THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING A PEACE WITH GREAT BRITAIN. (continued 3)

The 6th Article, viz. where it declares, that no future confiscations shall be made, &c. ought to have fixed the time with greater accuracy. We think the most fair and true construction is, that it relates to the date of the cessation of hostilities. That is the time when peace in fact took place, in consequence of prior informal, though binding, contracts to terminate the war. We consider the definitive treaties, as only giving the dress of form to those contracts, and not as constituting the obligation of them. Had the cessation of hostilities been the effect of truce, and consequently nothing more than a temporary suspension of war, another construction would have been the true one.

We are officially assured by Mr Hartley, that positive orders for the evacuation of New York have been despatched, and that no avoidable delay will retard that event. Had we proposed to fix a time for it, the British Commissioner would have contended, that it should be a time posterior to the date of the definitive treaty, and that would have been probably more disadvantageous to us, than as that Article now stands.

We are surprised to hear, that any doubts have arisen in America, respecting the time when the cessation of hostilities took place there. It most certainly took place at the expiration of one month after the date of that declaration, in all parts of the world, whether by land or sea, that lay north of the latitude of the Canaries.

The ships afterwards taken from us, in the more northerly latitudes, ought to be reclaimed and given up. We shall apply to Mr Hartley on this subject, and also on that of the transportation of negroes from New York, contrary to the words and intention of the provisional articles.

We have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS, B. FRANKLIN, JOHN JAY.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON.

Paris, July 27th, 1783.

Sir,

The definitive treaties between the late belligerent powers are none of them yet completed. Ours has gone on slowly, owing partly to the necessity Mr Hartley, successor of Mr Oswald, thinks himself under of sending every proposition, either his own or ours, to his Court for their approbation, and their delay in answering, through negligence perhaps, since they have heard our ports are open, or through indecision, occasioned by ignorance of the subject, or through want of union among the Ministers. We send you herewith copies of several papers, that have passed between us. He has for some time assured us, that he is in hourly expectation of answers, but they do not arrive. The British Proclamation, respecting the commerce, appears to vex him a good deal. We enclose a copy. And we are of opinion, that finally we shall find it best to drop all commercial articles in our definitive treaty, and leave everything of that kind to a future special treaty, to be made either in America or in Europe, as Congress shall think fit to order. Perhaps it may be best to give powers for that purpose to the Minister, that probably will be sent to London. The opinion here is, that it will be becoming in us to take the first step towards the mutual exchange of Ministers, and we have been assured by the English Minister, who treats with us here, that ours will be well received.

The Dutch preliminaries are not yet agreed on, and it seems to be settled, that we are to sign all together, in the presence of the Ministers of the two Imperial Courts, who are to be complimented with the opportunity of signing as mediators, though they have not yet, and perhaps will not be consulted in the negotiations. Mr Adams has gone to Holland for three weeks, but will return sooner if wanted. The propositions you mention, as made to us from that State, we suppose he has given you an account of. Nothing was, or is likely to be, done upon them here, and therefore it was less necessary to say anything concerning them. A Minister from thence has been gone some time to Congress, and if he has those propositions in charge, they will best be considered there.

With great esteem, we have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN, JOHN JAY.

PROJECT FOR A DEFINITIVE TREATY OF PEACE.

Project for the Definitive Treaty of Peace and Friendship, between his Britannic Majesty and the United States of America, concluded at —— the —— day of —— 1783.

Be it known to all those, to whom it shall or may in any manner belong.

It has pleased the Most High to diffuse the spirit of union and concord among the nations, whose divisions had spread troubles in the four parts of the world, and to inspire them with the inclination to cause the comforts of peace, to succeed to the misfortunes of a long and bloody war, which having arisen between Great Britain and the United States of America, in its progress communicated itself to France, Spain, and the United Netherlands.

Consequently the United States of America, did, on the fifteenth of June, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and eightyone, name and appoint their Ministers Plenipotentiary, and resolve, ordain, and grant their Commission in the following words, viz. [See page 71.]

And his Majesty, the King of Great Britain, did on the twentyfirst day of September, in the twentysecond year of his reign, issue his Commission, under the great seal of Great Britain, to Richard Oswald, in the words following, viz. [See page 80.]

And his said Britannic Majesty, on the one part, and the said United States of America on the other, did lay the foundations of peace in the preliminaries, signed at Paris, on the thirtieth of November last, by the said Richard Oswald, on the part of his said Majesty, and by the said John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, on the part of the said United States, in virtue of their respective full powers aforesaid, and after having mutually shown to each other their said full powers in good form, and mutually exchanged authenticated copies of the same.

And his said Britannic Majesty did, on the twentyfourth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand, seven hundred and eightytwo, and in the twentysecond year of his reign, issue his Commission, signed with his royal hand, and under the great seal of Great Britain, to Alleyne Fitzherbert, in the following words, viz. [Here follows the Commission.]

And the said Alleyne Fitzherbert, on the part of his said Britannic Majesty, and John Adams and Benjamin Franklin, in the necessary absence of the said John Jay and Henry Laurens, on the part of the said United States, did, at Versailles, on the twentieth day of January last, communicate to each other their full powers aforesaid, in good form, and agreed upon an armistice in the words following; [See pp. 121, 123.]

And his Britannic Majesty did on the —— day of —— in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eightythree, and in the twentythird year of his reign, issue his Commission, signed with his royal hand, and under the great seal of Great Britain, to David Hartley, in the following words, viz.; [Here follows the Commission.]

And now the said David Hartley, Minister Plenipotentiary of his said Britannic Majesty, in behalf of his said Majesty on the one part, and John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, and John Jay, Ministers Plenipotentiary of the said United States of America, in behalf of the said States on the other, having communicated to each other their aforesaid full powers in good form, and mutually exchanged authenticated copies of the same, have, by virtue thereof agreed, and do hereby agree and conclude upon the Articles, the tenor of which is as follows, viz.

Whereas reciprocal advantages and mutual convenience are found, by experience, to form the only permanent foundation of peace and friendship between States, it is agreed to form the Articles of this treaty on such principles of liberal equity and reciprocity, as that partial advantages, those seeds of discord, being excluded, such a beneficial and satisfactory intercourse between the two countries may be established, as to promise and secure to both perpetual peace and harmony.

ARTICLE I.

The same as Article 1st of the preliminary treaty, but finishing at "every part thereof."

ARTICLE II.

The same as Article 2d of the preliminary treaty, but commencing with the remaining part of Article 1st, "and that all disputes," &c. and ending with the words, "and the Atlantic ocean."

ARTICLE III.

The same as Article 3d of the preliminary treaty.

ARTICLE IV.

It is agreed, that creditors on either side, shall meet with no lawful impediment to the recovery of the full value in sterling money of all bona fide debts heretofore contracted, excepting that the respective governments on both sides may, if they think proper, pass acts directing, that, in consideration of the distresses and disabilities brought on by the war, and by the interruption of commerce, no execution shall be issued on a judgment to be obtained in any such case, until after the expiration of three years from the date of this definitive treaty; nor shall such judgments include any allowance for interest for the time that passed during the war, and until the signing hereof.

ARTICLE V.

And whereas doubts have arisen concerning the true construction of the 5th Article of the provisional treaty, and great difficulties are likely to arise in its execution, it is hereby agreed, that the same shall be declared void, and omitted in this definitive treaty.

And, instead thereof, it is agreed, that as exact an account as may be, shall be taken by Commissioners to be appointed for that purpose on each part, of all seizures, confiscations, or destruction of property belonging to the adherents of the Crown of Great Britain in America, (exclusive of prizes made at sea, and debts mentioned in the preceding Article,) and an account of all seizures, confiscations, or destruction of property belonging to the adherents of the United States residing either therein, or in Canada; and the said property being duly appraized and valued, the accounts thereof shall be compared, and the balance shall be paid in money by the party, which has suffered least, within one year after such adjustment of the said accounts. And it is further agreed, that all persons, who have any interest in confiscated lands, either by debts, or marriage settlements, or otherwise, shall meet with no lawful impediment in the prosecution of their just rights.

ARTICLE VI.

The same as Article 6th of the preliminary treaty.

ARTICLE VII.

There shall be a firm and perpetual peace between his Britannic Majesty and the said States, and between the subjects of the one, and the citizens of the other. And his Britannic Majesty shall; with all convenient speed, and without causing any destruction, or carrying away any negroes, or other property of the American inhabitants, withdraw all his armies, garrisons, and fleets from the said United States, and from every port, place, and harbor within the same, leaving in all fortifications the American artillery that may be therein. And shall also order and cause all archives, records, deeds, and papers belonging to any of the said States, or their citizens, which, in the course of the war, may have fallen into the hands of his officers, to be forthwith restored and delivered to the proper States and persons to whom they belong. And all destruction of property, or carrying away of negroes, or other property belonging to the American inhabitants, contrary to the above stipulation, shall be duly estimated and compensated to the owners.

ARTICLE VIII.

The navigation of the rivers Mississippi and St Lawrence from their sources to the ocean, shall forever remain free and open to the subjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the United States.

ARTICLE IX.

The prisoners made respectively by the arms of his Britannic Majesty and the United States, by land and by sea, not already set at liberty, shall be restored reciprocally and bona fide, immediately after the ratification of the definitive treaty, without ransom, and on paying the debts they may have contracted during their captivity; and each party shall respectively reimburse the sums which shall have been advanced for the subsistence and maintenance of their prisoners by the sovereign of the country where they shall have been detained, according to the receipts and attested accounts and other authentic titles, which shall be produced on each side to commissioners, who shall be mutually appointed for the purpose of settling the same.

ARTICLE X.

His Britannic Majesty shall employ his good offices and interposition with the King or Emperor of Morocco or Fez, the Regencies of Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli, or with any of them, and also with every other Prince, State, or Power of the coast of Barbary in Africa, and the subjects of the said King, Emperor, States, and Powers, and each of them, in order to provide, as fully and efficaciously as possible, for the benefit, conveniency and safety of the said United States, and each of them, their subjects, people, and inhabitants, and their vessels and effects, against all violence, insult, attacks, or depredations, on the part of the said Provinces and States of Barbary, or their subjects.

ARTICLE XI.

If war should hereafter arise between Great Britain and the United States, which God forbid, the merchants of either country, then residing in the other, shall be allowed to remain nine months to collect their debts and settle their affairs, and may depart freely, carrying off all their effects, without molestation or hinderance. And all fishermen, all cultivators of the earth, and all artisans or manufacturers, unarmed and inhabiting unfortified towns, villages, or places, who labor for the common subsistence and benefit of mankind, and peaceably follow their respective employments, shall be allowed to continue the same, and shall not be molested by the armed force of the enemy, in whose power, by the events of war, they may happen to fall; but if anything is necessary to be taken from them for the use of such armed force, the same shall be paid for at a reasonable price. All merchants or traders, with their unarmed vessels employed in commerce, exchanging the products of different places, and thereby rendering the necessaries, conveniences and comforts of human life more easy to obtain, and more general, shall be allowed to pass freely unmolested. And neither of the powers, parties to this treaty, shall grant or issue any commission to any private armed vessel, empowering them to take or destroy such trading ships or interrupt such commerce.

ARTICLE XII.

And in case either of the contracting parties shall happen to be engaged in war with any other nation, it is further agreed, in order to prevent all the difficulties and misunderstandings that usually arise respecting the merchandise heretofore called contraband, such as arms, ammunition, and military stores of all kinds, that no such articles carrying by the ships or subjects of one of the parties to the enemies of the other, shall, on any account, be deemed contraband, so as to induce confiscation and a loss of property to individuals; nevertheless, it shall be lawful to stop such ships and detain them for such length of time as the captors may think necessary to prevent the inconvenience or damage that might ensue from their proceeding on their voyage, paying, however, a reasonable compensation for the loss such arrest shall occasion to the proprietors. And it shall further be allowed to use in the service of the captors, the whole, or any part of the military stores so detained, paying to the owners the full value of the same, to be ascertained by the current price at the place of its destination.

ARTICLE XIII.

The citizens and inhabitants of the said United States, or any of them, may take and hold real estates in Great Britain, Ireland, or any other of his Majesty's dominions, and dispose by testament, donation, or otherwise, of their property, real or personal, in favor of such persons as to them shall seem fit; and their heirs, citizens of the United States, or any of them, residing in the British dominions, or elsewhere, may succeed them, ab intestato, without being obliged to obtain letters of naturalization.

The subjects of his Britannic Majesty shall enjoy on their part, in all the dominions of the said United States, an entire and perfect reciprocity, relative to the stipulations contained in the present Article.

ARTICLE XIV.

His Majesty consents, that the citizens of the United States may cut logwood as heretofore in the district allotted to his subjects by the treaty with Spain, on condition that they bring or send the said logwood to Great Britain, or Ireland, and to no other part of Europe.

ARTICLE XV.

All the lakes, rivers, and waters, divided by the boundary line, or lines, between his Britannic Majesty's territories and those of the United States, as well as the rivers mentioned in Article —— shall be freely used and navigated by the subjects and citizens of his said Majesty and of the said States, in common over the whole extent or breadth of the said lakes, rivers and waters. And all the carrying places, on which side soever situated of the said dividing waters, or between the said rivers and the waters or territories of either of the parties, may and shall be freely used by the traders of both, without any restraint, demand of duties, or tax, or any imposition whatsoever, except such as inhabitants of the country may be subject to.

ARTICLE XVI.

That in all places belonging to the United States, or either of them, in the country adjoining to the water line of division, and which, during the war, were in his Majesty's possession, all persons at present resident or having possessions or occupations as merchants or otherwise, may remain in the peaceable enjoyment of all civil rights, and in pursuit of their occupations, unless they shall within seven years from the date hereof, receive notice from Congress or the State to which any such place may appertain, to remove, and that upon any such notice of removal a term of two years shall be allowed for selling or withdrawing their effects and for settling their affairs.

ARTICLE XVII.

It is further agreed, that his Britannic Majesty's forces, not exceeding —— in number, may continue in the posts now occupied by them, contiguous to the water line, until Congress shall give them notice to evacuate the said posts, and American garrisons shall arrive at said posts for the purpose of securing the lives, property, and peace of any persons settled in that country, against the invasion or ravages of the neighboring Indian nations, who may be suspected of retaining resentments in consequence of the late war.

ARTICLE XVIII.

It is further agreed, that his Britannic Majesty shall cause to be evacuated the ports of New York, Penobscot and their dependencies, with all other posts and places in possession of his Majesty's arms within the United States, in three months after the signing of this treaty, or sooner if possible, excepting those posts contiguous to the water line abovementioned, which are to be evacuated on notice as specified in Article XVII.

ARTICLE XIX.

It is agreed that all vessels, which shall have been taken by either party from the other, after the term of twelve days within the Channel or the North Seas, or after the term of one month anywhere to the northward of the latitude of the Canaries inclusively, or after the term of two months between the latitude of the Canaries and the Equinoctial line, or after the term of five months in any other part of the world (all which said terms are to be computed from the third day of February last,) shall be restored.

His said Britannic Majesty and the said United States promise to observe sincerely and bona fide, all the Articles contained and settled in the present treaty; and they will not suffer the same to be infringed, directly or indirectly, by their respective subjects and citizens.

The solemn ratifications of the present treaty, expedited in good and due form, shall be exchanged in the city of London, or Philadelphia, between the contracting parties in the space of —— months, or sooner if possible, to be computed from the day of the signature of the present treaty.

In witness whereof, we, the underwritten, their Ministers Plenipotentiary, have signed with our hands, in their name, and in virtue of our full powers, the present definitive treaty, and have caused the seal of our arms to be put thereto.

Done at —— the —— day of —— 1783.

RATIFICATION OF THE PROVISIONAL ARTICLES BY GREAT BRITAIN.

George R.

George the Third, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, Duke of Brunswick and Lunenburg, Arch Treasurer, and Prince Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, &c.

Whereas Provisional Articles between us and our good friends, the United States of America, viz. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, were concluded and signed at Paris, on the thirtieth day of November, one thousand seven hundred and eightytwo, by the Commissioners of us and our said good friends, duly and respectively authorised for that purpose; which Provisional Articles are in the form and words following; [Here follows the treaty. See pages 109 to 115.]

We having seen and considered the Provisional Articles aforesaid, have approved, ratified, accepted, and confirmed the same in all and every one of their clauses, and provisos, as we do by these presents, approve, ratify, accept, and confirm them, for ourself, our heirs, and successors; engaging and promising upon our royal word, that we will sincerely and faithfully perform and observe, all and singular the things which are contained in the aforesaid Provisional Articles, and that we will never suffer them to be violated by any one, or transgressed in any manner, as far as it lies in our power. For the greater testimony and validity of all which, we have caused our great seal of Great Britain to be affixed to these presents, which we have signed with our royal hand.

Given at our Court at St James, the sixth day of August, one thousand seven hundred and eightythree, in the twentythird year of our reign.

GEORGE R.

An Act of the British Parliament, repealing certain Acts prohibiting Intercourse with the United States.

An Act to repeal so much of two Acts, made in the sixteenth and seventeenth years of the reign of his present Majesty, as prohibits trade and intercourse with the United States of America.

Whereas it is highly expedient, that the intercourse between Great Britain and the United States of America should be immediately opened; be it therefore enacted and declared by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons, in the present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that an Act passed in the sixteenth year of his Majesty's reign, entitled, "An Act to prohibit all trade and intercourse with the Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three lower counties on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, during the continuance of the present rebellion within the said Colonies respectively, for repealing an Act made in the fourteenth year of the reign of his present Majesty, to discontinue the lading and discharging, lading or shipping, of goods, wares, and merchandise, at the town and within the harbor of Boston in the province of Massachusetts Bay; and also two Acts, made in the last session of Parliament, for restraining the trade and commerce of the Colonies in the said Acts respectively mentioned; and to enable any person or persons, appointed and authorised by his Majesty to grant pardons, to issue proclamations, in the cases and for the purposes therein mentioned;" and also an Act, passed in the seventeenth year of his Majesty's reign, entitled, "An Act for enabling the Commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great Britain, to grant commissions to the commanders of private ships, and vessels employed in trade, or retained in his Majesty's service, to take and make prize of all such ships and vessels, and their cargoes, as are therein mentioned, for a limited time;" so far as the said Acts, or either of them, may extend, or be construed to extend, to prohibit trade and intercourse with the territories now composing the said United States of America, or to authorise any hostilities against the persons or properties of the subjects and citizens of the said United States, after the respective periods set forth in his Majesty's proclamation for the cessation of hostilities between Great Britain and the United States of America, bearing date the fourteenth day of February, one thousand seven hundred and eightythree, shall be, and the same are henceforth repealed.

Anno vicesimo tertio Georgii III, Regis; cap. 26.

DAVID HARTLEY TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Paris, August, 29th, 1783.

Gentlemen,

As the day is now fixed for the signatures of the definitive treaties, between Great Britain, France, and Spain, I beg leave to inform your Excellencies, that I am ready to sign the definitive treaty, between Great Britain and the United States of America, whenever it shall be convenient to you. I beg the favor, therefore, of you to fix the day. My instructions confine me to Paris, as the place appointed to me for the exercise of my functions, and, therefore, whatever day you may fix upon for the signature, I shall hope to receive the honor of your company at the Hôtel de York.

I am, Gentlemen, with the greatest respect, yours, &c.

DAVID HARTLEY.

TO DAVID HARTLEY.

Passy, August 30th, 1783.

The American Ministers Plenipotentiary for making peace with Great Britain, present their compliments to Mr Hartley. They regret that Mr Hartley's instructions will not permit him to sign the definitive treaty of peace with America at the place appointed for the signature of the others. They will, nevertheless, have the honor of waiting upon Mr Hartley at his lodgings at Paris, for the purpose of signing the treaty in question, on Wednesday morning at eight o'clock.

DAVID HARTLEY TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

Paris, September 4th, 1783.

Gentlemen,

It is with the sincerest pleasure that I congratulate you on the happy event which took place yesterday, viz.; the signature of the definitive treaty between our two countries. I considered it as the auspicious presage of returning confidence, and of the future intercourse of all good offices between us. I doubt not that our two countries will entertain the same sentiments, and that they will behold with satisfaction the period which terminates the memory of their late unhappy dissensions, and which leads to the renewal of all the ancient ties of amity and peace. I can assure you, that his Britannic Majesty and his confidential servants entertain the strongest desire of a cordial good understanding with the United States of America. And that nothing may be wanting on our parts to perfect the great work of pacification, I shall propose to you in a very short time, to renew the discussion of those points of amity and intercourse which have been lately suspended, to make way for the signature of the treaties between all the late belligerent powers, which took place yesterday.

We have now the fairest prospects before us, and an unembarrassed field for the exercise of every beneficent disposition, and for the accomplishment of every object of reciprocal advantage between us. Let us, then, join our hearts and hands together in one common cause for the reunion of all our ancient affections and common interests.[16]

I am, Gentlemen, &c.

DAVID HARTLEY.

FOOTNOTE:

B. FRANKLIN TO CHARLES FOX.

Passy, September 5th, 1783.

Sir,

I received in its time the letter you did me the honor of writing to me by Mr Hartley; and I cannot let him depart without expressing my satisfaction in his conduct towards us, and applauding the prudence of that choice, which sent us a man possessed of such a spirit of conciliation, and of all that frankness, sincerity, and candor, which naturally produce confidence, and thereby facilitate the most difficult negotiations. Our countries are now happily at peace, on which I congratulate you most cordially; and I beg you to be assured, that as long as I have any concern in public affairs, I shall readily and heartily concur with you in promoting every measure that may tend to promote the common felicity.

With great and sincere esteem and respect, I have the honor to be, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

TO DAVID HARTLEY.

Passy, September 5th, 1783.

Sir,

We have received the letter you did us the honor to write yesterday.

Your friendly congratulations on the signature of the definitive treaty meet with cordial returns on our part; and we sincerely rejoice with you on that event, by which the Ruler of nations has been graciously pleased to give peace to our two countries.

We are no less ready to join our endeavors than our wishes with yours, to concert such measures for regulating the future intercourse between Great Britain and the United States, as, by being consistent with the honor and interests of both, may tend to increase and perpetuate mutual confidence and good will.

We ought, nevertheless, to apprize you, that as no construction of our commission could at any period extend it, unless by implication, to several of the proposed stipulations; and as our instructions respecting commercial provisions, however explicit, suppose their being incorporated in the definitive treaty, a recurrence to Congress previous to the signature of them will be necessary, unless obviated by the despatches we may sooner receive from them.

We shall immediately write to them on the subject, and we are persuaded that the same disposition to confidence and friendship, which has induced them already to give unrestrained course to British commerce and unconditionally to liberate all prisoners at a time when more caution would not have appeared singular, will also urge their attention to the objects in question, and lead them to every proper measure for promoting a liberal and satisfactory intercourse between the two countries.

We have communicated to Congress the repeated friendly assurances with which you have officially honored us on these subjects, and we are persuaded that the period of their being realized will have an auspicious and conciliating influence on all the parties in the late unhappy dissensions.

We have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS, B. FRANKLIN, JOHN JAY.

TO DAVID HARTLEY.

Passy, September 7th, 1783.

Sir,

We have the honor of transmitting, herewith enclosed an extract of a resolution of Congress of the 1st of May last, which we have just received.

You will perceive from it, that we may daily expect a commission in due form, for the purposes mentioned in it; and we assure you of our readiness to enter upon the business whenever you may think proper.[17]

We have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS, B. FRANKLIN, JOHN JAY.

FOOTNOTE:

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Passy, September 10th, 1783.

Sir,

On the 3d instant definitive treaties of peace were concluded between all the late belligerent powers, except the Dutch, who the day before settled and signed preliminary articles of peace with Britain.

We most sincerely and cordially congratulate Congress and our country in general on this happy event; and we hope, that the same kind providence, which has led us through a rigorous war to an honorable peace, will enable us to make a wise and moderate use of that inestimable blessing.

We have communicated a duplicate original of the treaty to the care of Mr Thaxter, who will go immediately to L'Orient, whence he will sail in the French packet to New York. That gentleman left America with Mr Adams as his private Secretary, and his conduct having been perfectly satisfactory to that Minister, we join in recommending him to the attention of Congress. We have ordered Mr Grand to pay him one hundred and thirty louis d'ors, on account of the reasonable expenses to be incurred by his mission to Congress, and his journey from thence to his family at Hingham, in the Massachusetts Bay. For the disposition of the money he is to account. The definitive treaty being in the terms of the Provisional Articles, and not comprehending any of the objects of our subsequent negotiations, it is proper that we give a summary account of them.

When Mr Hartley arrived here, he brought with him only a set of instructions, signed by the King. We objected to proceeding with him until he should have a commission in form. This occasioned some delay. A proper commission was, however, transmitted to him, a copy of which was shortly after sent to Mr Livingston.

We having been instructed to obtain, if possible, an Article for a direct trade to the West Indies, made to Mr Hartley the proposition No. 1.[18]

He approved of it greatly, and recommended it to his Court, but they declined assenting to it.

Mr Hartley then made us the proposition No. 2;[19] but being asked, whether he was authorised to sign it, in case we agreed to it, he answered in the negative. We, therefore, thought it improper to proceed to the consideration of it, until after he should have obtained the consent of his Court to it. We also desired to be informed, whether his Court would, or would not, comprehend Ireland in their stipulations with us.

The British Cabinet would not adopt Mr Hartley's propositions, but their letters to him were calculated to inspire us with expectations, that as nothing but particular local circumstances, which would probably not be of long duration, restrained them from preferring the most liberal system of commerce with us, the Ministry would take the earliest opportunity of gratifying their own wishes, as well as ours, on that subject.

Mr Hartley then made us the propositions No. 3.[20] At this time, we were informed, that letters for us had arrived in France from Philadelphia; we expected to receive instructions in them, and told Mr Hartley, that this expectation induced us to postpone giving him an answer for a few days.

The vessel by which we expected these letters, it seems had not brought any for us. But at that time information arrived from America, that our ports were all opened to British vessels. Mr Hartley thereupon did not think himself at liberty to proceed, until after he should communicate that intelligence to his Court and receive their further instructions.

Those further instructions never came; and thus our endeavors as to commercial regulations proved fruitless. We had many conferences, and received long Memorials from Mr Hartley on the subject; but his zeal for systems friendly to us, constantly exceeded his authority to concert and agree to them.

During the long interval of his expecting instructions, for his expectations were permitted to exist almost to the last, we proceeded to make and receive propositions for perfecting the definitive treaty. Details of all the amendments, alterations, objections, expectations, &c. which occurred in the course of these discussions, would be voluminous. We finally agreed that he should send to his Court the project or draft of a treaty, No. 4.[21] He did so, but after much time, and when pressed by France, who insisted that we should all conclude together, he was instructed to sign a definitive treaty in the terms of the Provisional Articles.

Whether the British Court meant to avoid a definitive treaty with us, through a vain hope, from the exaggerated accounts of divisions among our people, and want of authority in Congress, that some revolution might soon happen in their favor; or whether their dilatory conduct was caused by the strife of the two opposite and nearly equal parties in the Cabinet, is hard to decide.

Your Excellency will observe, that the treaty was signed at Paris, and not at Versailles. Mr Hartley's letter of August 29th, and our answer, will explain this. His objections, and indeed our proceedings in general, were communicated to the French Minister, who was content that we should acquiesce, but desired that we would appoint the signing early in the morning, and give him an account of it at Versailles by express, for that he would not proceed to sign on the part of France, till he was sure that our business was done.

The day after the signature of the treaty, Mr Hartley wrote us a congratulatory letter, to which we replied.

He has gone to England, and expects soon to return, which for our parts we think uncertain. We have taken care to speak to him in strong terms, on the subject of the evacuation of New York, and the other important subjects proper to be mentioned to him. We think we may rely on his doing everything in his power to influence his Court to do what they ought to do; but it does not appear, that they have as yet formed any settled system for their conduct relative to the United States. We cannot but think, that the late and present aspect of affairs in America, has had and continues to have, an unfavorable influence, not only in Britain but throughout Europe.

In whatever light the Article respecting the tories may be viewed in America, it is considered in Europe as very humiliating to Britain, and therefore as being one, which we ought in honor to perform and fulfil with the most scrupulous regard to good faith, and in a manner least offensive to the feelings of the King and Court of Great Britain, who upon that point are extremely tender.

The unseasonable and unnecessary resolves of various towns on this subject, the actual expulsion of tories from some places, and the avowed implacability of almost all who have published their sentiments about the matter, are circumstances, which are construed, not only to the prejudice of our national magnanimity and good faith, but also to the prejudice of our governments.

Popular committees are considered here, as with us, in the light of substitutes to constitutional government, and as being only necessary in the interval between the removal of the former and the establishment of the present.

The constitutions of the different States have been translated and published, and pains have been taken to lead Europe to believe, that the American States, not only made their own laws, but obeyed them. But the continuance of popular assemblies, convened expressly to deliberate on matters proper only for the cognizance of the different legislatures and officers of government, and their proceeding not only to ordain, but to enforce their resolutions, has exceedingly lessened the dignity of the States in the eyes of these nations.

To this we may also add, that the situation of the army, the reluctance of the people to pay taxes, and the circumstances under which Congress removed from Philadelphia, have diminished the admiration, in which the people of America were held among the nations of Europe, and somewhat abated their ardor for forming connexions with us, before our affairs acquire a greater degree of order and consistence.

Permit us to observe, that in our opinion, the recommendation of Congress, promised in the fifth Article, should immediately be made in the terms of it, and published, and that the States should be requested to take it into consideration, as soon as the evacuation by the enemy shall be completed. It is also much to be wished, that the legislatures may not involve all the tories in banishment and ruin, but that such discrimination may be made, as to entitle the decisions to the approbation of disinterested men and dispassionate posterity.

On the 7th instant we received your Excellency's letter of the 16th of June last, covering a resolution of Congress of the 1st of May, directing a commission to us for making a treaty of commerce, &c. with Great Britain. This intelligence arrived very opportunely to prevent the anti-American party in England from ascribing any delays, on our part, to motives of resentment to that country. Great Britain will send a Minister to Congress, as soon as Congress shall send a Minister to Britain, and we think much good might result from that measure.

The information of M. Dumas, that we encouraged the idea of entering into engagements with the Dutch, to defend the freedom of trade, was not well founded. Our sentiments on that subject exactly correspond with those of Congress; nor did we even think or pretend, that we had authority to adopt any such measures.

We have reason to think that the Emperor, and Russia, and other commercial nations, are ready to make treaties of commerce with the United States. Perhaps it might not be improper for Congress to direct, that their disposition on the subject be communicated to those Courts, and thereby prepare the way for such treaties.

The Emperor of Morocco has manifested a very friendly disposition towards us. He expects, and is ready to receive a Minister from us; and as he may either change his mind, or may be succeeded by a prince differently disposed, a treaty with him may be of importance. Our trade to the Mediterranean will not be inconsiderable, and the friendship of Morocco, Algiers, Tunis, and Tripoli may become very interesting, in case the Russians should succeed in their endeavors to navigate freely into it by Constantinople.

Much, we think, will depend on the success of our negotiations with England. If she should be prevailed upon to agree to a liberal system of commerce, France, and perhaps some other nations, will follow her example; but if she should prefer an exclusive, monopolizing plan, it is probable that her neighbors will continue to adhere to their favorite restrictions.

Were it certain that the United States could be brought to act as a nation, and would jointly and fairly conduct their commerce on principles of exact reciprocity with all nations, we think it probable that Britain would make extensive concessions. But, on the contrary, while the prospect of disunion in our councils, or want of power and energy in our executive departments exist, they will not be apprehensive of retaliation, and consequently lose their principal motive to liberty. Unless, with respect to all foreign nations and transactions, we uniformly act as an entire united nation, faithfully executing and obeying the constitutional acts of Congress on those subjects, we shall soon find ourselves in the situation in which all Europe wishes to see us, viz. as unimportant consumers of her manufactures and productions, and as useful laborers to furnish her with raw materials.

We beg leave to assure Congress that we shall apply our best endeavors to execute this new commission to their satisfaction, and shall punctually obey such instructions as they may be pleased to give us relative to it. Unless Congress have nominated a Secretary to that commission, we shall consider ourselves at liberty to appoint one; and as we are satisfied with the conduct of Mr Franklin, the Secretary to our late commission, we propose to appoint him, leaving it to Congress to make such compensation for his services as they may judge proper.

Count de Vergennes communicated to us a proposition, viz. herewith enclosed,[22] for explaining the 2d and 3d Articles of our treaty with France in a manner different from the sense in which we understand them. This being a matter in which we have no right to interfere, we have not expressed any opinion about it to the Court.

With great respect, we have the honor to be, Sir, your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servants,

JOHN ADAMS, B. FRANKLIN, JOHN JAY.

FOOTNOTES:

FROM CONGRESS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.

October 29th, 1783.

By the United States in Congress assembled.

To the Commissioners of the United States of America at the Court of Versailles, empowered to negotiate a peace, or to any one or more of them;

1st. You are instructed and authorised to announce to his Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Germany, or to his Ministers, the high sense which the United States in Congress assembled entertain of his exalted character and eminent virtues, and their earnest desire to cultivate his friendship, and to enter into a treaty of amity and commerce for the mutual advantage of the subjects of his Imperial Majesty, and the citizens of these United States.

2dly. You are instructed to meet the advances and encourage the disposition of the other commercial powers in Europe for entering into treaties of amity and commerce with these United States. In negotiations on this subject, you will lay it down as a principle in no case to be deviated from, that they shall respectively have for their basis the mutual advantage of the contracting parties on terms of the most perfect equality and reciprocity, and not to be repugnant to any of the treaties already entered into by the United States with France and other foreign powers. That such treaties shall, in the first instance, be proposed for a term not exceeding fifteen years, and shall not be finally conclusive until they shall respectively have been transmitted to the United States in Congress assembled, for their examination and final direction; and that, with the drafts or propositions for such treaties, shall be transmitted all the information which shall come within the knowledge of the said Ministers respecting the same; and their observations after the most mature inquiry on the probable advantages or disadvantages and effects of such treaties respectively.

3dly. You are instructed to continue to press upon the Ministers of his Danish Majesty the justice of causing satisfaction to be made for the value of the ships and goods captured by the Alliance frigate and sent into Bergen, and how essentially it concerns the honor of the United States that their gallant citizens should not be deprived of any part of those prizes, which they had so justly acquired by their valor. That as far as Congress have been informed, the estimate of those prizes at fifty thousand pounds sterling is not immoderate; that no more however is desired than their true value, after every deduction which shall be thought equitable. That Congress have a sincere disposition to cultivate the friendship of his Danish Majesty, and to promote a commercial intercourse between his subjects and the citizens of the United States, on terms which shall promise mutual advantage to both nations. That it is therefore the wish of Congress, that this claim should still be referred to the equitable disposition of his Danish Majesty, in full confidence that the reasonable expectations of the parties interested will be fully answered; accordingly you are fully authorised and directed, after exerting your best endeavors to enforce the said claim to the extent it shall appear to you to be well founded, to make abatements if necessary, and ultimately to accept such compensation as his Danish Majesty can be prevailed upon to grant.

4thly. You are further instructed, to inquire and report to Congress the reasons why the expedition of the Alliance and Bon Homme Richard, and the squadron which accompanied them, was carried on at the expense and on account of the Court of France; whether any part of the profit arising therefrom accrued to the United States; or any of the expense thereof has been placed to their account; whether the proceeds of any of the prizes taken in that expedition, and which is due to the American officers and seamen employed therein, is deposited in Europe; and what amount, where, and in whose hands.

5thly. The acquisition of support to the independence of the United States having been the primary object of the instructions to our Ministers respecting the convention of the neutral maritime powers for maintaining the freedom of commerce, you will observe, that the necessity of such support is superseded by the treaties lately entered into for restoring peace. And although Congress approve of the principles of that convention, as it was founded on the liberal basis of the maintenance of the rights of neutral nations, and of the privileges of commerce, yet they are unwilling at this juncture, to become a party to a confederacy which may hereafter too far complicate the interests of the United States with the politics of Europe; and, therefore, if such a progress is not already made in this business as may render it dishonorable to recede, it is the desire of Congress and their instruction to each of the Ministers of the United States at the respective Courts in Europe, that no further measures be taken at present towards the admission of the United States into that confederacy.

6thly. The Ministers of these States for negotiating a peace with Great Britain are hereby instructed, authorised and directed, to urge forward the definitive treaty to a speedy conclusion; and unless there shall be an immediate prospect of obtaining articles or explanations beneficial to the United States, in addition to the Provisional Articles, that they shall agree to adopt the Provisional Articles as the substance of a definitive treaty of peace.

7thly. The Minister or Ministers of these United States for negotiating a peace are hereby instructed to negotiate an explanation of the following paragraph of the declaration acceded to by them on the 20th of January, 1783, relative to captures, viz. "that the term should be one month from the Channel and North Sea as far as the Canary Islands, inclusively, whether in the ocean or the Mediterranean."

8thly. Mr Jay is hereby authorised to direct Mr Carmichael to repair to Paris, should Mr Jay be of opinion that the interest of the United States at the Court of Madrid may not be injured by Mr Carmichael's absence; and that Mr Carmichael carry with him the books and vouchers necessary to make a final and complete settlement of the accounts of public moneys which have passed through the hands of Mr Jay and himself; and that Mr Barclay attend Mr Jay and Mr Carmichael to adjust those accounts.

9thly. Mr Jay has leave to go to Bath, should he find it necessary for the benefit of his health.

RATIFICATION OF THE DEFINITIVE TREATY BY CONGRESS.

Know ye, that we, the United States in Congress assembled, having seen and considered the Definitive Articles aforesaid, (meaning the treaty signed by the Commissioners in Paris, on the 30th of November, 1782,) have approved, ratified, and confirmed, and by these presents do approve, ratify, and confirm the said Articles, and every part and clause thereof, engaging and promising, that we will sincerely and faithfully perform and observe the same, and never suffer them to be violated by any one, or transgressed in any manner, as far as lies in our power.

In testimony whereof, we have caused the seal of the United States to be hereunto affixed. Witness, his Excellency Thomas Mifflin, President, this fourteenth day of January, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty four, and in the eighth year of the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America.

PROCLAMATION OF CONGRESS RESPECTING THE DEFINITIVE TREATY.

By the United States in Congress assembled,

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas Definitive Articles of peace and friendship between the United States of America and his Britannic Majesty, were concluded and signed at Paris, on the third day of September, one thousand seven hundred and eightythree, by the Plenipotentiaries of the said United States and of his said Britannic Majesty, duly and respectively authorised for that purpose; which Definitive Articles are in the words following; [Here follows the treaty.]

And we, the United States in Congress assembled, having seen and duly considered the Definitive Articles aforesaid, did, by a certain act under the seal of the United States, bearing date this 14th day of January, 1784, approve, ratify, and confirm the same, and every part and clause thereof, engaging and promising, that we would sincerely and faithfully perform and observe the same, and never suffer them to be violated by any one, or transgressed in any manner, as far as should be in our power; and being sincerely disposed to carry the said Articles into execution, truly, honestly, and with good faith, according to the intent and meaning thereof, we have thought proper by these presents, to notify the premises to all the good citizens of the United States, hereby requiring and enjoining all bodies of magistracy, legislative, executive, and judiciary, all persons bearing office, civil or military, of whatever rank, degree, and powers, and all others the good citizens of these States, of every vocation and condition, that reverencing those stipulations entered into on their behalf, under the authority of that federal bond, by which their existence as an independent people is bound up together, and is known and acknowledged by the nations of the world, and with that good faith, which is every man's surest guide, within their several offices, jurisdictions, and vocations, they carry into effect the said Definitive Articles, and every clause and sentence thereof, sincerely, strictly, and completely.

Given under the seal of the United States. Witness, his Excellency Thomas Mifflin, our President, at Annapolis, this fourteenth day of January, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eightyfour, and of the sovereignty and independence of the United States of America, the eighth.

Resolved, unanimously, nine States being present, that it be, and it is hereby earnestly recommended to the legislatures of the respective States, to provide for the restitution of all estates, rights, and properties, which have been confiscated, belonging to real British subjects; and also of the estates, rights, and properties of persons resident in districts, which were in the possession of his Britannic Majesty's arms, at any time between the thirtieth day of November, 1782, and the 14th day of January, 1784, and who have not borne arms against the said United States; and that persons of any other description shall have free liberty to go to any part or parts of any of the Thirteen United States, and therein to remain twelve months unmolested in their endeavors to obtain the restitution of such of their estates, rights, and properties, as may have been confiscated; and it is also hereby earnestly recommended to the several States, to reconsider and revise all their acts or laws regarding the premises, so as to render the said laws or acts perfectly consistent, not only with justice and equity, but with that spirit of conciliation, which, on the return of the blessings of peace, should universally prevail; and it is hereby also earnestly recommended to the several States, that the estates, rights, and properties of such last mentioned persons should be restored to them, they refunding to any persons who may be now in possession, the bona fide price, (where any has been given) which such persons may have paid on purchasing any of the said lands, rights, or properties since the confiscation.

Ordered, That a copy of the Proclamation of this date, together with the recommendation, be transmitted to the several States by the Secretary.

RATIFICATION OF THE DEFINITIVE TREATY BY GREAT BRITAIN.

George the Third, by the Grace of God, King of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, Duke of Brunswick and Lunenburg, Arch Treasurer, and Prince Elector of the Holy Roman Empire, &c. To all to whom these presents shall come, Greeting.

Whereas a definitive treaty of peace and friendship, between us and our good friends, the United Stales of America, viz. New Hampshire, Massachusetts Bay, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, was concluded and signed at Paris, the 3d day of September last, by the Plenipotentiaries of us, and our said good friends, duly and respectively authorised for that purpose, which definitive treaty is in the form and words following; [Here follows the treaty.]

We, having seen and considered the definitive treaty aforesaid, have approved, ratified, accepted, and confirmed it, in all and every one of its Articles and clauses, as we do by these presents, for ourself, our heirs and successors, approve, ratify, accept, and confirm the same, engaging and promising, upon our royal word, that we will sincerely and faithfully perform and observe all and singular the things which are contained in the aforesaid treaty, and that we will never suffer it to be violated by any one, or transgressed in any manner, as far as it lies in our power. For the greater testimony and validity of all which, we have caused our great seal of Great Britain to be affixed to these presents, which we have signed with our royal hand.

Given at the Court of St James, the ninth day of April, one thousand seven hundred and eightyfour, in the twentyfourth year of our reign.

GEORGE R.