Book 2 — Footnotes (continued 3)

571.

W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia, i. 136-140, ii. 131-138. One of the three recent cones described by Strabo is now called the Kara Devlit, or Black Inkstand. Its top is about 2500 feet above the sea, but only 500 feet above the surrounding plain. The adjoining town of Koula, built of the black lava on which it stands, has a sombre and dismal look. Another of the cones, almost equally high, has a crater of about half a mile in circumference and three or four hundred feet deep.

572.

Strabo, xiii. 4. 11, p. 628. Compare his account of the Catanian vineyards (vi. 2. 3, p. 269).

573.

Strabo, xii. 8. 16-18, pp. 578 sq.; xiii. 4. 10 sq., p. 628.

574.

Strabo, xii. 8. 18, p. 579. Compare Tacitus, Annals, xii. 58.

575.

Strabo, i. 3. 16, p. 57. Compare Plutarch, De Pythiae oraculis, 11; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 202; Justin, xxx. 4. The event seems to have happened in 197 b.c. Several other islands are known to have appeared in the same bay both in ancient and modern times. So far as antiquity is concerned, the dates of their appearance are given by Pliny, but some confusion on the subject has crept into his mind, or rather, perhaps, into his text. See the discussion of the subject in W. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (London, 1873), ii. 1158-1160. As to the eruptions in the bay of Santorin, the last of which occurred in 1866 and produced a new island, see Sir Charles Lyell, Principles of Geology12 (London, 1875), i. 51, ii. 65 sqq.; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland (Breslau, 1885), pp. 272 sqq. There is a monograph on Santorin and its eruptions (F. Fouqué, Santorin et ses éruptions, Paris, 1879). Strabo has given a brief but striking account of Rhodes, its architecture, its art-treasures, and its constitution (xiv. 2. 5, pp. 652 sq.). As to the Rhodian schools of art see H. Brunn, Geschichte der griechischen Künstler (Stuttgart, 1857-1859), i. 459 sqq., ii. 233 sqq., 286 sq.

576.

Aristophanes, Acharn. 682; Pausanias, iii. 11. 9, vii. 21. 7; Plutarch, Theseus, 36; Aristides, Isthmic. vol. i. p. 29, ed. G. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1829); Appian, Bell. Civ. v. 98; Macrobius, Saturn. i. 17. 22; G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum2 (Leipsic, 1898-1901), ii. p. 230, No. 543.

577.

Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 22.

578.

Xenophon, Hellenica, iv. 7. 4. As to the Spartan headquarters staff (οἱ περὶ δαμοσίαν), see id. iv. 5. 8, vi. 4. 14; Xenophon, Respublica Lacedaem. xiii. 1, xv. 4. Usually the Spartans desisted from any enterprise they had in hand when an earthquake happened (Thucydides, iii. 59. 1, v. 50. 5, vi. 95. 1).

579.

Thucydides, v. 70. 1. The use of the music, Thucydides tells us, was not to inspire the men, but to enable them to keep step, and so to march in close order. Without music a long line of battle was apt to straggle in advancing to the charge. As missiles were little used in Greek warfare, there was no need to hurry the advance over the intervening ground; so it was made deliberately and with the bands playing. The air to which the Spartans charged was called Castor's tune. It was the king in person who gave the word for the flutes to strike up. See Plutarch, Lycurgus, 22.

580.

Xenophon, Respublica Lacedaem. xi. 3; Aristophanes, Lysistrata, 1140; Aristotle, cited by a scholiast on Aristophanes, Acharn. 320; Plutarch, Instituta Laconica, 24. When a great earthquake had destroyed the city of Sparta and the Messenians were in revolt, the Spartans sent a messenger to Athens asking for help. Aristophanes (Lysistrata, 1138 sqq.) describes the man as if he had seen him, sitting as a suppliant on the altar with his pale face and his red coat.

581.

I have assumed that the sun shone on the Spartans at Thermopylae. For the battle was fought in the height of summer, when the Greek sky is generally cloudless, and on that particular morning the weather was very still. The evening before, the Persians had sent round a body of troops by a difficult pass to take the Spartans in the rear; day was breaking when they neared the summit, and the first intimation of their approach which reached the ears of the Phocian guards posted on the mountain was the loud crackling of leaves under their feet in the oak forest. Moreover, the famous Spartan saying about fighting in the shade of the Persian arrows, which obscured the sun, points to bright, hot weather. It was at high noon, and therefore probably in the full blaze of the mid-day sun, that the last march-out took place. See Herodotus, vii. 215-226; and as to the date of the battle (about the time of the Olympic games) see Herodotus, vii. 206, viii. 12 and 26; G. Busolt, Griechische Geschichte, ii.2 (Gotha, 1895) p. 673, note 9.

582.

S. Müller, Reizen en Onderzoekingen in den Indischen Archipel (Amsterdam, 1857), ii. 264 sq. Compare A. Bastian, Indonesien (Berlin, 1884-1889), ii. 3. The beliefs and customs of the East Indian peoples in regard to earthquakes have been described by G. A. Wilken, Het animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel, Tweede Stuk (Leyden, 1885), pp. 247-254; id., Verspreide Geschriften (The Hague, 1912), iii. 274-281. Compare id., Handleiding voor de vergelijkende Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië (Leyden, 1893), pp. 604 sq.; and on primitive conceptions of earthquakes in general, E. B. Tylor, Primitive Culture2 (London, 1873), i. 364-366; R. Lasch, “Die Ursache und Bedeutung der Erdbeben im Volksglauben und Volksbrauch,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, v. (1902) pp. 236-257, 369-383.

583.

Epiphanius, Adversus Haereses, ii. 2. 23 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xlii. 68).

584.

H. N. van der Tuuk, “Notes on the Kawi Language and Literature,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, N.S. xiii. (1881) p. 50.

585.

J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua (The Hague, 1886), p. 398; compare id. pp. 330, 428.

586.

G. Bamler, “Tami,” in R. Neuhauss's Deutsch Neu-Guinea, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 492.

587.

Mrs. Leslie Milne, Shans at Home (London, 1910), p. 54.

588.

De St. Cricq, “Voyage du Pérou au Brésil par les fleuves Ucayali et Amazone, Indiens Conibos,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), ive Série, vi. (1853) p. 292.

589.

Miss Alice Werner, The Natives of British Central Africa (London, 1906), p. 56.

590.

Mgr. Lechaptois, Aux Rives du Tanganika (Algiers, 1913), p. 217.

591.

Rev. J. Roscoe, The Baganda (London, 1911), pp. 313 sq.

592.

W. Ködding, “Die batakschen Götter und ihr Verhältniss zum Brahmanismus,” Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift, xii. (1885) p. 405.

593.

G. A. Wilken, “Het Animisme bij de volken van den Indischen Archipel,” Verspreide Geschriften, ii. 279; H. N. van der Tuuk, op. cit. pp. 49 sq.

594.

J. G. F. Riedel, “De Topantunuasu of oorspronkelijke Volkstammen van Central Selebes,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, xxxv. (1886) p. 95.

595.

John Williams, Narrative of Missionary Enterprises in the South Sea Islands (London, 1838), p. 379.

596.

G. Turner, Samoa (London, 1884), p. 211; Ch. Wilkes, Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition, New Edition (New York, 1851), ii. 131.

597.

A. Schadenburg, “Die Bewohner von Süd-Mindanao und der Insel Samal,” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xvii. (1885) p. 32.

598.

W. Mariner, Account of the Natives of the Tonga Islands, Second Edition (London, 1818), ii. 112 sq.

599.

Sangermano, Description of the Burmese Empire (Rangoon, 1885), p. 130.

600.

P. A. Kleintitschen, Die Küstenbewohner der Gazellehalbinsel (Hiltrup bei Münster, n.d.), p. 336.

601.

A. Pinart, “Les Indiens de l'État de Panama,” Revue d'Ethnographie, vi. (1887) p. 119.

602.

E. J. Payne, History of the New World called America, i. (Oxford, 1892) p. 469.

603.

A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast (London, 1887), pp. 35 sq.

604.

J. Jackson, in J. E. Erskine's Journal of a Cruise among the Islands of the Western Pacific (London, 1853), p. 473. My friend, the late Mr. Lorimer Fison, wrote to me (December 15, 1906) that the name of the Fijian earthquake god is Maui, not A Dage, as Jackson says. Mr. Fison adds, “I have seen Fijians stamping and smiting the ground and yelling at the top of their voices in order to rouse him.”

605.

J. T. Nieuwenhuisen en H. C. B. von Rosenberg, “Verslag omtrent het eiland Nias,” Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen, xxx. (Batavia, 1863) p. 118; Th. C. Rappard, “Het eiland Nias en zijne bewoners,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, lxii. (1909) p. 582. In Soerakarta, a district of Java, when an earthquake takes place the people lie flat on their stomachs on the ground, and lick it with their tongues so long as the earthquake lasts. This they do in order that they may not lose their teeth prematurely. See J. W. Winter, “Beknopte Beschrijving van het hof Soerokarta in 1824,” Bijdragen tot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, liv. (1902) p. 85. The connexion of ideas in this custom is not clear.

606.

On this question see C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland (Breslau, 1885), pp. 332-336. As to the frequency of earthquakes in Achaia and Asia Minor see Seneca, Epist. xiv. 3. 9; and as to Achaia in particular see C. Neumann und J. Partsch, op. cit. pp. 324-326. On the coast of Achaia there was a chain of sanctuaries of Poseidon (L. Preller, Griechische Mythologie, i.4 575).

607.

See Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles of Geology,12 ii. 147 sqq.; J. Milne, Earthquakes (London, 1886), pp. 165 sqq.

608.

See, for example, Thucydides, iii. 89.

609.

Strabo, viii. 7. 1 sq., pp. 384 sq.; Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49; Aelian, Nat. Anim. xi. 19; Pausanias, vii. 24. 5 sq. and 12, vii. 25. 1 and 4.

610.

Diodorus Siculus, xv. 49. 4 sq. Among the most famous seats of the worship of Poseidon in Peloponnese were Taenarum in Laconia, Helice in Achaia, Mantinea in Arcadia, and the island of Calauria, off the coast of Troezen. See Pausanias, ii. 33. 2, iii. 25. 4-8, vii. 24. 5 sq., viii. 10. 2-4. Laconia as well as Achaia has suffered much from earthquakes, and it contained many sanctuaries of Poseidon. We may suppose that the deity was worshipped here chiefly as the earthquake god, since the rugged coasts of Laconia are ill adapted to maritime enterprise, and the Lacedaemonians were never a seafaring folk. See C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland, pp. 330 sq., 335 sq. For Laconian sanctuaries of Poseidon see Pausanias, iii. 11. 9, iii. 12. 5, iii. 14. 2 and 7, iii. 15. 10, iii. 20. 2, iii. 21. 5, iii. 25. 4.

611.

Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles of Geology,12 i. 391 sqq., 590.

612.

“Extract from a Letter of Mr. Alexander Loudon,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, ii. (1832) pp. 60-62; Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles of Geology,12 i. 590.

613.

Sir Ch. Lyell, l.c.

614.

Lucretius, vi. 738 sqq.

615.

Strabo, v. 4. 5, p. 244, xii. 8. 17, p. 579, xiii. 4. 14, p. 629, xiv. 1. 11 and 44, pp. 636, 649; Cicero, De divinatione, i. 36. 79; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 208. Compare [Aristotle,] De mundo, 4, p. 395 B, ed. Bekker.

616.

Servius on Virgil, Aen. vii. 84, who says that some people looked on Mefitis as a god, the male partner of Leucothoë, to whom he stood as Adonis to Venus or as Virbius to Diana. As to Mefitis see L. Preller, Römische Mythologie3 (Berlin, 1881-1883), ii. 144 sq.; R. Peter, s.v. “Mefitis” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 2519 sqq.

617.

Virgil, Aen. vii. 563-571, with the commentary of Servius; Cicero, De divinatione, i. 36. 79; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 208.

618.

Letter of Mr. Hamilton (British Envoy at the Court of Naples), in Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, ii. (1832) pp. 62-65; W. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, i. 127; H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde (Berlin, 1883-1902), i. 242, 271, ii. 819 sq. Another place in Italy infested by poisonous exhalations is the grotto called dei cani at Naples. It is described by Addison in his “Remarks on Several Parts of Italy” (Works, London, 1811, vol. ii. pp. 89-91).

619.

Strabo, xiv. 1. 11, p. 636.

620.

Strabo, xiv. 1. 44, pp. 649 sq. A coin of Nysa shows the bull carried to the sacrifice by six naked youths and preceded by a naked flute-player. See B. V. Head, Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Lydia, pp. lxxxiii. 181, pl. xx. 10. Strabo was familiar with this neighbourhood, for he tells us (xiv. 1. 48, p. 650) that in his youth he studied at Nysa under the philosopher Aristodemus.

621.

Some of the ancients assigned Hierapolis to Lydia, and others to Phrygia (W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. (Oxford, 1895) pp. 84 sq.

622.

Strabo, xiii. 4. 14, pp. 629 sq.; Dio Cassius, lxviii. 27. 3; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 208; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 6. 18.

623.

Ammianus Marcellinus (l.c.) speaks as if the cave no longer existed in his time.

624.

Strabo, xiii. 4. 14, pp. 629, 630; Vitruvius, viii. 3. 10. For modern descriptions of Hierapolis see R. Chandler, Travels in Asia Minor2 (London, 1776), pp. 228-235; Ch. Fellows, Journal written during an Excursion in Asia Minor (London, 1839), pp. 283-285; W. J. Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, Pontus, and Armenia, i. 517-521; E. Renan, Saint Paul, pp. 357 sq.; E. J. Davis, Anatolica (London, 1874), pp. 97-112; É. Reclus, Nouvelle Géographie Universelle, ix. 510-512; W. Cochran, Pen and Pencil Sketches in Asia Minor (London, 1887), pp. 387-390; W. M. Ramsay, Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. 84 sqq. The temperature of the hot pool varies from 85 to 90 degrees Fahrenheit. The volcanic district of Tuscany which skirts the Apennines abounds in hot calcareous springs which have produced phenomena like those of Hierapolis. Indeed the whole ground is in some places coated over with tufa and travertine, which have been deposited by the water, and, like the ground at Hierapolis, it sounds hollow under the foot. See Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles of Geology,12 i. 397 sqq. As to the terraces of Rotomahana in New Zealand, which were destroyed by an eruption of Mount Taravera in 1886, see R. Taylor, Te Ika A Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants2 (London, 1870), pp. 464-469.

625.

Athenaeus, xii. 6. p. 512.

626.

Aristophanes, Clouds, 1044-1054.

627.

Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds, 1050; Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. xii. 25; Suidas and Hesychius, s.v. Ἡράκλεια λουτρά; Apostolius, viii. 66; Zenobius, vi. 49; Diogenianus, v. 7; Plutarch, Proverbia Alexandrinorum, 21; Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 1, v. 3. 4. Another story was that Hercules, like Moses, produced the water by smiting the rock with his club (Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 4).

628.

Apostolius, viii. 68; Zenobius, vi. 49; Diogenianus, v. 7; Plutarch, Proverbia Alexandrinorum, 21.

629.

Lucian, Dialogi Deorum, 13.

630.

Strabo, ix. 4. 13, p. 428.

631.

Herodotus, vii. 176; Pausanias, iv. 35. 9; Philostratus, Vit. Sophist. ii. 1. 9.

632.

Scholiast on Aristophanes, Clouds, 1050.

633.

I have described Thermopylae as I saw it in November 1895. Compare W. M. Leake, Travels in Northern Greece (London, 1835), ii. 33 sqq.; E. Dodwell, Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece (London, 1819), ii. 66 sqq.; K. G. Fiedler, Reise durch alle Theile des Königreichs Griechenland (Leipsic, 1840-1841), i. 207 sqq.; L. Ross, Wanderungen in Griechenland (Halle, 1851), i. 90 sqq.; C. Bursian, Geographie von Griechenland (Leipsic, 1862-1872), i. 92 sqq.

634.

Thucydides, iii. 87 and 89; Strabo, i. 3. 20, pp. 60 sq.; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland, pp. 321-323.

635.

Aristotle, Meteora, ii. 8, p. 366 a, ed. Bekker; Strabo, ix. 4. 2, p. 425. Aristotle expressly recognized the connexion of the springs with earthquakes, which he tells us were very common in this district. As to the earthquakes of Euboea see also Thucydides, iii. 87, 89; Strabo, i. 3. 16 and 20, pp. 58, 60 sq.

636.

Plutarch, Sulla, 26.

637.

Plutarch, Quaest. Conviviales, iv. 4. 1; id., De fraterno Amore, 17.

638.

As to the hot springs of Aedepsus (the modern Lipso) see K. G. Fiedler, Reise durch alle Theile des Königreichs Griechenland, i. 487-492; H. N. Ulrichs, Reisen und Forschungen in Griechenland (Bremen, 1840—Berlin, 1863), ii. 233-235; C. Bursian, Geographie von Griechenland, ii. 409; C. Neumann und J. Partsch, Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland, pp. 342-344.

639.

Strabo, i. 3. 20, p. 60.

640.

Athenaeus, iii. 4, p. 73 e, d.

641.

The hot springs of Himera (the modern Termini) were said to have been produced for the refreshment of the weary Hercules. See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 1, v. 3. 4; Scholiast on Pindar, Olymp. xii. 25. The hero is said to have taught the Syracusans to sacrifice a bull annually to Persephone at the Blue Spring (Cyane) near Syracuse; the beasts were drowned in the water of the pool. See Diodorus Siculus, iv. 23. 4, v. 4. 1 sq. As to the spring, which is now thickly surrounded by tall papyrus-plants introduced by the Arabs, see K. Baedeker, Southern Italy7 (Leipsic, 1880), pp. 356, 357.

642.

The splendid baths of Allifae in Samnium, of which there are considerable remains, were sacred to Hercules. See G. Wilmanns, Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1873), vol. i. p. 227, No. 735 c; H. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, ii. 798. It is characteristic of the volcanic nature of the springs that the same inscription which mentions these baths of Hercules records their destruction by an earthquake.

643.

H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, vol. ii. Pars i. (Berlin, 1902) p. 113, No. 3891.

644.

Speaking of thermal springs Lyell observes that the description of them “might almost with equal propriety have been given under the head of ‘igneous causes,’ as they are agents of a mixed nature, being at once igneous and aqueous” (Principles of Geology,12 i. 392).

645.

See above, p. 194.

646.

S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion To-day (Chicago, New York, and Toronto, 1902), pp. 116 sq.; Mrs. H. H. Spoer, “The Powers of Evil in Jerusalem,” Folk-lore, xviii. (1907) p. 55. See above, p. 78.

647.

Josephus, Antiquit. Jud. xvii. 6. 5. The medical properties of the spring are mentioned by Pliny (Nat. Hist. v. 72).

648.

C. L. Irby and J. Mangles, Travels in Egypt and Nubia, Syria and the Holy Land (London, 1844), pp. 144 sq.; W. Smith, Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography (London, 1873), i. 482, s.v. “Callirrhoë”; K. Baedeker, Syria and Palestine4 (Leipsic, 1906), p. 148; H. B. Tristram, The Land of Moab (London, 1873), pp. 233-250, 285 sqq.; Jacob E. Spafford, “Around the Dead Sea by Motor Boat,” The Geographical Journal, xxxix. (1912) pp. 39 sq. The river formed by the springs is now called the Zerka.

649.

Antonin Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab (Paris, 1908), pp. 359 sq. The Arabs think that the evil spirits let the hot water out of hell, lest its healing properties should assuage the pains of the damned. See H. B. Tristram, The Land of Moab (London, 1873), p. 247.

650.

W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, Second Edition (London, 1832-1836), iv. 235 sqq. Mr. Ellis was the first European to visit and describe the tremendous volcano. His visit was paid in the year 1823. Compare The Encyclopaedia Britannica,9 xi. 531.

651.

W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 246 sq.

652.

W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 248-250.

653.

W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 207, 234-236. The berries resemble currants in shape and size and grow on low bushes. “The branches small and clear, leaves alternate, obtuse with a point, and serrated; the flower was monopetalous, and, on being examined, determined the plant to belong to the class decandria and order monogynia. The native name of the plant is ohelo” (W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 234).

654.

W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 263.

655.

W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 350.

656.

W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 309-311.

657.

W. Ellis, op. cit. iv. 361.

658.

Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, Historia General y Natural de las Indias (Madrid, 1851-1855), iv. 74.

659.

A. C. Kruijt, Het Animisme in den Indischen Archipel (The Hague, 1906), pp. 497 sq.

660.

W. B. d'Almeida, Life in Java (London, 1864), i. 166-173.

661.

J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, “Die Tĕnggĕresen, ein alter Javanischer Volksstamm,” Bijdragentot de Taal- Land- en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indië, liii. (1901) pp. 84, 144-147.

662.

J. H. F. Kohlbrugge, op. cit. pp. 100 sq.

663.

I. A. Stigand, “The Volcano of Smeroe, Java,” The Geographical Journal, xxviii. (1906) pp. 621, 624.

664.

Pausanias, iii. 23. 9. Some have thought that Pausanias confused the crater of Etna with the Lago di Naftia, a pool near Palagonia in the interior of Sicily, of which the water, impregnated with naphtha and sulphur, is thrown into violent ebullition by jets of volcanic gas. See [Aristotle,] Mirab. Auscult. 57; Macrobius, Saturn. v. 19. 26 sqq.; Diodorus Siculus, xi. 89; Stephanus Byzantius, s.v. Παλική; E. H. Bunbury, s.v. “Palicorum Iacus,” in W. Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography, ii. 533 sq. The author of the ancient Latin poem Aetna says (vv. 340 sq.) that people offered incense to the celestial deities on the top of Etna.

665.

See above, pp. 190 sq.

666.

On Mount Chimaera in Lycia a flame burned perpetually which neither earth nor water could extinguish. See Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 236, v. 100; Servius on Virgil, Aen. vi. 288; Seneca, Epist. x. 3. 3; Diodorus, quoted by Photius, Bibliotheca, p. 212 b, 10 sqq., ed. Im. Bekker (Berlin, 1824). This perpetual flame was rediscovered by Captain Beaufort near Porto Genovese on the coast of Lycia. It issues from the side of a hill of crumbly serpentine rock, giving out an intense heat, but no smoke. “Trees, brushwood, and weeds grow close round this little crater, a small stream trickles down the hill hard bye, and the ground does not appear to feel the effect of its heat at more than a few feet distance.” The fire is not accompanied by earthquakes or noises; it ejects no stones and emits no noxious vapours. There is nothing but a brilliant and perpetual flame, at which the shepherds often cook their food. See Fr. Beaufort, Karmania (London, 1817), p. 46; compare T. A. B. Spratt and E. Forbes, Travels in Lycia (London, 1847), ii. 181 sq.

667.

In the foregoing discussion I have confined myself, so far as concerns Asia, to the volcanic regions of Cappadocia, Lydia, and Caria. But Syria and Palestine, the home of Adonis and Melcarth, “abound in volcanic appearances, and very extensive areas have been shaken, at different periods, with great destruction of cities and loss of lives. Continual mention is made in history of the ravages committed by earthquakes in Sidon, Tyre, Berytus, Laodicea, and Antioch, and in the island of Cyprus. The country around the Dead Sea exhibits in some spots layers of sulphur and bitumen, forming a superficial deposit, supposed by Mr. Tristram to be of volcanic origin” (Sir Ch. Lyell, Principles of Geology,12 i. 592 sq.). As to the earthquakes of Syria and Phoenicia see Strabo, i. 3. 16, p. 58; Lucretius, vi. 585; Josephus, Antiquit. Jud. xv. 5. 2; id., Bell. Jud. i. 19. 3; W. M. Thomson, The Land and the Book, Central Palestine and Phoenicia, pp. 568-574; Ed. Robinson, Biblical Researches in Palestine,3 ii. 422-424; S. R. Driver, on Amos iv. 11 (Cambridge Bible for Schools and Colleges). It is said that in the reign of the Emperor Justin the city of Antioch was totally destroyed by a dreadful earthquake, in which three hundred thousand people perished (Procopius, De Bello Persico, ii. 14). The destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah (Genesis xix. 24-28) has been plausibly explained as the effect of an earthquake liberating large quantities of petroleum and inflammable gases. See H. B. Tristram, The Land of Israel, Fourth Edition (London, 1882), pp. 350-354; S. R. Driver, The Book of Genesis4 (London, 1905), pp. 202 sq.

668.

Plutarch, Alcibiades, 18; id., Nicias, 13; Zenobius, Centur. i. 49; Theocritus, xv. 132 sqq.; Eustathius on Homer, Od. xi. 590.

669.

Besides Lucian (cited below) see Origen, Selecta in Ezechielem (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xiii. 800), δοκοῦσι γὰρ κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτὸν τελετάς τινας ποιεῖν πρῶτον μὲν ὅτι θρηνοῦσιν αὐτὸν [scil. Ἄδωνιν] ὡς τεθνηκότα, δεύτερον δὲ ὅτι χαίρουσιν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ ὡς ἀπὸ νεκρῶν ἀναστάντι. Jerome, Commentar. in Ezechielem, viii. 13, 14 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, xxv. 82, 83): “Quem nos Adonidem interpretati sumus, et Hebraeus et Syrus sermo Thamuz (תמוז) vocat: unde quia juxta gentilem fabulam, in mense Junis amasius Veneris et pulcherrimus juvenis occisus, et deinceps revixisse narratur, eundem Junium mensem eodem appellant nomine, et anniversariam ei celebrant solemnitatem, in qua plangitur a mulieribus quasi mortuus, et postea reviviscens canitur atque laudatur ... interfectionem et resurrectionem Adonidis planctu et gaudio prosequens.” Cyril of Alexandria, In Isaiam, lib. ii. tomus iii. (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxx. 441), ἐπλάττοντο τοίνυν Ἔλληνες ἑορτὴν ἐπὶ τούτῳ τοιαύτην. Προσεποιοῦντο μὲν γὰρ λυπουμένῃ τῇ Ἀφροδίτῃ, διὰ τὸ τεθνάναι τὸν Ἄδωνιν, συνολοφύρεσθαι καὶ θρηνεῖν; ἀνελθούσης δὲ ἐξ ᾅδου, καὶ μὴν καὶ ηὐρῆσθαι λεγούσης τὸν ζητούμενον, συνήδεσθαι καὶ ἀνασκιρτᾶν; καὶ μεχρὶ τῶν καθ᾽ ἡμᾶς καιρῶν ἐν τοῖς κατ᾽ Ἀλεξάνδρειαν ἱεροῖς ἐτελεῖτο τὸ παίγνιον τοῦτο. From this testimony of Cyril we learn that the festival of the death and resurrection of Adonis was celebrated at Alexandria down to his time, that is, down to the fourth or even the fifth century, long after the official establishment of Christianity.

670.

Theocritus, xv.

671.

W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte (Berlin, 1877), p. 277.

672.

Lucian, De dea Syria, 6. See above, p. 38. The flutes used by the Phoenicians in the lament for Adonis are mentioned by Athenaeus (iv. 76, p. 174 f), and by Pollux (iv. 76), who say that the same name gingras was applied by the Phoenicians both to the flute and to Adonis himself. Compare F. C. Movers, Die Phoenizier, i. 243 sq. We have seen that flutes were also played in the Babylonian rites of Tammuz (above, p. 9). Lucian's words, ἐς τὸν ἠέρα πέμπουσι, imply that the ascension of the god was supposed to take place in the presence, if not before the eyes, of the worshipping crowds. The devotion of Byblus to Adonis is noticed also by Strabo (xvi. 2. 18, p. 755).

673.

Lucian, De dea Syria, 8. The discoloration of the river and the sea was observed by H. Maundrell on 17/27 March 1696/1697. See his Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem, at Easter, a.d. 1697, Fourth Edition (Perth, 1800), pp. 59 sq.; id., in Bohn's Early Travels in Palestine, edited by Thomas Wright (London, 1848), pp. 411 sq. Renan remarked the discoloration at the beginning of February (Mission de Phénicie, p. 283). In his well-known lines on the subject Milton has laid the mourning in summer:— “Thammuz came next behind, Whose annual wound in Lebanon allur'd The Syrian damsels to lament his fate In amorous ditties all a summer's day.”

674.

Ovid, Metam. x. 735; Servius on Virgil, Aen. v. 72; J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 831. Bion, on the other hand, represents the anemone as sprung from the tears of Aphrodite (Idyl. i. 66).

675.

W. Robertson Smith, “Ctesias and the Semiramis Legend,” English Historical Review, ii. (1887) p. 307, following Lagarde. Compare W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, pp. 88 sq.

676.

J. Tzetzes, Schol. on Lycophron, 831; Geoponica, xi. 17; Mythographi Graeci, ed. A. Westermann, p. 359. Compare Bion, Idyl. i. 66; Pausanias, vi. 24. 7; Philostratus, Epist. i. and iii.

677.

Plutarch, Alcibiades, 18; id., Nicias, 13. The date of the sailing of the fleet is given by Thucydides (vi. 30, θέρους μεσοῦντος ἤδη), who, with his habitual contempt for the superstition of his countrymen, disdains to notice the coincidence. Adonis was also bewailed by the Argive women (Pausanias, ii. 20. 6), but we do not know at what season of the year the lamentation took place. Inscriptions prove that processions in honour of Adonis were held in the Piraeus, and that a society of his worshippers existed at Loryma in Caria. See G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 Nos. 726, 741 (vol. ii. pp. 564, 604).

678.

Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 9. 15.

679.

The Dying God, pp. 261-266.

680.

In the Alexandrian ceremony, however, it appears to have been the image of Adonis only which was thrown into the sea.

681.

Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 14. 4; Scholiast on Theocritus, i. 109; Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. 34; J. Tzetzes, Scholia on Lycophron, 829; Ovid, Metamorph. x. 489 sqq.; Servius on Virgil, Aen. v. 72, and on Bucol. x. 18; Hyginus, Fab. 58, 164; Fulgentius, iii. 8. The word Myrrha or Smyrna is borrowed from the Phoenician (Liddell and Scott, Greek Lexicon, s.v. σμύρνα). Hence the mother's name, as well as the son's, was taken directly from the Semites.

682.

W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 383, note 2.

683.

Above, p. 9.

684.

Jeremiah xliv. 17-19.

685.

Scholiast on Theocritus, iii. 48; Hyginus, Astronom. ii. 7; Lucian, Dialog. deor. xi. 1; Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 28, p. 54, ed. C. Lang (Leipsic, 1881); Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, iii. 14. 4.

686.

The arguments which tell against the solar interpretation of Adonis are stated more fully by the learned and candid scholar Graf Baudissin (Adonis und Esmun, pp. 169 sqq.), who himself formerly accepted the solar theory but afterwards rightly rejected it in favour of the view “dass Adonis die Frühlingsvegetation darstellt, die im Sommer abstirbt” (op. cit. p. 169).

687.

Bailly, Lettres sur l'Origine des Sciences (London and Paris, 1777), pp. 255 sq.; id., Lettres sur l'Atlantide de Platon (London and Paris, 1779), pp. 114-125. Carlyle has described how through the sleety drizzle of a dreary November day poor innocent Bailly was dragged to the scaffold amid the howls and curses of the Parisian mob (French Revolution, bk. v. ch. 2). My friend the late Professor C. Bendall showed me a book by a Hindoo gentleman in which it is seriously maintained that the primitive home of the Aryans was within the Arctic regions. See Bâl Gangâdhar Tilak, The Arctic Home in the Vedas (Poona and Bombay, 1903).

688.

Cornutus, Theologiae Graecae Compendium, 28, pp. 54 sq., ed. C. Lang (Leipsic, 1881), τοιοῦτον γάρ τι καὶ παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίοις ὁ ζητούμενος καὶ ἀνευρισκόμενος ὑπὸ τῆς Ἴσιδος Ὄσιρις ἐμφαίνει καὶ παρὰ Φοίνιξιν ὁ ἀνὰ μέρος παρ᾽ ἔξ μῆνας ὑπὲρ γῆν τε καὶ ὑπὸ γῆν γινόμενος Ἄδωνις, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀδεῖν τοῖς ἀνθρώποις οὔτως ὠνομασμένου τοῦ Δημητριακοῦ καρποῦ. τοῦτον δὲ πλήξας κάπρος ἀνελεῖν λέγεται διὰ τὸ τὰς ὗς δοκεῖν ληιβότειρας εἶναι ἢ τὸν τῆς ὕνεως ὀδόντα αἰνιττομένων αὐτῶν, ὑφ᾽ οὖ κατὰ γῆς κρύπτεται τὸ σπέρμα. Scholiast on Theocritus, iii. 48, ὁ Ἄδωνις, ἤγουν ὁ σῖτος ὁ σπειρόμενος, ἔξ μῆνας ἐν τῇ γῇ ποιεῖ ἀπο τῆς σπορᾶς καὶ ἔξ μῆνας ἔχει αὐτὸν ἡ Ἀφροδίτη, τουτέστιν ἡ εὐκρασία τοῦ ἀέρος. καὶ ἐκτότε λαμβάνουσιν αὐτὸν οἱ ἄνθρωποι. Origen, Selecta in Ezechielem (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, xiii. 800), οἱ δὲ περὶ τὴν ἀναγωγὴν τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν μύθων δεινοὶ καὶ μυθικῆς νομιζομένης θεολογίας, φασί τὸν Ἄδωνιν σύμβολον εἶναι τῶν τῆς γῆς καρπῶν, θρηνουμένων μὲν ὅτε σπείρονται, ἀνισταμένων δέ, καὶ διὰ τοῦτο χαίρειν ποιούντων τοὺς γεωργοὺς ὅτε φύονται. Jerome, Commentar. in Ezechielem, viii. 13, 14 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, xxv. 83), “Eadem gentilitas hujuscemodi fabulas poetarum, quae habent turpitudinem, interpretatur subtiliter, interfectionem et resurrectionem Adonidis planctu et gaudio prosequens: quorum alterum in seminibus, quae moriuntur in terra, alterum in segetibus, quibus mortua semina renascuntur, ostendi putat.” Ammianus Marcellinus, xix. 1. 11, “in sollemnibus Adonidis sacris, quod simulacrum aliquod esse frugum adultarum religiones mysticae docent.” Id. xxii. 9. 15, “amato Veneris, ut fabulae fingunt, apri dente ferali deleto, quod in adulto flore sectarum est indicium frugum.” Clement of Alexandria, Hom. 6. 11 (quoted by W. Mannhardt, Antique Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 281), λαμβάνουσι δὲ καὶ Ἄδωνιν εἰς ὡραίους καρπούς. Etymologieum Magnum s.v. Ἄδωνις κύριον; δύναται καὶ ὁ καρπὸς εἶναι ἄδωνις; οἶον ἀδώνειος καρπός, ἀρέσκων. Eusebius, Praepar. Evang. iii. II. 9, Ἄδωνις τῆς τῶν τελείων καρπῶν ἐκτομῆς σύμβολον. Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” iv. Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 32, οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι ... αὐτὰ τὰ σώματα θεοὺς νομίσαντες ... Ἴσιν μὲν τὴν γῆν ... Ἄδωνιν δὲ καρπούς. Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 4, τῷ Ἀδώνιδι, τουτέστι τῷ Μαΐῳ ... ἢ ὡς ἄλλοις, δοκεῖ, Ἄδωνις μέν ἐστιν ὁ καρπός, κτλ. The view that Tammuz or Adonis is a personification of the dying and reviving vegetation is now accepted by many scholars. See P. Jensen, Kosmologie der Babylonier (Strasburg, 1890), p. 480; id., Assyrisch-babylonische Mythen und Epen, pp. 411, 560; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 p. 397; A. Jeremias, s.v. “Nergal,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, iii. 265; R. Wünsch, Das Frühlingsfest der Insel Malta (Leipsic, 1902), p. 21; M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques,2 pp. 306 sqq.; W. W. Graf Baudissin, “Tammuz,” Realencyclopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirchengeschichte; id., Esmun und Adonis, pp. 81, 141, 169, etc.; and Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums,2 i. 2. pp. 394, 427. Prof. Jastrow regards Tammuz as a god both of the sun and of vegetation (Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 547, 564, 574, 588). But such a combination of disparate qualities seems artificial and unlikely.

689.

D. Chwolsohn, Die Ssabier und der Ssabismus (St. Petersburg, 1856), ii. 27; id., Ueber Tammûz und die Menschenverehrung bei den alten Babylioniern (St. Petersburg, 1860), p. 38. Compare W. W. Graf Baudissin, Adonis und Esmun, pp. 111 sqq.

690.

M. J. Lagrange, Études sur les Religions Sémitiques2 (Paris, 1905), pp. 307 sq.

691.

Hence Philo of Alexandria dates the corn-reaping in the middle of spring (Μεσοῦντος δὲ ἔαρος ἄμητος ἐνίσταται, De special. legibus, i. 183, vol. v. p. 44, ed. L. Cohn). On this subject Professor W. M. Flinders Petrie writes to me: “The Coptic calendar puts on April 2 beginning of wheat harvest in Upper Egypt, May 2 wheat harvest, Lower Egypt. Barley is two or three weeks earlier than wheat in Palestine, but probably less in Egypt. The Palestine harvest is about the time of that in North Egypt.” With regard to Palestine we are told that “the harvest begins with the barley in April; in the valley of the Jordan it begins at the end of March. Between the end of the barley harvest and the beginning of the wheat harvest an interval of two or three weeks elapses. Thus as a rule the business of harvest lasts about seven weeks” (J. Benzinger, Hebräische Archäologie, Freiburg i. B. and Leipsic, 1894, p. 209). “The principal grain crops of Palestine are barley, wheat, lentils, maize, and millet. Of the latter there is very little, and it is all gathered in by the end of May. The maize is then only just beginning to shoot. In the hotter parts of the Jordan valley the barley harvest is over by the end of March, and throughout the country the wheat harvest is at its height at the end of May, excepting in the highlands of Galilee, where it is about a fortnight later” (H. B. Tristram, The Land of Israel, Fourth Edition, London, 1882, pp. 583 sq.). As to Greece, Professor E. A. Gardner tells me that harvest is from April to May in the plains and about a month later in the mountains. He adds that “barley may, then, be assigned to the latter part of April, wheat to May in the lower ground, but you know the great difference of climate between different parts; there is the same difference of a month in the vintage.” Mrs. Hawes (Miss Boyd), who excavated at Gournia, tells me that in Crete the barley is cut in April and the beginning of May, and that the wheat is cut and threshed from about the twentieth of June, though the dates naturally vary somewhat with the height of the place above the sea. June is also the season when the wheat is threshed in Euboea (R. A. Arnold, From the Levant, London, 1868, i. 250). Thus it seems possible that the spring festival of Adonis coincided with the cutting of the first barley in March, and his summer festival with the threshing of the last wheat in June. Father Lagrange (op. cit. pp. 305 sq.) argues that the rites of Adonis were always celebrated in summer at the solstice of June or soon afterwards. Baudissin also holds that the summer celebration is the only one which is clearly attested, and that if there was a celebration in spring it must have had a different signification than the death of the god. See his Adonis und Esmun, pp. 132 sq.

692.

Diodorus Siculus, i. 14. 2. See below, vol. ii. pp. 45 sq.

693.

Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, ii. 180 sqq., 204 sqq.

694.

W. Mannhardt, Mythologische Forschungen (Strasburg, 1884), pp. 1 sqq.; Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 216 sqq.

695.

T. B. Macaulay, History of England, chapter xx. vol. iv. (London, 1855) p. 410.

696.

This explanation of the name Anthesteria, as applied to a festival of the dead, is due to Mr. R. Wünsch (Das Frühlingsfest der Insel Malta, Leipsic, 1902, pp. 43 sqq.). I cannot accept the late Dr. A. W. Verrall's ingenious derivation of the word from a verb ἀναθέσσασθαι in the sense of “to conjure up” (“The Name Anthesteria,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, xx. (1900) pp. 115-117). As to the festival see E. Rohde, Psyche3 (Tübingen and Leipsic, 1903), i. 236 sqq.; Miss J. E. Harrison, Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion2 (Cambridge, 1908), pp. 32 sqq. In Annam people offer food to their dead on the graves when the earth begins to grow green in spring. The ceremony takes place on the third day of the third month, the sun then entering the sign of Taurus. See Paul Giran, Magie et Religion Annamites (Paris, 1912), pp. 423 sq.

697.

E. Renan, Mission de Phénicie (Paris, 1864), p. 216.

698.

For the authorities see Raoul Rochette, “Mémoire sur les jardins d'Adonis,” Revue Archéologique, viii. (1851) pp. 97-123; W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, p. 279, note 2, and p. 280, note 2. To the authorities cited by Mannhardt add Theophrastus, Hist. Plant. vi. 7. 3; id., De Causis Plant. i. 12. 2; Gregorius Cyprius, i. 7; Macarius, i. 63; Apostolius, i. 34; Diogenianus, i. 14; Plutarch, De sera num. vind. 17. Women only are mentioned as planting the gardens of Adonis by Plutarch, l.c.; Julian, Convivium, p. 329 ed. Spanheim (p. 423 ed. Hertlein); Eustathius on Homer, Od. xi. 590. On the other hand, Apostolius and Diogenianus (ll.cc.) say φυτεύοντες ἢ φυτεύουσαι. The earliest extant Greek writer who mentions the gardens of Adonis is Plato (Phaedrus, p. 276 b). The procession at the festival of Adonis is mentioned in an Attic inscription of 302 or 301 b.c. (G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 vol. ii. p. 564, No. 726). Gardens of Adonis are perhaps alluded to by Isaiah (xvii. 10, with the commentators).

699.

In hot southern countries like Egypt and the Semitic regions of Western Asia, where vegetation depends chiefly or entirely upon irrigation, the purpose of the charm is doubtless to secure a plentiful flow of water in the streams. But as the ultimate object and the charms for securing it are the same in both cases, I have not thought it necessary always to point out the distinction.

700.

The Dying God, pp. 232, 233 sqq.

701.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 272 sqq.

702.

W. Mannhardt, Der Baumkultus der Germanen und ihrer Nachbarstämme (Berlin, 1875), p. 214; W. Schmidt, Das Jahr und seine Tage in Meinung und Branch der Romänen Siebenbürgens (Hermannstadt, 1866), pp. 18 sq. The custom of throwing water on the last wagon-load of corn returning from the harvest-field has been practised within living memory in Wigtownshire, and at Orwell in Cambridgeshire. See J. G. Frazer, “Notes on Harvest Customs,” Folk-lore Journal, vii. (1889) pp. 50, 51. (In the first of these passages the Orwell at which the custom used to be observed is said to be in Kent; this was a mistake of mine, which my informant, the Rev. E. B. Birks, formerly Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, afterwards corrected.) Mr. R. F. Davis writes to me (March 4, 1906) from Campbell College, Belfast: “Between 30 and 40 years ago I was staying, as a very small boy, at a Nottinghamshire farmhouse at harvest-time, and was allowed—as a great privilege—to ride home on the top of the last load. All the harvesters followed the waggon, and on reaching the farmyard we found the maids of the farm gathered near the gate, with bowls and buckets of water, which they proceeded to throw on the men, who got thoroughly drenched.”

703.

G. A. Heinrich, Agrarische Sitten und Gebräuche unter den Sachsen Siebenbürgens (Hermanstadt, 1880), p. 24; H. von Wlislocki, Sitten und Brauch der Siebenbürger Sachsen (Hamburg, 1888), p. 32.

704.

G. Drosinis, Land und Leute in Nord-Euböa (Leipsic, 1884), p. 53.

705.

Matthäus Prätorius, Deliciae Prussicae (Berlin, 1871), p. 55; W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, pp. 214 sq., note.

706.

M. Prätorius, op. cit. p. 60; W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 215, note.

707.

H. Prahn, “Glaube und Brauch in der Mark Brandenburg,” Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde, i. (1891) p. 186.

708.

O. Hartung, “Zur Volkskunde aus Anhalt,” Zeitschrift des Vereins für Volkskunde, vii. (1897) p. 150.

709.

W. Kolbe, Hessische Volks-Sitten und Gebräuche (Marburg, 1888), p. 51.

710.

Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern, ii. (Munich, 1863) p. 297.

711.

E. H. Meyer, Badisches Volksleben (Strasburg, 1900), p. 420.

712.

J. Walter Fewkes, “The Tusayan New Fire Ceremony,” Proceedings of the Boston Society of Natural History, xxvi. (1895) p. 446.

713.

“Lettre du curé de Santiago Tepehuacan à son évêque,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), Deuxième Série, ii. (1834) pp. 181 sq.

714.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 59 sqq.

715.

E. T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (Calcutta, 1872), p. 259.

716.

E. T. Dalton, op. cit. p. 188. As to the influence which trees are supposed to exercise on the crops, see The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 47 sqq.

717.

Lieut.-Col. James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajast'han, i. (London, 1829) pp. 570-572.

718.

G. F. D'Penha, “A Collection of Notes on Marriage Customs in the Madras Presidency,” Indian Antiquary, xxv. (1896) p. 144; E. Thurston, Ethnographic Notes in Southern India (Madras, 1906), p. 2.

719.

E. T. Atkinson, The Himalayan Districts of the North-Western Provinces of India, ii. (Allahabad, 1884) p. 870.

720.

W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), ii. 293 sq. Compare Baboo Ishuree Dass, Domestic Manners and Customs of the Hindoos of Northern India (Benares, 1860), pp. 111 sq. According to the latter writer, the festival of Salono [not Salonan] takes place in August, and the barley is planted by women and girls in baskets a few days before the festival, to be thrown by them into a river or tank when the grain has sprouted to the height of a few inches.

721.

Mrs. J. C. Murray-Aynsley, “Secular and Religious Dances,” Folk-lore Journal, v. (1887) pp. 253 sq. The writer thinks that the ceremony “probably fixes the season for sowing some particular crop.”

722.

Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, xx. (Bombay, 1884) p. 454. This passage was pointed out to me by my friend Mr. W. Crooke.

723.

Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, xx. 443, 460.

724.

Bavaria, Landes- und Volkskunde des Königreichs Bayern (Munich, 1860-1867), ii. 298.

725.

Antonio Bresciani, Dei costumi dell' isola di Sardegna comparati cogli antichissimi popoli orientali (Rome and Turin, 1866), pp. 427 sq.; R. Tennant, Sardinia and its Resources (Rome and London, 1885), p. 187; S. Gabriele, “Usi dei contadini della Sardegna,” Archivio per lo Studio delle Tradizioni Popolari, vii. (1888) pp. 469 sq. Tennant says that the pots are kept in a dark warm place, and that the children leap across the fire.

726.

G. Pitrè, Usi e Costumi, Credenze e Pregiudizi del Popolo Siciliano (Palermo, 1889), ii. 271-278. Compare id., Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane (Palermo, 1881), pp. 297 sq. In the Abruzzi also young men and young women become gossips by exchanging nosegays on St. John's Day, and the tie thus formed is regarded as sacred. See G. Finamore, Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi (Palermo, 1890), pp. 165 sq.

727.

R. Wünsch, Das Frühlingsfest der Insel Malta, pp. 47-57.

728.

See above, pp. 10, note 1, 224 sq., 226.

729.

J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie,4 i. 490.

730.

G. Finamore, Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi, pp. 156-160. A passage in Isaiah (xxvi. 19) seems to imply that dew possessed the magical virtue of restoring the dead to life. In this passage of Isaiah the customs which I have cited in the text perhaps favour the ordinary interpretation of טל אורת as “dew of herbs” (compare 2 Kings iv. 39) against the interpretation “dew of lights,” which some modern commentators (Dillmann, Skinner, Whitehouse), following Jerome, have adopted.

731.

G. Pitrè, Feste patronali in Sicilia (Turin and Palermo, 1900), pp. 488, 491-493.

732.

G. Pitrè, Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane, p. 307.

733.

Petrarch, Epistolae de rebus familiaribus, i. 4 (vol. i. pp. 44-46 ed. J. Fracassetti, Florence, 1859-1862). The passage is quoted by J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie,4 i. 489 sq.

734.

J. Grimm, op. cit. i. 489.

735.

Letter of Dr. Otero Acevado, of Madrid, Le Temps, September 1898.

736.

J. Lecœur, Esquisses du Bocage Normand (Condé-sur-Noireau, 1883-1887), ii. 8; A. de Nore, Coutumes, Mythes et Traditions des provinces de France (Paris and Lyons, 1846), p. 150.

737.

A. de Nore, op. cit. p. 20; Bérenger-Féraud, Réminiscences populaires de la Provence (Paris, 1885), pp. 135-141.

738.

A. Breuil, “Du Culte de St. Jean Baptiste,” Mémoires de la Société des Antiquaires de Picardie, viii. (1845) pp. 237 sq. Compare Balder the Beautiful, i. 193 sq.

739.

Diego Duran, Historia de las Indias de Nueva España, edited by J. F. Ramirez (Mexico, 1867-1880), ii. 293.

740.

Augustine, Opera, v. (Paris, 1683) col. 903; id., Pars Secunda, coll. 461 sq. The second of these passages occurs in a sermon of doubtful authenticity. Both have been quoted by J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie,4 i. 490.

741.

E. Doutté, Magie et Religion dans l'Afrique du Nord (Algiers, 1908), pp. 567 sq.; E. Westermarck, “Midsummer Customs in Morocco,” Folk-lore, xvi. (1905) pp. 31 sq.; id., Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, Certain Dates of the Solar Year, and the Weather (Helsingfors, 1913), pp. 84-86. See Balder the Beautiful, i. 216.

742.

Balder the Beautiful, i. 160 sqq.

743.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 65 sq.

744.

The Dying God, p. 262.

745.

L. Lloyd, Peasant Life in Sweden (London, 1870), p. 257.

746.

Balder the Beautiful, i. 328 sqq., ii. 21 sqq.

747.

W. Mannhardt, Baumkultus, p. 464; K. von Leoprechting, Aus dem Lechrain (Munich, 1855), p. 183. For more evidence see Balder the Beautiful, i. 165, 166, 166 sq., 168, 173, 174.

748.

The use of gardens of Adonis to fertilize the human sexes appears plainly in the corresponding Indian practices. See above, pp. 241, 242, 243.

749.

G. Pitrè, Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane, pp. 296 sq.

750.

G. Pitrè, op. cit. pp. 302 sq.; Antonio de Nino, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi (Florence, 1879-1883), i. 55 sq.; A. de Gubernatis, Usi Nuziali in Italia e presso gli altri Popoli Indo-Europei (Milan, 1878), pp. 39 sq. Compare L. Passarini, “Il Comparatico e la Festa di S. Giovanni nelle Marche e in Roma,” Archivio per lo Studio delle Tradizioni Popolari, i. (1882) p. 135. At Smyrna a blossom of the Agnus castus is used on St. John's Day for a similar purpose, but the mode in which the omens are drawn is somewhat different. See Teofilo, “La notte di San Giovanni in Oriente,” Archivio per lo Studio delle Tradizioni Popolari, vii. (1888) pp. 128-130.

751.

Matthäus Prätorius, Deliciae Prussicae (Berlin, 1871), p. 56.

752.

The Dying God, pp. 261 sq.

753.

The Dying God, pp. 233 sqq., 261 sqq.

754.

G. Pitrè, Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane, p. 211.

755.

Κήπους ὡσίουν ἐπιταφίους Ἀδώνιδι, Eustathius on Homer, Od. xi. 590.

756.

Vincenzo Dorsa, La tradizione Greco-Latina negli usi e nelle credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore (Cosenza, 1884), p. 50.

757.

C. Wachsmuth, Das alte Griechenland im neuen (Bonn, 1864), pp. 26. sq. The writer compares these ceremonies with the Eleusinian rites. But I agree with Mr. R. Wünsch (Das Frühlingsfest der Insel Malta, pp. 49 sq.) that the resemblance to the Adonis festival is still closer. Compare V. Dorsa, La tradizione Greco-Latina negli usi e nelle credenze popolari della Calabria Citeriore, pp. 49 sq. Prof. Wachsmuth's description seems to apply to Athens. In the country districts the ritual is apparently similar. See R. A. Arnold, From the Levant (London, 1868), pp. 251 sq., 259 sq. So in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem the death and burial of Christ are acted over a life-like effigy. See Henry Maundrell, Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem at Easter, a.d.1697, Fourth Edition (Perth, 1800), pp. 110 sqq.; id., in Th. Wright's Early Travels in Palestine (London, 1848), pp. 443-445.

758.

G. Pitrè, Spettacoli e Feste Popolari Siciliane, pp. 217 sq.

759.

G. Finamore, Credenze, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi, pp. 118-120; A. de Nino, Usi e Costumi Abruzzesi, i. 64 sq., ii. 210-212. At Roccacaramanico part of the Easter spectacle is the death of Judas, who, personated by a living man, pretends to hang himself upon a tree or a great branch, which has been brought into the church and planted near the high altar for the purpose (A. de Nino, op. cit. ii. 211).

760.

The drama of the death and resurrection of Christ was formerly celebrated at Easter in England. See Abbot Gasquet, Parish Life in Mediaeval England, pp. 177 sqq., 182 sq.

761.

The comparison has already been made by A. Maury, who also compares the Easter ceremonies of the Catholic Church with the rites of Adonis (Histoire des Religions de la Grèce Antique, Paris, 1857-1859, vol. iii. p. 221).

762.

Jerome, Epist. lviii. 3 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, xxii. 581).

763.

Bethlehem is בית-לחם, literally “House of Bread.” The name is appropriate, for “the immediate neighbourhood is very fertile, bearing, besides wheat and barley, groves of olive and almond, and vineyards. The wine of Bethlehem (‘Talhamī’) is among the best of Palestine. So great fertility must mean that the site was occupied, in spite of the want of springs, from the earliest times” (George Adam Smith, s.v. “Bethlehem,” Encyclopaedia Biblica, i. 560). It was in the harvest-fields of Bethlehem that Ruth, at least in the poet's fancy, listened to the nightingale “amid the alien corn.”

764.

John vi. 35.

765.

Above, p. 227.

766.

Ammianus Marcellinus, xxii. 9. 14, “Urbique propinquans in speciem alicujus numinis votis excipitur publicis, miratus voces multitudinis magnae, salutare sidus inluxisse eois partibus adclamantis.” We may compare the greeting which a tribe of South American Indians used to give to a worshipful star after its temporary disappearance. “The Abipones think that the Pleiades, composed of seven stars, is an image of their ancestor. As the constellation is invisible for some months in the sky of South America, they believe that their ancestor is ill, and every year they are mortally afraid that he will die. But when the said stars reappear in the month of May, they imagine that their ancestor is recovered from his sickness and has returned; so they hail him with joyous shouts and the glad music of pipes and war-horns. They congratulate him on his recovery. ‘How we thank you! At last you have come back? Oh, have you happily recovered?’ With such cries they fill the air, attesting at once their gladness and their folly.” See M. Dobrizhoffer, Historia de Abiponibus (Vienna, 1784), ii. 77.

767.

M. Jastrow, The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, pp. 370 sqq.; H. Zimmern, in E. Schrader's Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament,3 p. 424.

768.

Sozomenus, Historia Ecclesiastica, ii. 5 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxvii. 948). The connexion of the meteor with the festival of Adonis is not mentioned by Sozomenus, but is confirmed by Zosimus, who says (Hist. i. 58) that a light like a torch or a globe of fire was seen on the sanctuary at the seasons when the people assembled to worship the goddess and to cast their offerings of gold, silver, and fine raiment into a lake beside the temple. As to Aphaca and the grave of Adonis see above, pp. 28 sq.

769.

Matthew ii. 1-12.

770.

Diodorus Siculus, iii. 59. 7; Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” iv., Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33; Scholiast on Nicander, Alexipharmaca, 8; Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 3 and 22. The ancient evidence, literary and inscriptional, as to the myth and ritual of Attis has been collected and discussed by Mr. H. Hepding in his monograph, Attis, seine Mythen und sein Kult (Giessen, 1903).

771.

Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 9, p. 168 ed. L. Duncker and F. G. Schneidewin (Göttingen, 1859); Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, iii. 23. 51 sqq.

772.

Ovid, Fasti, iv. 223 sqq.; Tertullian, Apologeticus, 15; id., Ad Nationes, i. 10; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, iv. 35. As to Cybele, the Great Mother, the Mother of the Gods, conceived as the source of all life, both animal and vegetable, see Rapp, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, s.v. “Kybele,” ii. 1638 sqq.

773.

Scholiast on Lucian, Jupiter Tragoedus, 8, p. 60 ed. H. Rabe (Leipsic, 1906), (vol. iv. p. 173 ed. C. Jacobitz); Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 9, pp. 168, 170 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin.

774.

Pausanias, vii. 17. 11; Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 9, pp. 166, 168 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 6.

775.

See above, pp. 99 sqq.

776.

S. I. Curtiss, Primitive Semitic Religion To-day, pp. 115 sq. See above, pp. 78, 213 sqq.

777.

That Attis was killed by a boar was stated by Hermesianax, an elegiac poet of the fourth century b.c. (Pausanias, vii. 17); compare Scholiast on Nicander, Alexipharmaca, 8. The other story is told by Arnobius (Adversus Nationes, v. 5 sqq.) on the authority of Timotheus, who professed to derive it from recondite antiquarian works and from the very heart of the mysteries. It is obviously identical with the account which Pausanias (l.c.) mentions as the story current in Pessinus. According to Servius (on Virgil, Aen. ix. 115), Attis was found bleeding to death under a pine-tree, but the wound which robbed him of his virility and his life was not inflicted by himself. The Timotheus cited by Pausanias may be the Timotheus who was consulted by Ptolemy Soter on religious matters and helped to establish the worship of Serapis. See Plutarch, Isis et Osiris, 28; Franz Cumont, Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 77, 113, 335.

778.

Pausanias, vii. 17. 10; Julian, Orat. v. 177 b, p. 229, ed. F. C. Hertlein (Leipsic, 1875-1876). Similarly at Comana in Pontus, the seat of the worship of the goddess Ma, pork was not eaten, and swine might not even be brought into the city (Strabo, xii. 8. 9, p. 575). As to Comana see above, p. 39.

779.

S. Sophronius, “SS. Cyri et Joannis Miracula,” Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxxxvii. Pars Tertia, col. 3624, πρὸς πλάνην Ἑλληνικὴν ἀποκλίνουσαν [scil. τὴν Ἰουλίαν] καὶ ταύτῃ διὰ τὸν Ἀδώνιδος Θάνατον τὰ κρέα παραιτεῖσθαι τὰ ὕεια.

780.

Ovid, Metam. x. 103 sqq.

781.

Livy, xxix. chs. 10, 11, and 14; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 259 sqq.; Herodian, ii. 11. As to the stone which represented the goddess see Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, vii. 49.

782.

Pliny, Nat. Hist. xviii. 16.

783.

Lucretius, ii. 598 sqq.; Catullus, lxiii.; Varro, Satir. Menipp., ed. F. Bücheler (Berlin, 1882), pp. 176, 178; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 181 sqq., 223 sqq., 361 sqq.; Dionysius Halicarnasensis, Antiquit. Rom. ii. 19, compare Polybius, xxii. 18 ed. L. Dindorf (Leipsic, 1866-1868).

784.

Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 41. See Robinson Ellis, Commentary on Catullus (Oxford, 1876), pp. 206 sq.; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 142 sqq.; Fr. Cumont, Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 83 sq. It is held by Prof. A. von Domaszewski that the Claudius who incorporated the Phrygian worship of the sacred tree in the Roman ritual was not the emperor of the first century but the emperor of the third century, Claudius Gothicus, who came to the throne in 268 a.d. See A. von Domaszewski, “Magna Mater in Latin Inscriptions,” The Journal of Roman Studies, i. (1911) p. 56. The later date, it is said, fits better with the slow development of the worship. But on the other hand this view is open to certain objections. (1) Joannes Lydus, our only authority on the point, appears to identify the Claudius in question with the emperor of the first century. (2) The great and widespread popularity of the Phrygian worship in the Roman empire long before 268 a.d. is amply attested by an array of ancient writers and inscriptions, especially by a great series of inscriptions referring to the colleges of Tree-bearers (Dendrophori), from which we learn that one of these colleges, devoted to the worship of Cybele and Attis, existed at Rome in the age of the Antonines, about a century before the accession of Claudius Gothicus. (3) Passages of the Augustan historians (Aelius Lampridius, Alexander Severus, 37; Trebellius Pollio, Claudius, iv. 2) refer to the great spring festival of Cybele and Attis in a way which seems to imply that the festival was officially recognized by the Roman government before Claudius Gothicus succeeded to the purple; and we may hesitate to follow Prof. von Domaszewski in simply excising these passages as the work of an “impudent forger.” (4) The official establishment of the bloody Phrygian superstition suits better the life and character of the superstitious, timid, cruel, pedantic Claudius of the first century than the gallant soldier his namesake in the third century. The one lounged away his contemptible days in the safety of the palace, surrounded by a hedge of lifeguards. The other spent the two years of his brief but glorious reign in camps and battlefields on the frontier, combating the barbarian enemies of the empire; and it is probable that he had as little leisure as inclination to pander to the superstitions of the Roman populace. For these reasons it seems better with Mr. Hepding and Prof. Cumont to acquiesce in the traditional view that the rites of Attis were officially celebrated at Rome from the first century onward. An intermediate view is adopted by Prof. G. Wissowa, who, brushing aside the statement of Joannes Lydus altogether, would seemingly assign the public institution of the rites to the middle of the second century a.d. on the ground that the earliest extant evidence of their public celebration refers to that period (Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 Munich, 1912, p. 322). But, considering the extremely imperfect evidence at our disposal for the history of these centuries, it seems rash to infer that an official cult cannot have been older than the earliest notice of it which has chanced to come down to us.

785.

Arrian, Tactica, 33; Servius on Virgil, Aen. xii. 836.

786.

On the festival see J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii.2 (Leipsic, 1885) pp. 370 sqq.; the calendar of Philocalus, in Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. i.2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), p. 260, with Th. Mommsen's commentary (pp. 313 sq.); W. Mannhardt, Antike Wald- und Feldkulte, pp. 291 sqq.; id., Baumkultus, pp. 572 sqq.; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 pp. 318 sqq.; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 147 sqq.; J. Toutain, Les Cultes Païens dans l'Empire Romain, ii. (Paris, 1911) pp. 82 sqq.

787.

Julian, Orat. v. 168 c, p. 218 ed. F. C. Hertlein (Leipsic, 1875-1876); Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 41; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. chs. 7, 16, 39; Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 27; Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” iv., Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33. As to the guild of Tree-bearers (Dendrophori) see Joannes Lydus, l.c.; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos. 4116 sq., 4171-4174, 4176; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 86, 92, 93, 96, 152 sqq.; F. Cumont, s.v. “Dendrophori,” in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, v. 1. coll. 216-219; J. Toutain, Les Cultes Païens dans l'Empire Romain, ii. 82 sq., 92 sq.

788.

Julian, l.c. and 169 c, p. 219 ed. F. C. Hertlein. The ceremony may have been combined with the old tubilustrium or purification of trumpets, which fell on this day. See Joannes Lydus, De mensibus, iv. 42; Varro, De lingua Latina, vi. 14; Festus, pp. 352, 353 ed. C. O. Müller; W. Warde Fowler, Roman Festivals of the Period of the Republic (London, 1899), p. 62.

789.

Trebellius Pollio, Claudius, 4; Tertullian, Apologeticus, 25.

790.

Lucian, Deorum dialogi, xii. 1; Seneca, Agamemnon, 686 sqq.; Martial, xi. 84. 3 sq.; Valerius Flaccus, Argonaut. viii. 239 sqq.; Statius, Theb. x. 170 sqq.; Apuleius, Metam. viii. 27; Lactantius, Divinarum Institutionum Epitome, 23 (18, vol. i. p. 689 ed. Brandt and Laubmann); H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 158 sqq. As to the music of these dancing dervishes see also Lucretius, ii. 618 sqq.

791.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, i. 90 sq., 101 sq.

792.

Minucius Felix, Octavius, 22 and 24; Lactantius, Divin. Instit. i. 21. 16; id., Epitoma, 8; Schol. on Lucian, Jupiter Tragoedus, 8 (p. 60 ed. H. Rabe); Servius on Virgil, Aen. ix. 115; Prudentius, Peristephan. x. 1066 sqq.; “Passio Sancti Symphoriani,” chs. 2 and 6 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, v. 1463, 1466); Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 14; Scholiast on Nicander, Alexipharmaca, 8; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 163 sq. A story told by Clement of Alexandria (Protrept. ii. 15, p. 13 ed. Potter) suggests that weaker brethren may have been allowed to sacrifice the virility of a ram instead of their own. We know from inscriptions that rams and bulls were regularly sacrificed at the mysteries of Attis and the Great Mother, and that the testicles of the bulls were used for a special purpose, probably as a fertility charm. May not the testicles of the rams have been employed for the same purpose? and may not those of both animals have been substitutes for the corresponding organs in men? As to the sacrifices of rams and bulls see G. Zippel, “Das Taurobolium,” Festschrift zum fünfzigjährigen Doctorjubiläum L. Friedlaender (Leipsic, 1895), pp. 498 sqq.; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos. 4118 sqq.; J. Toutain, Les Cultes Païens dans l'Empire Romain, ii. 84 sqq.

793.

Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 5 sq.

794.

Strabo, xiv. 1. 23, p. 641.

795.

Lucian, De dea Syria, 15, 27, 50-53.

796.

Lucian, op. cit. 10.

797.

Lucian, op. cit. 15.

798.

Lucian, De dea Syria, 49-51.

799.

Catullus, Carm. lxiii. I agree with Mr. H. Hepding (Attis, p. 140) in thinking that the subject of the poem is not the mythical Attis, but one of his ordinary priests, who bore the name and imitated the sufferings of his god. Thus interpreted the poem gains greatly in force and pathos. The real sorrows of our fellow-men touch us more nearly than the imaginary pangs of the gods. As the sacrifice of virility and the institution of eunuch priests appear to be rare, I will add a few examples. At Stratonicea in Caria a eunuch held a sacred office in connexion with the worship of Zeus and Hecate (Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum, No. 2715). According to Eustathius (on Homer, Iliad, xix. 254, p. 1183) the Egyptian priests were eunuchs who had sacrificed their virility as a first-fruit to the gods. In Corea “during a certain night, known as Chu-il, in the twelfth moon, the palace eunuchs, of whom there are some three hundred, perform a ceremony supposed to ensure a bountiful crop in the ensuing year. They chant in chorus prayers, swinging burning torches around them the while. This is said to be symbolical of burning the dead grass, so as to destroy the field mice and other vermin.” See W. Woodville Rockhill, “Notes on some of the Laws, Customs, and Superstitions of Korea,” The American Anthropologist, iv. (Washington, 1891) p. 185. Compare Mrs. Bishop, Korea and her Neighbours (London, 1898), ii. 56 sq. It appears that among the Ekoi of Southern Nigeria both men and women are, or used to be, mutilated by the excision of their genital organs at an annual festival, which is celebrated in order to produce plentiful harvests and immunity from thunderbolts. The victims apparently die from loss of blood. See P. Amaury Talbot, In the Shadow of the Bush (London, 1912), pp. 74 sqq. Mr. Talbot writes to me: “A horrible case has just happened at Idua, where, at the new yam planting, a man cut off his own membrum virile” (letter dated Eket, Nr Calabar, Southern Nigeria, Feb. 7th, 1913). Amongst the Ba-sundi and Ba-bwende of the Congo many youths are castrated “in order to more fittingly offer themselves to the phallic worship, which increasingly prevails as we advance from the coast to the interior. At certain villages between Manyanga and Isangila there are curious eunuch dances to celebrate the new moon, in which a white cock is thrown up into the air alive, with clipped wings, and as it falls towards the ground it is caught and plucked by the eunuchs. I was told that originally this used to be a human sacrifice, and that a young boy or girl was thrown up into the air and torn to pieces by the eunuchs as he or she fell, but that of late years slaves had got scarce or manners milder, and a white cock was now substituted” (H. H. Johnston, “On the Races of the Congo,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xiii. (1884) p. 473; compare id., The River Congo, London, 1884, p. 409). In India, men who are born eunuchs or in some way deformed are sometimes dedicated to a goddess named Huligamma. They wear female attire and might be mistaken for women. Also men who are or believe themselves impotent will vow to dress as women and serve the goddess in the hope of recovering their virility. See F. Fawcett, “On Basivis,” Journal of the Anthropological Society of Bombay, ii. 343 sq. In Pegu the English traveller, Alexander Hamilton, witnessed a dance in honour of the gods of the earth. “Hermaphrodites, who are numerous in this country, are generally chosen, if there are enough present to make a set for the dance. I saw nine dance like mad folks for above half-an-hour; and then some of them fell in fits, foaming at the mouth for the space of half-an-hour; and, when their senses are restored, they pretend to foretell plenty or scarcity of corn for that year, if the year will prove sickly or salutary to the people, and several other things of moment, and all by that half hour's conversation that the furious dancer had with the gods while she was in a trance” (A. Hamilton, “A New Account of the East Indies,” in J. Pinkerton's Voyages and Travels, viii. 427). So in the worship of Attis the Archigallus or head of the eunuch priests prophesied; perhaps he in like manner worked himself up to the pitch of inspiration by a frenzied dance. See H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, vol. ii. Pars i. pp. 142, 143, Nos. 4130, 4136; G. Wilmanns, Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1873), vol. i. p. 36, Nos. 119a, 120; J. Toutain, Les Cultes Païens dans l'Empire Romain, ii. 93 sq. As to the sacrifice of virility in the Syrian religion compare Th. Nöldeke, “Die Selbstentmannung bei den Syrern,” Archiv für Religionswissenschaft, x. (1907) pp. 150-152.

800.

Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 7 and 16; Servius on Virgil, Aen. ix. 115.

801.

Diodorus Siculus, iii. 59; Arrian, Tactica, 33; Scholiast on Nicander, Alexipharmaca, 8; Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 3 and 22; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 16; Servius on Virgil, Aen. ix. 115.

802.

See above, p. 267.

803.

Arnobius, l.c.; Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” iv., Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33.

804.

Above, p. 230.

805.

See below, p. 274.

806.

Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 22, “Nocte quadam simulacrum in lectica supinum ponitur et per numeros digestis fletibus plangitur: deinde cum se ficta lamentatione satiaverint, lumen infertur: tunc a sacerdote omnium qui flebant fauces unguentur, quibus perunctis hoc lento murmure susurrat: θαρρεῖτε μύσται τοῦ θέου σεσωσμένου; ἔσται γὰρ ἡμῖν ἐκ πόνων σωτήρια. Quid miseros hortaris gaudeant? quid deceptos homines laetari compellis? quam illis spem, quam salutem funesta persuasione promittis? Dei tui mors nota est, vita non paret.... Idolum sepelis, idolum plangis, idolum de sepultura proferis, et miser cum haec feceris, gaudes. Tu deum tuum liberas, tu jacentia lapidis membra componis, tu insensibile corrigis saxum.” In this passage Firmicus does not expressly mention Attis, but that the reference is to his rites is made probable by a comparison with chapter 3 of the same writer's work. Compare also Damascius, in Photius's Bibliotheca, p. 345 a, 5 sqq., ed. I. Bekker (Berlin, 1824), τότε τῇ Ἱεραπόλει ἐγκαθευδήσας ἐδόκουν ὄναρ ὁ Ἄττης γένεσθαι, καί μοι ἐπιτελεῖσθαι παρὰ τῆς μητρὸς τῶν θεῶν τὴν τῶν ἱλαρίων καλουμένων ἑορτήν; ὅπερ ἐδήλου τὴν ἐξ ᾅδου γεγονυῖαν ἡμῶν σωτηρίαν. See further Fr. Cumont, Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain2 (Paris, 1909), pp. 89 sq.

807.

Macrobius, Saturn. i. 21. 10; Flavius Vopiscus, Aurelianus, i. 1; Julian, Or. v. pp. 168 d, 169 d; Damascius, l.c.; Herodian, i. 10. 5-7; Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33. In like manner Easter Sunday, the Resurrection-day of Christ, was called by some ancient writers the Sunday of Joy (Dominica Gaudii). The emperors used to celebrate the happy day by releasing from prison all but the worst offenders. See J. Bingham, The Antiquities of the Christian Church, bk. xx. ch. vi. §§ 5 sq. (Bingham's Works (Oxford, 1855), vii. 317 sqq.).

808.

Aelius Lampridius, Alexander Severus, 37.

809.

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, i.2 Pars prior (Berlin, 1893), pp. 260, 313 sq.; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 51, 172.

810.

Ovid, Fasti, iv. 337-346; Silius Italicus, Punic. viii. 365; Valerius Flaccus, Argonaut. viii. 239 sqq.; Martial, iii. 47. 1 sq.; Ammianus Marcellinus, xxiii. 3. 7; Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, vii. 32; Prudentius, Peristephon. x. 154 sqq. For the description of the image of the goddess see Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, vii. 49. At Carthage the goddess was carried to her bath in a litter, not in a wagon (Augustine, De civitate Dei, ii. 4). The bath formed part of the festival in Phrygia, whence the custom was borrowed by the Romans (Arrian, Tactica, 33). At Cyzicus the Placianian Mother, a form of Cybele, was served by women called “marine” (Θαλάσσιαι), whose duty it probably was to wash her image in the sea (Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, Brussels, 1900, pp. 403 sq., No. 537). See further J. Marquardt, Römische Staatsverwaltung, iii.2 373; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 133 sq.

811.

Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 15, p. 13 ed. Potter; Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 18.

812.

Above, p. 272.

813.

H. Hepding, Attis, p. 185.

814.

Prudentius, Peristephan. x. 1006-1050; compare Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 28. 8. That the bath of bull's blood (taurobolium) was believed to regenerate the devotee for eternity is proved by an inscription found at Rome, which records that a certain Sextilius Agesilaus Aedesius, who dedicated an altar to Attis and the Mother of the Gods, was taurobolio criobolioque in aeternum renatus (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vi. No. 510; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, No. 4152). The phrase arcanis perfusionibus in aeternum renatus occurs in a dedication to Mithra (Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vi. No. 736), which, however, is suspected of being spurious. As to the inscriptions which refer to the taurobolium see G. Zippel, “Das Taurobolium,” in Festschrift zum fünfzigjährigen Doctorjubiläum L. Friedlaender dargebracht von seinen Schülern (Leipsic, 1895), pp. 498-520; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, vol. ii. Pars i. pp. 140-147, Nos. 4118-4159. As to the origin of the taurobolium and the meaning of the word, see Fr. Cumont, Textes et Monuments Figurés relatifs aux Mystères de Mithra (Brussels, 1896-1899), i. 334 sq.; id., Les Religions Orientales dans le Paganisme Romain,2 pp. 100 sqq.; J. Toutain, Les Cultes Païens dans l'Empire Romain, ii. 84 sqq.; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 pp. 322 sqq. The taurobolium seems to have formed no part of the original worship of Cybele and to have been imported into it at a comparatively late date, perhaps in the second century of our era. Its origin is obscure. In the majority of the older inscriptions the name of the rite appears as tauropolium, and it has been held that this is the true form, being derived from the worship of the Asiatic goddess Artemis Tauropolis (Strabo, xii. 2. 7, p. 537). This was formerly the view of Prof. F. Cumont (s.v. “Anaitis,” in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, i. 2. col. 2031); but he now prefers the form taurobolium, and would deduce both the name and the rite from an ancient Anatolian hunting custom of lassoing wild bulls.

815.

Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” iv., Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33.

816.

Sallustius philosophus, l.c.

817.

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, vi. Nos. 497-504; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos. 4145, 4147-4151, 4153; Inscriptiones Graecae Siciliae et Italiae, ed. G. Kaibel (Berlin, 1890), p. 270, No. 1020; G. Zippel, op. cit. pp. 509 sq., 519; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 83, 86-88, 176; Ch. Huelsen, Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum, von H. Jordan, i. 3 (Berlin, 1907), pp. 658 sq.

818.

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiii. No. 1751; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, No. 4131; G. Wilmanns, Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin, 1873), vol. ii. p. 125, No. 2278; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 p. 267; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 169-171, 176.

819.

Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum, xiii. No. 1751; G. Wilmanns, Exempla Inscriptionum Latinarum, vol. i. pp. 35-37, Nos. 119, 123, 124; H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos. 4127, 4129, 4131, 4140; G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der Römer,2 pp. 322 sqq.; H. Hepding, Attis, p. 191.

820.

As to the monuments see H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos. 4143, 4152, 4153; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 82, 83, 88, 89.

821.

Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 27.

822.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 47 sq., 71; Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild, i. 138, 143, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 157, 158.

823.

Etymologicum Magnum, p. 220, line 20, Γάλλος, ὁ φιλοπάτωρ Πτολεμαῖος; διὰ τὸ φύλλα κισσοῦ κατέστιχθαι, ὡς οἱ γάλλοι. ᾽Αεὶ γὰρ ταῖς Διονυσιακαῖς τελεταῖς κισσῷ ἐστεφανοῦντο. But there seems to be some confusion here between the rites of Dionysus and those of Attis; ivy was certainly sacred to Dionysus (Pausanias, i. 31. 6 with my note). Compare C. A. Lobeck, Aglaophamus (Königsberg, 1829), i. 657, who, in the passage quoted, rightly defends the readings κατέστιχθαι and ἐστεφανοῦντο.

824.

Encyclopaedia Britannica,9 xix. 105. Compare Athenaeus, ii. 49, p. 57. The nuts of the silver-pine (Pinus edulis) are a favourite food of the Californian Indians (S. Powers, Tribes of California (Washington, 1877), p. 421); the Wintun Indians hold a pine-nut dance when the nuts are fit to be gathered (ib. p. 237). The Shuswap Indians of British Columbia collect the cones of various sorts of pines and eat the nutlets which they extract from them. See G. M. Dawson, “Notes on the Shuswap People of British Columbia,” Proceedings and Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, ix. (Montreal, 1892) Transactions, section ii. p. 22. With regard to the Araucanian Indians of South America we read that “the great staple food, the base of all their subsistence, save among the coast tribes, was the piñon, the fruit of the Araucanian pine (Araucaria imbricata). Every year during the autumn months excursions are made by the whole tribe to the pine forests, where they remain until they have collected sufficient for the following year. Each tribe has its own district, inherited by custom from generation to generation and inviolate, by unwritten law, from other tribes, even in time of warfare. This harvest was formerly of such supreme importance, that all inter-tribal quarrels and warfares were suspended by mutual accord during this period.” See R. E. Latcham, “Ethnology of the Araucanos,” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, xxxix. (1909) p. 341. The Gilyaks of the Amoor valley in like manner eat the nutlets of the Siberian stone-pine (L. von Schrenk, Die Völker des Amur-Landes, iii. 440). See also the commentators on Herodotus, iv. 109 φθειροτραγέουσι.

825.

Pliny, Nat. Hist. xiv. 103.

826.

Strabo, x. 3. 12 sqq., pp. 469 sqq. However, tipsy people were excluded from the sanctuary of Attis (Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 6).

827.

Scholiast on Lucian, Dial. Meretr. ii. 1, p. 276 ed. H. Rabe (Leipsic, 1906).

828.

Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 8 and 9, pp. 162, 168 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin; Firmicus Maternus, De errore profanarum religionum, 3; Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33. Others identified him with the spring flowers. See Eusebius, Praeparatio Evangelii, iii. 11. 8 and 12, iii. 13. 10 ed. F. A. Heinichen (Leipsic, 1842-1843); Augustine, De civitate Dei, vii. 25.

829.

W. Helbig, Führer durch die öffentlichen Sammlungen klassischer Altertümer in Rom2 (Leipsic, 1899), i. 481, No. 721.

830.

The urn is in the Lateran Museum at Rome (No. 1046). It is not described by W. Helbig in his Führer.2 The inscription on the urn (M. Modius Maxximus archigallus coloniae Ostiens) is published by H. Dessau (Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, No. 4162), who does not notice the curious and interesting composition of the cock's tail. The bird is chosen as an emblem of the priest with a punning reference to the word gallus, which in Latin means a cock as well as a priest of Attis.

831.

Gregory of Tours, De gloria confessorum, 77 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, lxxi. 884). That the goddess here referred to was Cybele and not a native Gallic deity, as I formerly thought (Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship, p. 178), seems proved by the “Passion of St. Symphorian,” chs. 2 and 6 (Migne's Patrologia Graeca, v. 1463, 1466). Gregory and the author of the “Passion of St. Symphorian” call the goddess simply Berecynthia, the latter writer adding “the Mother of the Demons,” which is plainly a Christian version of the title “Mother of the Gods.”

832.

Above, p. 265. In the island of Thera an ox, wheat, barley, wine, and “other first-fruits of all that the seasons produce” were offered to the Mother of the Gods, plainly because she was deemed the source of fertility. See G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 vol. ii. p. 426, No. 630.

833.

H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 215-217; compare id. p. 175 note 7.

834.

Ptolemaeus, Nov. Hist. i. p. 183 of A. Westermann's Mythographi Graeci (Brunswick, 1843).

835.

Pausanias, viii. 25. 5 sq.

836.

Aelian, Nat. Anim. xii. 30. The place was in Mesopotamia, and the goddess was probably Astarte. So Lucian (De dea Syria) calls the Astarte of Hierapolis “the Assyrian Hera.”

837.

Pausanias, ii. 38. 2.

838.

Julian, Orat. v. 173 sqq. (pp. 225 sqq. ed. F. C. Hertlein); H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 155-157. However, apples, pomegranates, and dates were also forbidden. The story that the mother of Attis conceived him through contact with a pomegranate (above, pp. 263, 269) might explain the prohibition of that fruit. But the reasons for tabooing apples and dates are not apparent, though Julian tried to discover them. He suggested that dates may have been forbidden because the date-palm does not grow in Phrygia, the native land of Cybele and Attis.

839.

P. Kretschmer, Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache (Göttingen, 1896), p. 355.

840.

Diodorus Siculus, iii. 58. 4; Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, i. 9, p. 168 ed. Duncker and Schneidewin. A Latin dedication to Atte Papa has been found at Aquileia (F. Cumont, in Pauly-Wissowa's Realencyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ii. 2180, s.v. “Attepata” H. Hepding, Attis, p. 86). Greek dedications to Papas or to Zeus Papas occur in Phrygia (H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 78 sq.). Compare A. B. Cook, “Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak,” Classical Review, xviii. (1904) p. 79.

841.

Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, v. 6 and 13.

842.

(Sir) Edward B. Tylor, Primitive Culture2 (London, 1873), i. 223.

843.

Rapp, s.v. “Kybele,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1648.

844.

She is called a “motherless virgin” by Julian (Or. v. 166 b, p. 215 ed. F. C. Hertlein), and there was a Parthenon or virgin's chamber in her sanctuary at Cyzicus (Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, p. 404, No. 538). Compare Rapp, in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 1648; Wagner, s.v. “Nana,” ibid. iii. 4 sq. Another great goddess of fertility who was conceived as a Virgin Mother was the Egyptian Neith or Net. She is called “the Great Goddess, the Mother of All the Gods,” and was believed to have brought forth Ra, the Sun, without the help of a male partner. See C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 111; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians (London, 1904), i. 457-462. The latter writer says (p. 462): “In very early times Net was the personification of the eternal female principle of life which was self-sustaining and self-existent, and was secret and unknown, and all-pervading; the more material thinkers, whilst admitting that she brought forth her son Rā without the aid of a husband, were unable to divorce from their minds the idea that a male germ was necessary for its production, and finding it impossible to derive it from a being external to the goddess, assumed that she herself provided not only the substance which was to form the body of Rā but also the male germ which fecundated it. Thus Net was the type of partheno-genesis.”

845.

Quoted by Eustathius on Homer, Il. v. 408; Fragmenta Historicorum Graecorum, ed. C. Müller, iii. 592, Frag. 30.

846.

(Sir) Edward B. Tylor, Primitive Culture,2 i. 321 sqq., ii. 270 sqq. For example, the Ewe people of Togo-land, in West Africa, think that the Earth is the wife of the Sky, and that their marriage takes place in the rainy season, when the rain causes the seeds to sprout and bear fruit. These fruits they regard as the children of Mother Earth, who in their opinion is the mother also of men and of gods. See J. Spieth, Die Ewe-Stämme (Berlin, 1906), pp. 464, 548. In the regions of the Senegal and the Niger it is believed that the Sky-god and the Earth-goddess are the parents of the principal spirits who dispense life and death, weal and woe, among mankind. The eldest son of Sky and Earth is represented in very various forms, sometimes as a hermaphrodite, sometimes in semi-animal shape, with the head of a bull, a crocodile, a fish, or a serpent. His name varies in the different tribes, but the outward form of his ceremonies is everywhere similar. His rites, which are to some extent veiled in mystery, are forbidden to women. See Maurice Delafosse, Haut-Sénégal-Niger (Paris, 1912), iii. 173-175.

847.

Hesiod, Theogony, 159 sqq.

848.

Porphyry, De antro nympharum, 16; Aristides, Or. iii. (vol. i. p. 35 ed. G. Dindorf, Leipsic, 1829); Scholiast on Apollonius Rhodius, Argon. iv. 983.

849.

A. Lang, Custom and Myth (London, 1884), pp. 45 sqq.; id., Myth, Ritual, and Religion (London, 1887), i. 299 sqq. In Egyptian mythology the separation of heaven and earth was ascribed to Shu, the god of light, who insinuated himself between the bodies of Seb (Keb) the earth-god and of Nut the sky-goddess. On the monuments Shu is represented holding up the star-spangled body of Nut on his hands, while Seb reclines on the ground. See A. Wiedemann, Religion of the Ancient Egyptians (London, 1897), pp. 230 sq.; E. A. Wallis Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, ii. 90, 97 sq., 100, 105; A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion2 (Berlin, 1909), pp. 35 sq.; C. P. Tiele, Geschichte der Religion im Altertum, i. 33 sq. Thus contrary to the usual mythical conception the Egyptians regarded the earth as male and the sky as female. An allusion in the Book of the Dead (ch. 69, vol. ii. p. 235, E. A. Wallis Budge's translation, London, 1901) has been interpreted as a hint that Osiris mutilated his father Seb at the separation of earth and heaven, just as Cronus mutilated his father Uranus. See H. Brugsch, Religion und Mythologie der alten Aegypter (Leipsic, 1885-1888), p. 581; E. A. Wallis Budge, op. cit. ii. 99 sq. Sometimes the Egyptians conceived the sky as a great cow standing with its legs on the earth. See A. Erman, Die ägyptische Religion,2 pp. 7, 8.

850.

Compare The Dying God, pp. 105 sqq.

851.

Julian, Or. v. pp. 165 b, 170 d (pp. 214, 221, ed. F. C. Hertlein); Sallustius philosophus, “De diis et mundo,” iv. Fragmenta Philosophorum Graecorum, ed. F. G. A. Mullach, iii. 33.

852.

Drexler, s.v. “Men,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 2745; H. Hepding, Attis, p. 120, note 8.

853.

H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, vol. ii. Pars i. pp. 145 sq., Nos. 4146-4149; H. Hepding, Attis, pp. 82, 86 sq., 89 sq. As to Men Tyrannus, see Drexler, s.v. “Men,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Myth. ii. 2687 sqq.

854.

On the other hand Sir W. M. Ramsay holds that Attis and Men are deities of similar character and origin, but differentiated from each other by development in different surroundings (Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. 169); but he denies that Men was a moon-god (op. cit. i. 104, note 4).

855.

In letters of Eumenes and Attalus, preserved in inscriptions at Sivrihissar, the priest at Pessinus is addressed as Attis. See A. von Domaszewski, “Briefe der Attaliden an den Priester von Pessinus,” Archaeologische-epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich-Ungarn, viii. (1884) pp. 96, 98; Ch. Michel, Recueil d'Inscriptions Grecques, pp. 57 sq. No. 45; W. Dittenberger, Orientis Graeci Inscriptiones Selectae (Leipsic, 1903-1905), vol. i. pp. 482 sqq. No. 315. For more evidence of inscriptions see H. Hepding, Attis, p. 79; Rapp, s.v. “Attis,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, i. 724. See also Polybius, xxii. 18 (20), (ed. L. Dindorf), who mentions a priest of the Mother of the Gods named Attis at Pessinus.

856.

The conjecture is that of Henzen, in Annal. d. Inst. 1856, p. 110, referred to by Rapp, l.c.

857.

The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings, ii. 75 sq.; The Dying God, pp. 151 sq., 209.

858.

Article “Phrygia,” in Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed. xviii. (1885) p. 853. Elsewhere, speaking of the religions of Asia Minor in general, the same writer says: “The highest priests and priestesses played the parts of the great gods in the mystic ritual, wore their dress, and bore their names” (Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, i. 101).

859.

Strabo, xii. 5. 3, p. 567.

860.

(Sir) W. M. Ramsay, “A Study of Phrygian Art,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 379 sqq.; id., “A Study of Phrygian Art,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, x. (1889) pp. 156 sqq.; G. Perrot et Ch. Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art dans l'Antiquité, v. 82 sqq.

861.

Herodotus, i. 94. According to Sir W. M. Ramsay, the conquering and ruling caste in Lydia belonged to the Phrygian stock (Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) p. 351).

862.

Herodotus, i. 34-45. The tradition that Croesus would allow no iron weapon to come near Atys suggests that a similar taboo may have been imposed on the Phrygian priests named Attis. For taboos of this sort see Taboo and the Perils of the Soul, pp. 225 sqq.

863.

H. Stein on Herodotus, i. 43; Ed. Meyer, s.v. “Atys,” in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, ii. 2 col. 2262.

864.

See above, pp. 13, 16 sq., 48 sqq.

865.

The Dying God, pp. 161 sqq.

866.

See (Sir) W. M. Ramsay, s.v. “Phrygia,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, 9th ed. xviii. 849 sq.; id., “A Study of Phrygian Art,” Journal of Hellenic Studies, ix. (1888) pp. 350 sq. Prof. P. Kretschmer holds that both Cybele and Attis were gods of the indigenous Asiatic population, not of the Phrygian invaders (Einleitung in die Geschichte der griechischen Sprache, Göttingen, 1896, pp. 194 sq.).

867.

Diodorus Siculus, iii. 58 sq. As to Marsyas in the character of a shepherd or herdsman see Hyginus, Fab. 165; Nonnus, Dionys. i. 41 sqq. He is called a Silenus by Pausanias (i. 24. 1).

868.

Pausanias, x. 30. 9.

869.

Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 4. 2; Hyginus, Fab. 165. Many ancient writers mention that the tree on which Marsyas suffered death was a pine. See Apollodorus, l.c.; Nicander, Alexipharmaca, 301 sq., with the Scholiast's note; Lucian, Tragodopodagra, 314 sq.; Archias Mitylenaeus, in Anthologia Palatina, vii. 696; Philostratus, Junior, Imagines, i. 3; Longus, Pastor. iv. 8; Zenobius, Cent. iv. 81; J. Tzetzes, Chiliades, i. 353 sqq. Pliny alone declares the tree to have been a plane, which according to him was still shown at Aulocrene on the way from Apamea to Phrygia (Nat. Hist. xvi. 240). On a candelabra in the Vatican the defeated Marsyas is represented hanging on a pine-tree (W. Helbig, Führer,2 i. 225 sq.); but the monumental evidence is not consistent on this point (Jessen, s.v. “Marsyas,” in W. H. Roscher's Lexikon der griech. und röm. Mythologie, ii. 2442). The position which the pine held in the myth and ritual of Cybele supports the preponderance of ancient testimony in favour of that tree.

870.

Herodotus, vii. 26; Xenophon, Anabasis, i. 2. 8; Livy, xxxviii. 13. 6; Quintus Curtius, iii. 1. 1-5; Pliny, Nat. Hist. v. 106. Herodotus calls the river the Catarrhactes.

871.

Aelian, Var. Hist. xiii. 21.

872.

Catullus, lxiii. 22; Lucretius, ii. 620; Ovid, Fasti, iv. 181 sq., 341; Polyaenus, Stratagem. viii. 53. 4. Flutes or pipes often appear on her monuments. See H. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae, Nos. 4100, 4143, 4145, 4152, 4153.

873.

Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium, v. 9, p. 168, ed. Duncker and Schneidewin.

874.

Adam of Bremen, Descriptio insularum Aquilonis, 27 (Migne's Patrologia Latina, cxlvi. 643).

875.

S. Bugge, Studien über die Entstehung der nördischen Götter- und Heldensagen (Munich, 1889), pp. 339 sqq.; K. Simrock, Die Edda8 (Stuttgart, 1882), p. 382; K. Müllenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde (Berlin, 1870-1900), iv. 244 sq.; H. M. Chadwick, The Cult of Othin (London, 1899), pp. 3-20. The old English custom of hanging and disembowelling traitors was probably derived from a practice of thus sacrificing them to Odin; for among many races, including the Teutonic and Latin peoples, capital punishment appears to have been originally a religious rite, a sacrifice or consecration of the criminal to the god whom he had offended. See F. Liebrecht, Zur Volkskunde (Heilbronn, 1879), pp. 8 sq.; K. von Amira, in H. Paul's Grundriss der germanischen Philologie,2 iii. (Strasburg, 1900) pp. 197 sq.; G. Vigfusson and F. York Powell, Corpus Poeticum Boreale (Oxford, 1883), i. 410; W. Golther, Handbuch der germanischen Mythologie (Leipsic, 1895), pp. 548 sq.; Th. Mommsen, Roman History, bk. i. ch. 12 (vol. i. p. 192, ed. 1868); id., Römisches Strafrecht (Leipsic, 1899), pp. 900 sqq.; F. Granger, The Worship of the Romans (London, 1895), pp. 259 sqq.; E. Westermarck, The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, i. (London, 1906) pp. 439 sq. So, too, among barbarous peoples the slaughter of prisoners in war is often a sacrifice offered by the victors to the gods to whose aid they ascribe the victory. See A. B. Ellis, The Tshi-speaking Peoples of the Gold Coast (London, 1887), pp. 169 sq.; W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches2 (London, 1832-1836), i. 289; Diodorus Siculus, xx. 65; Strabo, vii. 2. 3, p. 294; Caesar, De bello Gallico, vi. 17; Tacitus, Annals, i. 61, xiii. 57; Procopius, De bello Gothico, ii. 15. 24, ii. 25. 9; Jornandes, Getica, vi. 41; J. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie4 (Berlin, 1875-1878), i. 36 sq.; Fr. Schwally, Semitische Kriegsaltertümer (Leipsic, 1901), pp. 29 sqq.

876.

Havamal, 139 sqq. (K. Simrock, Die Edda,8 p. 55; K. Müllenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde, v. 270 sq.).

877.

Fay-Cooper Cole, The Wild Tribes of Davao District, Mindanao (Chicago, 1913), pp. 114 sqq. (Field Museum of Natural History, Publication 170).

878.

Pausanias, viii. 23. 6 sq. The story, mentioned by Pausanias, that some children tied a rope round the neck of the image of Artemis was probably invented to explain a ritual practice of the same sort, as scholars have rightly perceived. See L. Preller, Griechische Mythologie, i.4 305, note 2; L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States (Oxford, 1896-1909), ii. 428 sq.; M. P. Nilsson, Griechische Feste (Leipsic, 1906), pp. 232 sqq. The Arcadian worship of the Hanged Artemis was noticed by Callimachus. See Clement of Alexandria, Protrept. ii. 38, p. 32, ed. Potter.

879.

Eustathius on Homer, Od. xii. 85, p. 1714; I. Bekker, Anecdota Graeca (Berlin, 1814-1821), i. 336 sq., s.v. Ἄγαλμα Ἑκάτης. The goddess Hecate was sometimes identified with Artemis, though in origin probably she was quite distinct. See L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States, ii. 499 sqq.

880.

Antoninus Liberalis, Transform. xiii.

881.

Pausanias, iii. 19. 9 sq.

882.

H. von Fritze, “Zum griechischen Opferritual,” Jahrbuch des kaiser. deutsch. Archäologischen Instituts, xviii. (1903) pp. 58-67. In the ritual of Eleusis the sacrificial oxen were sometimes lifted up by young men from the ground. See G. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum,2 vol. ii. pp. 166 sq. No. 521 (ἤραντο δὲ καὶ τοῖς μυστηρίοις τοὺς βοῦς ἐν Ἐλευσῖνι τῇ θυσίαι, κτλ.); E. S. Roberts and E. A. Gardner, Introduction to Greek Epigraphy, ii. (Cambridge, 1905) pp. 176 sq., No. 65. In this inscription the word ἤραντο is differently interpreted by P. Stengel, who supposes that it refers merely to turning backwards and upwards the head of the victim. See P. Stengel, “Zum griechischen Opferritual,” Jahrbuch des kaiser. deutsch. Archäologischen Instituts, xviii. (1903) pp. 113-123. But it seems highly improbable that so trivial an act should be solemnly commemorated in an inscription among the exploits of the young men (epheboi) who performed it. On the other hand, we know that at Nysa the young men did lift and carry the sacrificial bull, and that the act was deemed worthy of commemoration on the coins. See above, p. 206. The Wajagga of East Africa dread the ghosts of suicides; so when a man has hanged himself they take the rope from his neck and hang a goat in the fatal noose, after which they slay the animal. This is supposed to appease the ghost and prevent him from tempting human beings to follow his bad example. See B. Gutmann, “Trauer und Begrabnissitten der Wadschagga,” Globus, lxxxix. (1906) p. 200.

883.

See above, p. 146.

884.

The Scapegoat, pp. 294 sqq.

885.

Herodotus, iv. 71 sq.

886.

Jean du Plan de Carpin, Historia Mongalorum, ed. D'Avezac (Paris, 1838), cap. iii. § iii.

887.

Voyages d'Ibn Batoutah, texte Arabe accompagné d'une traduction, par C. Défrémery et B. R. Sanguinetti (Paris, 1853-1858), iv. 300 sq. For more evidence of similar customs, observed by Turanian peoples, see K. Neumann, Die Hellenen im Skythenlande (Berlin, 1855), pp. 237-239.

888.

Captain R. Fitz-roy, Narrative of the Surveying Voyages of His Majesty's Ships “Adventure” and “Beagle” (London, 1839), ii. 155 sq.

889.

Herodotus, iv. 103. Many Scythians flayed their dead enemies, and, stretching the skin on a wooden framework, carried it about with them on horseback (Herodotus, iv. 64). The souls of the dead may have been thought to attend on and serve the man who thus bore their remains about with him. It is also possible that the custom was nothing more than a barbarous mode of wreaking vengeance on the dead. Thus a Persian king has been known to flay an enemy, stuff the skin with chaff, and hang it on a high tree (Procopius, De bello Persico, i. 5. 28). This was the treatment which the arch-heretic Manichaeus is said to have received at the hands of the Persian king whose son he failed to cure (Socrates, Historia Ecclesiastica, i. 22; Migne's Patrologia Graeca, lxvii. 137, 139). Still such a punishment may have been suggested by a religious rite. The idea of crucifying their human victims appears to have been suggested to the negroes of Benin by the crucifixes of the early Portuguese missionaries. See H. Ling Roth, Great Benin (Halifax, 1903), pp. 14 sq.