (Asien und Europa, p. 350).

503.

According to Berosus and Abydenus it was not Sardanapalus (Ashurbanipal) but Sennacherib who built or rebuilt Tarsus after the fashion of Babylon, causing the river Cydnus to flow through the midst of the city. See Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, ii. 504, iv. 282; C. P. Tiele, Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte, pp. 297 sq.

504.

Diodorus Siculus, ii. 27; Athenaeus, xii. 38, p. 529; Justin, i. 3.

505.

G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, iii. 422 sq. For the inscriptions referring to him and a full discussion of them, see C. F. Lehmann (-Haupt), Šamaš-šumukîn, König von Babylonien, 668-648 v. Chr. (Leipsic, 1892).

506.

Abydenus, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iv. 282; Georgius Syncellus, Chronographia, i. p. 396, ed. G. Dindorf; E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) pp. 576 sq.; G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, iii. 482-485. C. P. Tiele thought that the story of the death of Saracus might be a popular but mistaken duplicate of the death of Shamash-shumukin (Babylonisch-assyrische Geschichte, pp. 410 sq.). Zimri, king of Israel, also burned himself in his palace to escape falling into the hands of his enemies (1 Kings xvi. 18).

507.

Herodotus, i. 86 sq.

508.

Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), p. 274.

509.

J. Darmesteter, The Zend-Avesta, vol. i. (Oxford, 1880) pp. lxxxvi., lxxxviii-xc. (Sacred Books of the East, vol. iv.).

510.

Zend-Avesta, Vendîdâd, Fargard, v. 7. 39-44 (Sacred Books of the East, iv. 60 sq.).

511.

Zend-Avesta, translated by J. Darmesteter, i. pp. xc. 9, 110 sq. (Sacred Books of the East, iv.).

512.

Strabo, xv. 3. 14, p. 732. Even gold, on account of its resemblance to fire, might not be brought near a corpse (id. xv. 3. 18, p. 734).

513.

Sardes fell in the autumn of 546 b.c. (E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884), p. 604). Bacchylides was probably born between 512 and 505 b.c. See R. C. Jebb, Bacchylides, the Poems and Fragments (Cambridge, 1905), pp. 1 sq.

514.

Bacchylides, iii. 24-62.

515.

F. G. Welcker, Alte Denkmäler (Göttingen, 1849-1864), iii. pl. xxxiii.; A. Baumeister, Denkmäler des klassischen Altertums (Munich and Leipsic, 1885-1888), ii. 796, fig. 860; A. H. Smith, “Illustrations to Bacchylides,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xviii. (1898) pp. 267-269; G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, iii. 618 sq. It is true that Cambyses caused the dead body of the Egyptian king Amasis to be dragged from the tomb, mangled, and burned; but the deed is expressly branded by the ancient historian as an outrage on Persian religion (Herodotus, iii. 16).

516.

Raoul-Rochette, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 277 sq.; M. Duncker, Geschichte des Alterthums, iv.5 330-332; E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) p. 604; G. Maspero, Histoire Ancienne des Peuples de l'Orient Classique, iii. 618.

517.

Herodotus, i. 7.

518.

See above, pp. 115 sq., 173 sq.

519.

Hyginus, Fab. 243; Pliny, viii. 155.

520.

See W. Robertson Smith, “Ctesias and the Semiramis Legend,” English Historical Review, ii. (1887) pp. 303-317. But the legend of Semiramis appears to have gathered round the person of a real Assyrian queen, by name Shammuramat, who lived towards the end of the ninth century b.c. and is known to us from historical inscriptions. See C. F. Lehmann-Haupt, Die historische Semiramis und ihre Zeit (Tübingen, 1910), pp. 1 sqq.; id., s.v. “Semiramis,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iv. 678 sqq.; The Scapegoat, pp. 369 sqq.

521.

See above, p. 114.

522.

In ancient Greece we seem to have a reminiscence of widow-burning in the legend that when the corpse of Capaneus was being consumed on the pyre, his wife Evadne threw herself into the flames and perished. See Euripides, Supplices, 980 sqq.; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 7. 1; Zenobius, Cent. i. 30; Ovid, Tristia, v. 14. 38.

523.

Isaiah xxx. 33. The Revised Version has “a Topheth” instead of “Tophet.” But Hebrew does not possess an indefinite article (the few passages of the Bible in which the Aramaic חת is so used are no exception to the rule), and there is no evidence that Tophet (Topheth) was ever employed in a general sense. The passage of Isaiah has been rightly interpreted by W. Robertson Smith in the sense indicated in the text, though he denies that it contains any reference to the sacrifice of the children. See his Lectures on the Religion of the Semites,2 pp. 372 sq. He observes (p. 372, note 3): “Saul's body was burned (1 Sam. xxxi. 12), possibly to save it from the risk of exhumation by the Philistines, but perhaps rather with a religious intention, and almost as an act of worship, since his bones were buried under the sacred tamarisk at Jabesh.” In 1 Chronicles x. 12 the tree under which the bones of Saul were buried is not a tamarisk but a terebinth or an oak.

524.

2 Chronicles xvi. 14, xxi. 19; Jeremiah xxxiv. 5. There is no ground for assuming, as the Authorized version does in Jeremiah xxxiv. 5, that only spices were burned on these occasions; indeed the burning of spices is not mentioned at all in any of the three passages. The “sweet odours and divers kinds of spices prepared by the apothecaries' art,” which were laid in the dead king's bed (2 Chronicles xvi. 14), were probably used to embalm him, not to be burned at his funeral. For though “great burnings” were regularly made for the dead kings of Judah, there is no evidence (apart from the doubtful case of Saul) that their bodies were cremated. They are regularly said to have been buried, not burnt. The passage of Isaiah seems to show that what was burned at a royal funeral was a great, but empty, pyre. That the burnings for the kings formed part of a heathen custom was rightly perceived by Renan (Histoire du peuple d'Israel, iii. 121, note).

525.

Josephus, Bell. Jud. v. 4. 1. See Encyclopaedia Biblica, s.v. “Jerusalem,” vol. ii. 2423 sq.

526.

As to the Moloch worship, see Note I. at the end of the volume. I have to thank the Rev. Professor R. H. Kennett for indicating to me the inference which may be drawn from the identification of the Valley of Hinnom with the Tyropoeon.

527.

W. M. Thomson, The Land and the Book, Central Palestine and Phoenicia (London, 1883), pp. 575-579; Ed. Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine3 (London, 1867), ii. 430. sq.; K. Baedeker, Palestine and Syria4 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 255.

528.

Herodotus, v. 92. 7.

529.

C. Bock, Temples and Elephants (London, 1884), pp. 73-76.

530.

This view was maintained long ago by Raoul-Rochette in regard to the deaths both of Sardanapalus and of Croesus. He supposed that “the Assyrian monarch, reduced to the last extremity, wished, by the mode of death which he chose, to give to his sacrifice the form of an apotheosis and to identify himself with the national god of his country by allowing himself to be consumed, like him, on a pyre.... Thus mythology and history would be combined in a legend in which the god and the monarch would finally be confused. There is nothing in this which is not conformable to the ideas and habits of Asiatic civilization.” See his memoir, “Sur l'Hercule Assyrien et Phénicien,” Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, xvii. Deuxième Partie (Paris, 1848), pp. 247 sq., 271 sqq. The notion of regeneration by fire was fully recognized by Raoul-Rochette (op. cit. pp. 30 sq.). It deserves to be noted that Croesus burned on a huge pyre the great and costly offerings which he dedicated to Apollo at Delphi. He thought, says Herodotus (i. 50), that in this way the god would get possession of the offerings.

531.

As to Isis see Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 16. As to Demeter see Homer, Hymn to Demeter, 231-262; Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 5. 1; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 547-560. As to Thetis see Apollonius Rhodius, Argon, iv. 865-879; Apollodorus, Bibl. iii. 13. 6. Most of these writers express clearly the thought that the fire consumed the mortal element, leaving the immortal. Thus Plutarch says, περικαίειν τὰ θνητὰ τοῦ σώματος. Apollodorus says (i. 5. 1), εἰς πῦρ κατετίθει τὸ βρέφος καὶ περιῄρει τὰς θνητὰς σάρκας αὐτοῦ, and again (iii. 13. 6), εἰς τὸ πῦρ ἐγκρυβοῦσα τῆς νυκτὸς ἔφθειρεν ὂ ἦν αὐτῷ θνητὸν πατρῷον. Apollonius Rhodius says, ἡ μὲν γὰρ βροτέας αἰεὶ περὶ σάρκας ἔδαιεν νύκτα διὰ μέσσην φλογμῷ πυρός. And Ovid has, “Inque foco pueri corpus vivente favilla Obruit, humanum purget ut ignis onus.” On the custom of passing children over a fire as a purification, see my note, “The Youth of Achilles,” Classical Review, vii. (1893) pp. 293 sq. On the purificatory virtue which the Greeks ascribed to fire see also Erwin Rohde, Psyche3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903), ii. 101, note 2. The Warramunga of Central Australia have a tradition of a great man who “used to burn children in the fire so as to make them grow strong” (B. Spencer and F. J. Gillen, The Northern Tribes of Central Australia, London, 1904, p. 429).

532.

She is said to have thus restored the youth of her husband Jason, her father-in-law Aeson, the nurses of Dionysus, and all their husbands (Euripides, Medea, Argum.; Scholiast on Aristophanes, Knights, 1321; compare Plautus, Pseudolus, 879 sqq.); and she applied the same process with success to an old ram (Apollodorus, Bibl. i. 9. 27; Pausanias, viii. 11. 2; Hyginus, Fab. 24).

533.

Pindar, Olymp. i. 40 sqq., with the Scholiast; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 152.

534.

Jamblichus, De mysteriis, v. 12.

535.

Lucian, De morte Peregrini, 27 sq.

536.

Diogenes Laertius, viii. 2. 69 sq.

537.

Lucian, De morte Peregrini, 25; Strabo, xv. 1. 64 and 68, pp. 715, 717; Arrian, Anabasis, vii. 3.

538.

The Dying God, pp. 42 sqq.

539.

Herodotus, i. 7.

540.

Joannes Lydus, De magistratibus, iii. 64.

541.

See above, p. 144, note 2.

542.

Plutarch, Quaestiones Graecae, 45. Zeus Labrandeus was worshipped at the village of Labraunda, situated in a pass over the mountains, near Mylasa in Caria. The temple was ancient. A road called the Sacred Way led downhill for ten miles to Mylasa, a city of white marble temples and colonnades which stood in a fertile plain at the foot of a precipitous mountain, where the marble was quarried. Processions bearing the holy emblems went to and fro along the Sacred Way from Mylasa to Labraunda. See Strabo, xiv. 2. 23, pp. 658 sq. The double-headed axe figures on the ruins and coins of Mylasa (Ch. Fellows, An Account of Discoveries in Lycia, London, 1841, p. 75; B. V. Head, Historia Numorum, Oxford, 1887, pp. 528 sq.). A horseman carrying a double-headed axe is a type which occurs on the coins of many towns in Lydia and Phrygia. At Thyatira this axe-bearing hero was called Tyrimnus, and games were held in his honour. He was identified with Apollo and the sun. See B. V. Head, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia (London, 1901), p. cxxviii. On a coin of Mostene in Lydia the double-headed axe is represented between a bunch of grapes and ears of corn, as if it were an emblem of fertility (B. V. Head, op. cit. p. 162, pl. xvii. 11).

543.

L. Preller, Griechische Mythologie, i.4 (Berlin, 1894) pp. 141 sq. As to the Hittite thunder-god and his axe see above, pp. 134 sqq.

544.

Nicolaus Damascenus, in Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 382 sq.

545.

Ibid. iii. 381.

546.

Herodotus, i. 84.

547.

Eusebius, Chronic. i. 69, ed. A. Schoene (Berlin, 1866-1875).

548.

Herodotus, i. 50. At Thebes there was a stone lion which was said to have been dedicated by Hercules (Pausanias, ix. 17. 2).

549.

B. V. Head, Historia Numorum (Oxford, 1887), p. 553; id., Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia (London, 1901), pp. xcviii, 239, 240, 241, 244, 247, 253, 254, 264, with plates xxiv. 9-11, 13, XXV. 2, 12, xxvii. 8.

550.

See above, p. 143.

551.

Herodotus, ii. 106; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, iv. 742-752; L. Messerschmidt, Corpus Inscriptionum Hettiticarum, pp. 33-37, with plates xxxvii., xxxviii.; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 170-173, with plate liv.

552.

Pausanias, iii. 24. 2, v. 13. 7 with my note; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, op. cit. iv. 752-759; L. Messerschmidt, op. cit. pp. 37 sq., pl. xxxix. 1; J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 167-170, with plate liii. Unlike most Hittite sculptures the figure of Mother Plastene is carved almost in the round. The inscriptions which accompany both these Lydian monuments are much defaced.

553.

The suggestion that the Heraclid kings of Lydia were Hittites, or under Hittite influence, is not novel. See W. Wright, Empire of the Hittites, p. 59; E. Meyer, Geschichte des Alterthums, i. (Stuttgart, 1884) p. 307, § 257; Fr. Hommel, Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des alten Orients, p. 54, note 2; L. Messerschmidt, The Hittites, p. 22.

554.

See above, pp. 110 sqq.

555.

Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Roman. i. 27. 1.

556.

Nonnus, Dionys. xxv. 451-551; Pliny, Nat. Hist. xxv. 14. The story, as we learn from Pliny, was told by Xanthus, an early historian of Lydia.

557.

Thus Glaucus, son of Minos, was restored to life by the seer Polyidus, who learned the trick from a serpent. See Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 3. 1. For references to other tales of the same sort see my note on Pausanias, ii. 10. 3 (vol. iii. pp. 65 sq.). The serpent's acquaintance with the tree of life in the garden of Eden perhaps belongs to the same cycle of stories.

558.

B. V. Head, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia, pp. cxi-cxiii, with pl. xxvii. 12. On the coins the champion's name appears as Masnes or Masanes, but the reading is doubtful. The name Masnes occurred in Xanthus's history of Lydia (Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iv. 629). It is probably the same with Manes, the name of a son of Zeus and Earth, who is said to have been the first king of Lydia (Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Ant. Rom. i. 27. 1). Manes was the father of King Atys (Herodotus, i. 94). Thus Tylon was connected with the royal family of Lydia through his champion as well as in the ways mentioned in the text.

559.

Dionysius Halicarnasensis, l.c.

560.

See above, p. 183.

561.

B. V. Head, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia, p. cxiii.

562.

B. V. Head, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia, pp. cx, cxiii. The festival seems to be mentioned only on coins.

563.

See above, p. 154.

564.

V. Hehn, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere7 (Berlin, 1902), p. 261. He would derive the name from the Semitic, or at all events the Cilician language. The Hebrew word for saffron is karkôm. As to the spring flowers of North-Western Asia Minor, W. M. Leake remarks (April 1, 1800) that “primroses, violets, and crocuses, are the only flowers to be seen” (Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, London, 1824, p. 143). Near Mylasa in Caria, Fellows saw (March 20, 1840) the broom covered with yellow blossoms and a great variety of anemones, like “a rich Turkey carpet, in which the green grass did not form a prominent colour amidst the crimson, lilac, blue, scarlet, white, and yellow flowers” (Ch. Fellows, An Account of Discoveries in Lycia, London, 1841, pp. 65, 66). In February the yellow stars of Gagea arvensis cover the rocky and grassy grounds of Lycia, and the field-marigold often meets the eye. At the same season in Lycia the shrub Colutea arborescens opens its yellow flowers. See T. A. B. Spratt and E. Forbes, Travels in Lycia (London, 1847), ii. 133. I must leave it to others to identify the Golden Flower of Sardes.

565.

Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 538. Mount Argaeus still retains its ancient name in slightly altered forms (Ardjeh, Erdjich, Erjäus). Its height is about 13,000 feet. In the nineteenth century it was ascended by at least two English travellers, W. J. Hamilton and H. F. Tozer. See W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia, ii. 269-281; H. F. Tozer, Turkish Armenia and Eastern Asia Minor, pp. 94, 113-131; Élisée Reclus, Nouvelle Géographie Universelle (Paris, 1879-1894), ix. 476-478. A Hittite inscription is carved at a place called Tope Nefezi, near Asarjik, on the slope of Mount Argaeus. See J. Garstang, The Land of the Hittites, pp. 152 sq.

566.

H. F. Tozer, op. cit. pp. 125-127.

567.

Strabo, xv. 3. 14 sq., pp. 732 sq. A bundle of twigs, called the Barsom (Beresma in the Avesta), is still used by the Parsee priests in chanting their liturgy. See M. Haug, Essays on the Sacred Language, Writings and Religion of the Parsis3 (London, 1884), pp. 4, note 1, 283. When a potter in Southern India is making a pot which is to be worshipped as a household deity, he “should close his mouth with a bandage, so that his breath may not defile the pot.” See E. Thurston, Castes and Tribes of Southern India (Madras, 1909), iv. 151.

568.

Baron Charles Hügel, Travels in Kashmir and the Panjab (London, 1845), pp. 42-46; W. Crooke, Things Indian (London, 1906), p. 219.

569.

Jonas Hanway, An Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea: with the Author's Journal of Travels, Second Edition (London, 1754), i. 263. For later descriptions of the fires and fire-worshippers of Baku, see J. Reinegg, Beschreibung des Kaukasus (Gotha, Hildesheim, and St. Petersburg, 1796-1797), i. 151-159; A. von Haxthausen, Transkaukasia (Leipsic, 1856), ii. 80-85. Compare W. Crooke, Things Indian, p. 219.

570.

Strabo, xii. 8. 18 sq., p. 579; xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. The wine of the district is mentioned by Vitruvius (viii. 3. 12) and Pliny (Nat. Hist. xiv. 75).