THE CORRESPONDENCE OF C. A. DE LA LUZERNE. (continued 2)

That it would be necessary to give the said forces of his Most Christian Majesty the option of receiving their pay in specie, from their unacquaintedness with paper money in general, and ignorance of the language in which the bills of these United States are struck.

Which circumstance the Minister thought proper to suggest, that Congress might take any measures they should judge necessary to prevent uneasiness arising therefrom to the troops of these United States, who might receive their pay in a different manner.

That to prevent loss happening to any of the citizens of these United States, from receiving from the troops of his Most Christian Majesty any small coins they may be possessed of that shall be below the standard alloy, the same will be exchanged for other coins by persons that shall receive orders therefor.

The Minister desired to be informed of the mode of intelligence Congress would rely on to give them immediate notice of the arrival of the forces from France, and for keeping up a constant communication after their arrival, and again repeated his wishes that nothing might be left unprovided for, that could promise despatch to their operations and render them most extensively useful to these United States.

The Minister also wished to recommend to the consideration of Congress M. Louis Ethis de Corney, Provincial Commissary of the troops in the service of his Most Christian Majesty, for the honor of a brevet commission of Lieutenant Colonel, which title his office had given him in the French service. M. de Corney desired not command or pay, but was ambitious to deserve a mark of honor from these United States, from which benefits might result to him hereafter.

Upon the foregoing information your committee beg leave to submit to the consideration of Congress the following resolutions,

That a brevet commission of Lieutenant Colonel be granted to M. Louis Ethis de Corney.

That M. de Corney be furnished with letters from the President to the supreme executive powers of the several States, or to such of them as M. de Corney shall apply for, requesting their advice and aid to him in procuring provisions and other necessaries for the forces of his Most Christian Majesty expected to arrive in these United States, in such manner as will best avoid a competition of purchases for the use above mentioned, and those for the use of the troops of these United States.

That the Minister of France be informed, that it is the opinion of Congress, that the public service will be best promoted by having the same currency made use of, so far as may be, to procure supplies for the forces of his Most Christian Majesty as for those of these United States.

That the Governors of the States of Virginia and Maryland be requested immediately to engage trusty persons in those States respectively, at proper distances from each other, on the main road from Cape Henry in Virginia to Philadelphia, to hold themselves in readiness, should the French fleet be discovered off that Cape or the adjacent coast, to forward intelligence thereof, and any despatches that may be received from them to Congress, in the most expeditious manner.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS RESPECTING A CONFERENCE WITH THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, June 7th, 1780.

The committee appointed to confer with the Minister of France on the mode of obtaining supplies for the forces of his Most Christian Majesty, and on other matters, report:

That the Minister of France has communicated to your committee, that as M. de Corney, Commissary of the troops of his Most Christian Majesty, will go into the State of Connecticut to procure some supplies, it would be convenient for him to receive there an advance of money from these United States, either in Continental bills or the bills of that State, to be replaced in specie on the arrival of the fleet from France, and the Minister engages that the moneys, which shall be so advanced by these United States to M. de Corney, shall be replaced in specie as above mentioned.

Upon which communication your committee beg leave to submit to the consideration of Congress the following resolution, viz.

That the Governor of the State of Connecticut be, and he hereby is, authorised to receive on account of these United States, out of the moneys raised by that State more than sufficient to discharge the drafts heretofore made by Congress, and to comply with the requisition of Congress of the 20th of last month, or out of the bills that shall be completed and lodged in the Continental Loan Office in that State for the use of the United States, pursuant to a resolution of Congress of the 18th of March last, one million two hundred thousand dollars of the bills now in circulation, or thirty thousand dollars of the bills last mentioned, or a proportion of each, on the application of M. de Corney, Commissary of the troops in the service of his Most Christian Majesty, and advance the same to him, taking his receipt therefor, to replace the same in specie in the Treasury of these United States when required by Congress; said receipts to be transmitted to the Treasury Board as soon as may be.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, June 18th, 1780.

Sir,

The undersigned Minister of France has witnessed the efforts of Congress to enable the Commander in Chief to make a glorious commencement of the campaign; he is convinced of the zeal with which all its members are animated, and if the army has not hitherto received any of the reinforcements announced in January last, he is persuaded that Congress deeply lament those delays, and are sincerely desirous to prevent the fatal consequences, which might result from them. The undersigned has, since the beginning of this year, continued to make the most pressing representations on this subject, and all the answers that he has received tend to assure him that the arrangements, which were announced, would be carried into full execution at the beginning of this month. Now that the time fixed for putting the army on a respectable footing has passed by, and it is but too certain, that the reinforcements demanded four or five months ago have not yet arrived, he earnestly entreats Congress to be pleased to pay immediate attention to the supply of these troops, and to the fulfilment of their promises.

The King, after the positive assurances, which he has received, has not the least doubt, that the American army is now twentyfive thousand strong, not including commissioned officers, and that it is, at this moment, in a condition to undertake the most vigorous offensive operations against the enemy in the posts, which he occupies within the territory of the United States. Congress, while giving these assurances, expressed in an urgent manner the wish, that a French squadron should facilitate the operations of the land troops. The King has been eager to comply with the requests of the Thirteen States. Their assurances are the basis of the measures which his Majesty has taken. A squadron is on the point of arrival, and the French Generals expect to find forces, respectable in numbers, ready to enter upon action. If, at the moment of their arrival, they are deprived of the co-operation, upon which they have reason to rely, the most precious time for action will be lost; the enemy will have time to take the necessary measures for defence, and, perhaps, to receive reinforcements; the soldiers' ardor will be quenched in inaction, and this delay will cause the loss of all the advantages of a campaign, which, if conducted with suitable promptness and activity, might have been made most useful to the common cause, and perhaps decisive.

It being manifestly necessary to complete the army, the undersigned has no doubt that Congress, as well from regard to the public interest, as to its own glory and the performance of its promises, will immediately take, for the accomplishment of this object, measures more effectual than those which have hitherto been taken. He hopes also, that the proper arrangements will be made for constantly maintaining, during the whole campaign, the number which has been announced, and he takes the liberty of recommending this important object in an equal degree to the consideration of Congress.

The Minister of France, convinced of the zeal for the public good, which inspires this Assembly, as well as of its wisdom and prudence, hopes that it will see in his representations only a new proof of his attachment to the common cause; that it will not be offended at the freedom, with which he expresses himself upon so important a subject, and that it will be pleased to put him in a situation to transmit to his Court satisfactory details respecting the fulfilment of the assurances made to him by Congress in January last.[37]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, June 28th, 1780.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor of informing Congress, that the Court of Madrid has sent to Havana land and naval forces sufficient to make a powerful diversion there. The Governor of Havana, having been informed of the assurances given by this Assembly on the 16th of December last, respecting the provisions of which the islands and the fleet of his Catholic Majesty might stand in need, is desirous that such quantities of corn as shall not be necessary for the subsistence of the armies destined to act upon this continent, may be successively sent to him. It is desirable, that the quantity now about to be sent should amount to three thousand barrels, and, with the approbation of Congress, the undersigned will give immediate orders to some merchants of this city to make purchases in the States in such manner as Congress shall think proper.

The Governor of Havana is also desirous of being supplied with beef, and pork, suet, lard, and vegetables, and with large and even small live cattle. The Minister of France entreats Congress to be pleased to enable him to send to Havana a favorable answer to these different demands, and he will take pleasure in transmitting to the Court of Madrid the intelligence of the facilities for supplies of provision, which the Spanish Colonies shall have enjoyed throughout the Thirteen States.

LUZERNE.

CONGRESS TO THE MINISTER OF FRANCE.

In Congress, July 7th, 1780.

The Minister of France having, in a note dated the 28th of June, informed Congress that the Court of Madrid has sent to the Havana a considerable body of forces to make a diversion in that quarter; and that the Governor of Havana desires, that as much flour and fresh provisions, such as cattle, hogs, suet, lard, and pulse, as can be spared, should be sent thither; and the Minister having intimated, that three thousand barrels of flour are immediately wanted, and that he will undertake to have that quantity purchased and sent, if Congress approve the measure, the following answer was returned;

That the Minister of France be informed, that through the loss of Charleston, the numerous army the States are under the necessity of maintaining in the Southern department, the ravages of the enemy, and the lightness of the crops in the Middle States, as well as the present extraordinary demand for the purposes of an effectual co-operation with the expected armament of his Most Christian Majesty, have not left these States in a situation to admit of any considerable export of provisions; yet Congress, desirous to testify their attention to the necessities of his Catholic Majesty's Colonies and armaments, and as far as lies in their power to compensate for the failure of supplies of rice, which an alteration in the circumstances of the Southern States has unhappily rendered it impracticable to afford, have resolved, that it be recommended to the State of Maryland to grant permission to such agent, as the Minister of France shall appoint, to purchase within that State any quantity of flour, not exceeding three thousand barrels, and to ship the same to such Colonies of his Catholic Majesty in the West Indies, as the Minister of France may direct. That many of the articles mentioned in this Memorial of the Minister being such as the Colonies of his Catholic Majesty furnish upon better terms than they can be procured from these States in their present situation, it is to be presumed they will feel no inconvenience from Congress' not entering at this time into any determination thereon.

Resolved, That Congress will from time to time afford such supplies to the Colonies of his Catholic Majesty, as their circumstances may require, and the situation of these States enable them to grant.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 22d, 1780.

Sir,

I take the earliest opportunity to inform you, that his Majesty's Minister, in giving me notice of the expedition of the squadron, which arrived at Rhode Island on the 12th instant, informs me, that particular considerations relative to the movements of the English, have induced his Majesty to send, in two divisions, the forces which are designated to act in this country. The first division, having happily arrived, will be immediately ready for active service. With regard to the second, it was to quit the French coast as soon as circumstances should permit. Will you have the kindness, Sir, in imparting this news to Congress, to inform that body, that it ought to be kept secret till the moment of execution. I hope that Congress will approve of this reserve, both on account of the uncertainty of events at sea, and because the enemy should be kept in ignorance of our measures.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 25th, 1780.

Sir,

As the present state of things may render the frigates, and other vessels at the disposal of Congress, useful to the combined naval operations, I pray you to have the goodness to propose putting these vessels under the orders of M. de Ternay, commander of the French squadron, while instructions, such as shall be thought proper, are given to the American captains. If Congress approves of this proposition, it will be necessary to send orders to the frigates, which are now in the eastern ports, so that they may join the French squadron as soon as possible; if, however, they have been destined to any other service, and Congress is reluctant to change their destination, do not, I pray you, Sir, insist on my demand. If these vessels shall receive orders to join the French squadron, I wish to have it in my power to inform M. de Ternay at what time he may look for them, what signals they will make on their approach, and what signals he shall use in reply to theirs.

I had hoped, Sir, after the assurances, which Congress was pleased to give me, that the Confederacy would be ready about the 15th of this month, at farthest. Will you have the kindness to let me know, with as much accuracy as circumstances will permit, about what time you think that she will be ready to set sail.[38]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

JOSEPH REED TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

In Council, Philadelphia, July 25th, 1780.

Sir,

In answer to your Excellency's favor of this day, I have the honor to acquaint you, that the enlisting any deserter in the Continental army being expressly contrary to the direction of the Commander in Chief, the Hessian deserters are quite at liberty to enter into the service of his Most Christian Majesty, if his officers approve it, and they will in that case receive every encouragement from us to do.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOSEPH REED, President of Pennsylvania.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 26th, 1780.

Sir,

Some Hessian deserters having come to me to obtain service in the body of French troops sent by the King to this continent, I have thought proper, before accepting their offers, to know the opinion of the State of Pennsylvania on this subject; and President Reed, whom I consulted, returned for answer the letter of which I annex a copy. Particular arrangements, relative to the subsistence of these new recruits, will make it necessary for me to have recourse to the Board of War; and I request, Sir, that Congress would be pleased to authorise the members composing it to agree with me on such measures as circumstances shall render necessary.[39]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE

Head Quarters, July 27th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose to your Excellency a letter, which has just come to hand, from the Count de Rochambeau, of the 22d instant. It is certainly of great importance, that the precaution he mentions should be taken without loss of time. I should think the Delaware the best place for the reception of the second division, though there ought to be cruisers off both bays. It is necessary that a plan should be previously fixed for the junction of the fleets after the debarkation. I shall immediately write to the Count for this purpose.

We have repeated accounts from New York, that General Clinton is making a large detachment for a combined attack upon the French fleet and army. This will be a hazardous attempt, and, therefore, though I do not regard it as impossible, I do not give it entire faith. The Count de Rochambeau has been some time since apprized of these demonstrations, and seems to have been preparing for what might happen.

I have the honor to be, with every sentiment of respect and attachment, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, July 30th, 1780.

Sir,

I enclose to your Excellency a letter for M. de Ternay, in which you will see what measures I have taken to fulfil the intentions, which you imparted to me on the 27th instant. I beg you will seal this packet and send it to his address by the first opportunity.

Congress have put under your orders the frigates, in directing them to come into the Delaware. You will be able to judge, after your arrangements with the Chevalier de Ternay, whether these vessels, or one of them, may not accomplish the commission desired. Their cruise may then be useful to the commerce of the United States. I know not whether M. de Ternay will communicate to them any signals, by means of which they may approach the coast without danger. Your Excellency may be able, should you think it necessary, to suggest it to him.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Peekskill, August 4th, 1780.

Sir,

Colonel Jamet arrived here last night, by whom I had the honor to receive your Excellency's request, that I would send instructions for the second division coming from France, with respect to the measures, which it should pursue for forming a junction with the first. I beg leave to inform your Excellency, that I wrote to the Count de Rochambeau, agreeably to my letter to you of the 27th ultimo, and requested that he, in concert with the Chevalier de Ternay, would communicate to me, that it might be transmitted to your Excellency, the line of conduct which they should judge proper to be pursued by this division.

As the Marine are concerned, and the junction in present circumstances is a matter of peculiar delicacy, I did not think myself qualified to decide on the point. I have not received their answer yet, and therefore I cannot pretend to determine what should be done; I will, however, take the liberty to observe, that if the ships of war with this division are superior, or even fully equal to those of the enemy, off Rhode Island, I should suppose it would be eligible for them to proceed there at once, should they be met by the cruisers your Excellency has sent out on the Southern coast. If this is not the case, they ought to make the Delaware as soon as possible. In this event the troops might be forwarded to Trenton in the first instance, and the ships might remain until ulterior measures, with respect to them, should be determined. These, however, I would not offer but as mere suggestions, and much it would seem must depend on circumstances and the discretion of the officer commanding the division.

Perhaps if the ships of war should proceed directly to Rhode Island, it will be best for them to disembarrass themselves of their transports, and send them into the Delaware as in the other case. I take it for granted, that signals of recognisance have been preconcerted between the two divisions.

On the 31st ultimo, the enemy's fleet in the Sound returned from Huntington Bay to New York. From every information the Count de Rochambeau and his army were certainly their object, and they had embarked in considerable force, with a view of attacking him. I cannot determine with precision the reasons, which induced the enemy to relinquish their plan; but it is not improbable that the movements of our army, and the ulterior measures I was about to prosecute, operated in some measure to produce it.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Peekskill, August 6th, 1780.

Sir,

I had this morning the honor to receive your Excellency's letter of the 30th of July, with the one addressed to the Chevalier de Ternay, which I have sealed and forwarded by an express.

With respect to the Continental frigates, I beg leave to inform your Excellency, that I did not apprehend, from the resolution of Congress concerning them, that they were to be under my orders, or to receive any instructions from me, until they had joined the Chevalier de Ternay, after assembling in the Delaware. This being the case, I cannot give any directions about them at present, and would take the liberty to recommend to your Excellency to apply to Congress or the Board of Admiralty; to the latter of whom I have written to give their orders to the captains of the frigates, on the conduct they are to pursue. The employment for them, or at least for one which your Excellency has suggested, appears to me to be proper, and that it will answer the double purposes you mention.

I have, by my letter of today to the Chevalier de Ternay, requested him to advise me in what manner he thinks the frigates can be most usefully employed to assist his fleet, and that there might be no further delay, when matters with respect to them are ultimately fixed, I requested him also to communicate to the Captains of the frigates at Boston, as well as to myself, the signals of recognisance.

When I receive his answer I will embrace the earliest occasion to transmit the signals.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, August 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, with which you honored me on the 12th instant, with the resolutions of the 5th and 12th instants, which accompany it. Be pleased to assure Congress, that I will neglect no means in my power for securing the success of the prudent and patriotic measures, which are about to be taken, and I can assure you of the eagerness, with which the King will second those measures and of his resolution to assist the Thirteen States, to the utmost of his power. I shall transmit to his Majesty the resolution, which you have been pleased to communicate to me, and I have reason to believe, that he will entirely approve of everything, that may contribute to the immediate deliverance of the States invaded by the enemy.

With regard to the concurrence of the forces of his Catholic Majesty, I am entirely uninformed, and although the good dispositions of the Court of Madrid towards the Thirteen States are undoubted, I do not know in what points the Spanish troops can assist the American armies.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, August 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, which you did me the honor of writing to me on the 12th instant, with an act of Congress relative to the petition of George Basden. I shall transmit the whole to the Governors of St Domingo, in order to know their opinion on a subject of this nature, but I can inform you beforehand, that it seems to me doubtful, whether their opinion will be favorable to the petitioner, as the Bermudians, living under the English government, are not excepted from the number of our enemies, by any public act, which has come to my knowledge.

Allow me, Sir, to have the honor to remind you on this occasion, that several notes, which I had the honor of sending to the Committee of Commerce, in relation to merchandise deposited in the hands of the Sieur Caraburse, at St Domingo, have remained unanswered.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 1st, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, with which you yesterday honored me, and the account of the bills of exchange drawn on Dr Franklin. I deeply feel the confidence, which Congress repose in me, in confiding to me the details of this affair, and I have no doubt, that Congress are persuaded of the zeal and interest with which I shall lay before his Majesty's Minister, the actual state of the finances of the Thirteen United States. Their representatives are not ignorant how desirous the King is to render them effectual assistance, and the measures lately taken are new proofs of his friendship and kindness for them.

As to the bills of exchange in question, I have said with freedom to the committee, with which I had the honor of conferring, that I was in no way authorised to give any hopes, that they would be accepted. I confided to that committee, with equal sincerity, my reasons for fearing, that great difficulties would be experienced in the payment of them, unless Congress themselves succeed in placing funds in the hands of their Plenipotentiary. I am persuaded, Sir, that the explanations, which I have had the honor of transmitting to Congress, by the committee appointed to confer with me, are conformable to the system of sincerity and frankness, which ought to exist between allies whose interests are so closely connected.[40]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Bergen County, September 12th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to enclose you a letter, which upon the whole I have thought it advisable to write to the Count de Guichen. As its contents are of a nature to make its falling into the enemy's hands in its present form dangerous, and as I have no cypher of communication with the Count, I take the liberty to request your Excellency's assistance, in making use of yours, and forwarding it by triplicates with your despatches by the first opportunities.

I make no mention of a land force, because though it would be useful, it may be dispensed with. But if a body of troops could conveniently accompany the fleets, it would give greater energy and certainty of success to our operations. I am the more induced to desire it, as the composition of a considerable part of our army is temporary, and I am not informed what measures may be taken to replace the men whose times of service will expire.

I need use no arguments to convince your Excellency of the extremity, to which our affairs are tending, and the necessity of support. You are an eye witness to all our perplexities and all our wants. You know the dangerous consequences of leaving the enemy in quiet possession of their southern conquests; either for negotiation this winter, or a continuance of the war. You know our inability alone to expel them, or perhaps even to stop their career.

I have the honor to be, with the sincerest sentiments of respect and attachment,

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the annexed Declaration,[41] with orders to communicate it to Congress. Some American merchants, not knowing that Articles 11th and 12th, therein mentioned, had been annulled, have made use of them in the French Islands, to demand an exemption from the duties paid on the exportation of molasses.

An authentic publication of the treaty will remove all remaining doubts as to the payment of this duty, to which the subjects of his Majesty are themselves subjected.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, September 16th, 1780.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, being about to leave Philadelphia for some weeks, and being desirous that in the present state of things, there should be no interruption to the communications between Congress and the French Embassy, has the honor of informing this body, that M. de Marbois will remain here as Chargé d'Affaires of his Majesty. As the President and Delegates are aware of the attention, which he has paid to the affairs relative to them, the undersigned hopes that they will be pleased to grant him their confidence.[42]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

M. DE MARBOIS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, October 8th, 1780.

Sir,

I have received the letter, with which your Excellency honored me on the 7th instant, and the accompanying resolution of Congress. I shall, in compliance with the wishes of Congress, send it in three despatches to his Majesty's Minister, and shall make use of three different vessels, which will sail for France in the course of this week. I have no doubt that my Court is sensible of the attention, which Congress shows in communicating to it these measures, and that they will appear equally just, moderate, and prudent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

MARBOIS.

M. DE MARBOIS TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, October 27th, 1780.

Sir,

In obedience to an order, which the Captain of the store-ships in this port has just received, he will sail for Boston or Rhode Island on Monday or Tuesday next. Will your Excellency have the kindness to inform me, if he can be convoyed to the mouth of the Delaware, or to any other distance, by one of the Continental frigates.

I have the honor to be, &c.

MARBOIS.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 1st, 1780.

Sir,

The Governors of the West India Islands express a wish, that Congress would be pleased to take into consideration the various inconveniences resulting from the abuse by the English of the papers, which they find on board of the American prizes, which fall into their hands. They make use of these papers to enable themselves to commit the most daring actions, and it is the more difficult to prevent them, as they sometimes have subjects of the United States on board, and as the English language is spoken by them in common with our allies.

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty, has the honor to propose to Congress, that henceforth every Captain bound to the French Colonies shall sign his own papers in presence of the Commissioners of the American Admiralty, in order that, on his arrival in the French Islands, it may be ascertained whether this signature be the same as that which shall be made by him as Captain of the American vessel. It would be of equal use to endorse the signature of the Captain on the papers. If Congress think of any other form equally adapted to fulfil the object desired, the undersigned will endeavor to have it adopted by the Governors of the French Islands.

LUZERNE.

FROM CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

The United States of America in Congress assembled, to their Great, Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally, Louis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre.

Great, Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally,

Persuaded of your Majesty's friendship, and of your earnest desire to prosecute the war with glory and advantage to the alliance, we ought not to conceal from your Majesty the embarrassments, which have attended our national affairs, and rendered the last campaign unsuccessful.

A naval superiority in the American seas having enabled the enemy, in the midst of the last winter, to divide their army, and extend the war in the Southern States, Charleston was subdued before a sufficient force could be assembled for its relief.

With unabated ardor, and at a vast expense, we prepared for the succeeding campaign; a campaign from which, in a dependence on the co-operation of the squadron and troops generously destined by your Majesty for our assistance, we had formed the highest expectations. Again the enemy frustrated our measures. Your Majesty's succors were confined within the harbor of Newport, while the main body of the British army took refuge in their fortresses, and under protection of their marine, declining to hazard a battle in the open field; and regardless of their rank among civilized nations, they descended to wage a predatory war. Britons and savages united in sudden irruptions on our northern and western frontiers, and marked their progress with blood and desolation.

The acquisition of Charleston, with the advantages gained in Georgia, and the defeat of a small army composed chiefly of militia, which had been hastily collected to check their operations, encouraged the British commander in that quarter to penetrate through South Carolina into the interior parts of North Carolina. And the ordinary calamities of war were embittered by implacable vengeance. They did not, however, long enjoy their triumph. Instead of being depressed, impending danger served only to rouse our citizens to correspondent exertions; and by a series of gallant and successful enterprises they compelled the enemy to retreat with precipitation and disgrace.

They seem, however, resolved by all possible efforts, not only to retain their posts in Georgia and South Carolina, but to renew their attempts on North Carolina. To divert the reinforcements destined for those States, they are now executing an enterprise against the seacoast of Virginia; and from their preparations at New York and intelligence from Europe, it is manifest that the four southern States will now become a principal object of their hostilities.

It is the voice of the people and the resolution of Congress to prosecute the war with redoubled vigor, and to draw into the field a permanent and well appointed army of thirtyfive thousand regular troops. By this decisive effort we trust that we shall be able, under the divine blessing, so effectually to co-operate with your Majesty's marine and land forces, as to expel the common enemy from our country, and render the great object of the alliance perpetual. But to accomplish an enterprise of such magnitude, and so interesting to both nations, whatever may be our spirit and our exertions, we know that our internal resources must prove incompetent. The sincerity of this declaration will be manifest from a short review of our circumstances.

Unpractised in military arts, and unprepared with the means of defence, we were suddenly invaded by a formidable and vindictive nation. We supported the unequal conflict for years with very little foreign aid, but what was derived from your Majesty's generous friendship. Exertions uncommon, even among the most wealthy and best established governments, necessarily exhausted our finances, plunged us into debt, and anticipated our taxes; while the depredations of an active enemy by sea and land made deep impressions on our commerce and our productions. Thus encompassed with difficulties, in our representation to your Majesty of June 15, 1779, we disclosed our wants, and requested your Majesty to furnish us with clothing, arms, and ammunition for the last campaign, on the credit of the United States. We entertain a lively sense of your Majesty's friendly disposition, in enabling our Minister to procure a part of those supplies, of which, through unfortunate events, a very small proportion has arrived. The sufferings of our army from this disappointment have been so severe, that we must rely on your Majesty's attention to our welfare for effectual assistance. The articles of the estimate transmitted to our Minister are essential to our army, and we flatter ourselves, that through your Majesty's interposition they will be supplied.

At a time when we feel ourselves strongly impressed by the weight of past obligations, it is with the utmost reluctance that we yield to the emergency of our affairs in requesting additional favors. An unreserved confidence in your Majesty, and a well grounded assurance, that we ask no more than is necessary to enable us effectually to co-operate with your Majesty, in terminating the war with glory and success, must be our justification.

It is well known, that when the King of Great Britain found himself unable to subdue the populous States of North America by force, or to seduce them by art to relinquish the alliance with your Majesty, he resolved to protract the war, in expectation that the loss of our commerce, and the derangement of our finances, must eventually compel us to submit to his domination. Apprized of the necessity of foreign aids of money to support us in a contest with a nation so rich and powerful, we have long since authorised our Minister to borrow a sufficient sum in your Majesty's dominions, and in Spain, and in Holland, on the credit of these United States.

We now view the prospect of a disappointment with the deeper concern, as the late misfortunes in the southern States, and the ravages of the northern and western frontiers, have, in a very considerable degree, impaired our internal resources. From a full investigation of our circumstances it is manifest, that in aid of our utmost exertions a foreign loan of specie, at least to the amount of twentyfive millions of livres, will be indispensably necessary for a vigorous prosecution of the war. On an occasion, in which the independence of these United States and your Majesty's glory are so intimately connected, we are constrained to request your Majesty effectually to support the applications of our Ministers for that loan. So essential is it to the common cause, that we shall without it be pressed with wants and distresses, which may render all our efforts languid, precarious, and indecisive. Whether it shall please your Majesty to stipulate for this necessary aid as our security, or to advance it from your royal coffers, we do hereby solemnly pledge the faith of these United States to indemnify, or reimburse your Majesty, according to the nature of the case, both for principal and interest, in such manner as shall be agreed upon with our Minister at your Majesty's Court.

We beseech the Supreme Disposer of events to keep your Majesty in his holy protection, and long to continue to France the blessings arising from the administration of a Prince, who nobly asserts the rights of mankind.

Done at Philadelphia, the 22d day of November, in the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and eighty, by the Congress of the United States of North America, and in the fifth year of our independence.

Your Faithful Friends and Allies.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.

Attest, Charles Thomson, Secretary.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, December 5th, 1780.

Sir,

I flattered myself, that the clothing destined for the army under the command of your Excellency had at length arrived in the river, in the vessel of Paul Jones, or in one of those coming under his convoy; but I regret that you have not yet had that satisfaction. A passenger, who arrived in one of this convoy, told me, that when this little squadron, which left France on the 8th of October, should arrive, they would bring but little clothing, being in great part laden with arms and ammunition; but he added, that the Serapis is destined to bring the remainder of the clothing, and that we may hope to see the vessel arrive soon in our ports. I am anxious to have an opportunity of giving your Excellency notice of the arrival of these articles.

I have received certain intelligence, that an expedition composed of four thousand troops, convoyed by eight vessels of war, departed on the 16th of October from the Havana to attempt an expedition against Pensacola. But it is thought that the terrible tempests, which they may have received on the passage, may have retarded the fleet.

Another expedition was to depart in the month of December to attack St Augustine. It was to be composed of ten thousand men, regulars and militia, and twelve vessels of war. I wish sincerely that the operation may meet with success, and thus make an advantageous diversion in favor of the United States in that quarter.

The Chevalier de Chastellux, and the officers who had the honor of visiting you at head quarters, desire me to present their respects to you. They hope to have the honor of seeing you again on their return.

I am, &c.

LUZERNE.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

New Windsor, December 14th, 1780.

Sir,

Yesterday brought me the honor of your Excellency's favor without date; but which I suppose to have been written on the 5th instant, as it accompanied a letter from the Marquis de Lafayette of that date.

Receive, my good Sir, the expressions of gratitude, which are due to your Excellency for the important intelligence you have communicated, relative to the designs of the Spanish Court upon the Floridas. I have transmitted the account of these interesting events to Count de Rochambeau, and the Chevalier de Ternay, with propositions, which, if acceded to, I shall do myself the honor of communicating to your Excellency.

It would have been fortunate for the army, if your Excellency's feelings for its want of clothing could have been relieved by the agreeable tidings of the arrival of that article; but, alas! we are so accustomed to want, that we dare not flatter ourselves with relief.

Your Excellency's despatches for Rhode Island, accompanying your letter to me, came to hand at the instant the post was setting out, and were committed to his care. It is the only means of conveyance now left me, since the chain of expresses formed by the dragoon horses, which were worn down and sent to their cantonment, have been discontinued. The Quarter Master General has it not in his power, for want of money, to furnish an express upon the most urgent occasion.

I anticipate with much pleasure the visit I shall receive from the Chevalier de Chastellux and the other gentlemen of the French army, on their return to Rhode Island, and beg the favor of your Excellency to present my compliments to them and to M. de Marbois.

With great respect and personal attachment, I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 15th, 1781.

Sir,

I have just received an authentic copy of a letter from the King to the Duc de Penthièvre, Admiral of France, in relation to prizes taken by American privateers, in the ports of the kingdom. I have thought it proper, Sir, to communicate it to you, in order that the Americans, who take that course may be duly informed of the regulations, which it contains, and may know, that it is the intention of his Majesty, that they shall be treated in the same manner as his own subjects, in the judgment of the prizes, which they shall bring into the ports of the kingdom.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, February 25th, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor of informing Congress, that M. de Tilly, commander of the King's sixty gun ship, l'Evillé, arrived in the Chesapeake Bay on the 11th instant, with two frigates. The undersigned has received no news of them later than the 16th, at which time it seems, that the commander of this little squadron proposed to prolong his stay as long as circumstances would permit, in order to co-operate with the land troops commanded by Generals Steuben and Nelson.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne does not know how long these vessels will remain in their present station; but as it is important, that the communications between M. de Tilly and Philadelphia should take place with the greatest possible despatch, he requests Congress to inform him, whether the line of expresses has been kept up, and if so, to whom he is to apply in order to make use of it.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, February 28th, 1781.

Sir,

I think it necessary for the information of the department of finance to inform you, that Mr Robert Morris having strongly represented to me, that it was of importance to his operations, and to those of General Washington, to have a stock of bills of exchange, which might enable him to wait for the arrival of the funds brought by Colonel Laurens, I have taken upon myself to authorise him to draw bills of exchange, to the amount of 219,018 livres, 4s. 8d. Funds to that exact amount will be raised, and I hope that my Court will approve of the course, which I have taken, in consideration of the importance of the operations now going on.

I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 2d, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister of France, has the honor of informing Congress, that M. de Tilly has left the Chesapeake Bay with his squadron. He took there ten prizes, among which are two strong privateers, and during his passage from the Chesapeake to Newport in Rhode Island, he met the Romulus, of fortyfour guns, pierced for fifty guns. He took her and carried her into Newport, which he entered on the 24th ultimo, with five hundred English prisoners. The Chevalier de la Luzerne is informed, that the America, an English vessel, whose fate since the hurricane of the 21st of February had been unknown, has sailed into Gardner's Bay.

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France is desirous, that Congress would be pleased to appoint a committee, to whom he will have the honor of communicating some further information relative to these operations.

LUZERNE.

M. DESTOUCHES TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Translation.

On Board the Duc de Bourgogne, March 19th, 1781.

Sir,

The enemy, informed without doubt, in some manner, arrived at the same time with myself at the Capes of Chesapeake Bay, and it would have been impracticable to attempt to disembark the troops, even from the vessels of war, in spite of the English squadron and under its fire. Obliged to renounce, for a time at least, the hope of rendering assistance to the State of Virginia, I have been employed only with the care of preserving the honor of his Majesty's arms, and I flatter myself that it has not suffered in my battle with the enemy.

On the 16th instant, in consequence of a violent south wind, which had carried the squadron to the northeast, we discovered, at break of day, a frigate two gun-shots to windward. A short time after, we perceived several large vessels in rear of the squadron. I had then no doubt that this was the English squadron, which, being informed of my project, had arrived, almost at the same time, upon the coast of Virginia. I immediately made a signal to the squadron to form in line of battle, the English squadron being about two leagues to the south, and running on the same tack with me. At nine o'clock, I tacked, and the enemy did the same. Before one o'clock, afternoon, their vanguard was not more than half a league distant from the rear of my line. Till that time, I had manœuvered without avoiding or seeking an engagement, because I perceived, that even the greatest success, with which I could flatter myself, would still render it impossible for me to fulfil my object; but the determined design, which was shown by the enemy of attacking my rearguard, and the honor of the royal arms, which I had to sustain, made me resolve to go and meet him. At one o'clock the firing commenced on both sides; the head of the English line had borne down, and the van of my squadron had done the same, so that the two squadrons fought for some time while running before the wind. A little before two o'clock, I determined to make the squadron haul nearer the wind, a movement, which made the whole squadron file before the head of the enemy's line.

This manœuvre completely succeeded; their leading ship had hardly felt the fire of the fifth vessel, when she retired from the engagement, under the escort of a frigate, which came to her assistance. The rear of the English squadron had still continued the combat with my rearguard, but that part of my squadron has sustained little injury. At a quarter before three o'clock, the firing ceased on both sides. The English squadron being in the rear, and to windward of mine, I made a signal to form again in order of battle, which was done in a short time. I then designed to turn again upon the enemy, who appeared to have sustained more injury than my own squadron; but the signals, which were made by the ships le Conquerant and l'Ardent, informed me that these vessels, and particularly the former, had been considerably injured in the engagement. I then continued to run on the same tack, under easy sail, ready to receive the enemy, if he should think proper to risk a second encounter, but he prudently kept in the rear and to windward during the remainder of the day, without availing himself of the superior advantages of his situation for renewing the engagement.

When night came on, the English squadron bore up, and I continued to run to the southeast. On the next morning, I assembled the captains to know the state of their vessels. I found that the rudder and all the masts of the ship, le Conquerant, were in the most dangerous state, and that the mainmast of l'Ardent was very much injured; and also that several other vessels had received cannon-shots in their lower masts; it was, consequently, determined that the squadron should return directly to Newport to repair.

I cannot too highly praise the courageous boldness, which was shown by the captains, officers, and crews of my squadron, as well as by the troops, embarked as passengers. Their valor made my force equal to that of the English squadron, which had one vessel more than mine, and if it had been only necessary to the success of our expedition to give the enemy another check, I should have regarded it as certain, notwithstanding the superiority of their forces.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DESTOUCHES.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 24th, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor to inform Congress, that the King, being made acquainted with the situation of the affairs of the confederacy, had resolved to continue during the next campaign the land and sea forces, which are now in this Continent. That unforeseen obstacles had prevented the junction of the second division of sea forces with the first as soon as was expected, but that it was to sail as soon as possible, and that Congress should use their utmost exertions to have their army ready for action without the least delay.

But while the King, actuated by his love for the United States, of his mere motion was giving them succors, which he was under no obligation to do, and out of regard to them lessened the efforts, which he could have made for his own advantage, he had reason to expect a proportionable activity from Congress, and he hopes that the United States, which have so much to gain or lose by the issue of the contest, will employ all their resources in the present conjuncture; and that the Congress, who are intrusted with their dearest interest, will hasten to adopt effectual measures for conducting matters to a happy issue.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne, when he communicated to the King the news of the final ratification of the confederation, thought himself warranted to assure his Majesty, that this event would have a happy influence on the councils of this Republic; that they would thereby acquire all the energy necessary for conducting the important business intrusted to them; that the Union would receive new force, and he did not doubt but the ensuing campaign would give decisive proofs of this. And the Minister relies that his hopes, which are the same as are entertained by the whole continent, will not be disappointed. It is at the same time essential, while Congress are making the necessary arrangements for the ensuing campaign, that they should know for certain that they are to count only on their own resources for defraying the expenses that it will require.

The frankness of the King, and the friendship he bears to the United States, will not permit him to encourage an error, which they appear to be in, with respect to the pecuniary aids, which they seem to expect. The desire of securing their independence had induced his Majesty to exceed the measure of the engagements he had contracted with them, and he will continue to support their interests, either by powerful diversions or by immediate succors, and they may rely not only on his most scrupulous punctuality in the execution of his engagements, but upon all the extraordinary assistance, which it will be in his power to give them. But as to pecuniary aids, the enormous expenses of the present war, and the necessity of preserving credit, which is the only means of providing for those expenses, do not permit his Majesty's Ministers to give Congress the least hope in that respect.

The Chevalier de la Luzerne will not dissemble, that his Court was exceedingly surprised on being informed of the step, which Congress had taken in disposing of bills drawn on their Minister, although they could not be ignorant that they had no funds for discharging them. This is a conduct totally inconsistent with that order, which his Majesty is forced to observe in his finances, and he has no doubt but in future Congress will most studiously avoid a repetition of it. He has, nevertheless, resolved to discharge the bills, which became due last year, to the amount of one million of livres; and it is probable his Majesty will be able to provide funds to the amount of three millions for the discharge of those, which will become due in the course of the present year.

The King's Ministers have also procured for Dr Franklin, whose zeal, wisdom and patriotism, deserve their utmost confidence, the sums necessary for the purchase he is ordered to make. These expenses, joined to those occasioned by sending a fleet and army to this continent, far exceed what Congress had a right to expect from the friendship of their ally, and the Chevalier de la Luzerne is persuaded, that from this moment Congress will abstain from that ruinous measure of drawing bills of exchange without the previous knowledge and consent of his Majesty's Ministers. And as their attention is employed in what may be most for the convenience of the United States, they propose that Congress should furnish the fleet and army of his Majesty, which are in this country, with the necessary provisions, and receive in payment bills on the treasury of France, which will be punctually discharged.

As to the manner in which this arrangement may be made, the Minister will have the honor of entering into a minute discussion with a committee, which he begs Congress would be pleased to appoint to confer with him on the subject.[43]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 27th, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor to send to your Excellency an open packet for the Count de Rochambeau. You will there find the copy of a letter to me from M. Destouches. I lament the ill success of an expedition, which, if it had succeeded, would have been doubly agreeable to us by its utility to our allies, and by the honor it would have reflected upon the arms of the King. As to the rest, it appears that our commanders have fulfilled this latter point, and all the world is satisfied, that, having a superior force to contend against, the manner of the contest has been highly honorable to them.

I wait for happier events, Sir, from the campaign, which is now about to open, and I doubt not the Count de Rochambeau has given you in detail the news, which he has received from France.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, New Windsor, March 31st, 1781.

Sir,

I was last evening honored with your Excellency's favor of the 27th, covering an open letter for the Count de Rochambeau, by which you have been so good as to make me the earliest communication of the action on the 16th, between the French and British fleets off the Capes of the Chesapeake. By the enclosed you will be informed of the return of the former into the harbor of Newport.

I must confess to your Excellency, that I was never sanguine as to the success of that expedition, after the sailing of the two fleets so nearly together, knowing it would turn in great measure upon the arrival of M. Destouches in the Chesapeake before Mr Arbuthnot; a circumstance of the utmost uncertainty, not depending upon the skill or valor of the commanding officer, but upon winds and weather. And I assure you I more sensibly feel the anxiety expressed by the Baron Viomenil and the Chevalier Destouches, lest anything should be attributed to the want of execution on their parts, than I do the disappointment in the plan, which we had in contemplation. But certain I am, that instead of sentiments of so ungenerous a nature, there will be a universal admiration of the good conduct and bravery exhibited by the officers and men of his Most Christian Majesty's squadron, when opposed to one of superior force.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect and warmest personal attachment, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 7th, 1781

Sir,

I have the honor to send you the copy of a letter, which I write to the Chevalier Destouches. I pray you to be persuaded, that I do not take upon me to propose an expedition to that commander, except at the pressing entreaties of the invaded States. But if it should be found at variance with the plans of the campaign, which you have formed, I beg you to withdraw my letter to M. Destouches, and the packet addressed to the Count de Rochambeau, from the express, who will deliver this to you, and to send them back to me by the first safe opportunity.

I am, with respectful attachment, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO M. DESTOUCHES.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 7th, 1781.

Sir,

The accounts from Virginia and the other southern States leave no doubt but the English are resolved to attack them in very superior forces. They are already in a condition to command them by the advantage, which they have of transporting themselves by the sea and by all the rivers, as it suits them. Virginia, one of the most powerful States in the Union, finds herself by these means reduced to a state of inaction, and as the Bay of Chesapeake is entirely in the possession of the enemy, it is to be feared that Maryland will find herself shortly in the same condition and in the same danger. It is manifest, that the plan of the English is to harass and desolate them without intermission, to inspire part of the inhabitants with a desire of seeing an end of the quarrel, and when they think their weariness and their calamities are at the height, to make them propositions advantageous enough to withdraw them from the Confederation.

Although these States are firmly attached to their independence, it has in the meantime become very important to make them participate as much as it is possible in the assistance, which his Majesty has granted to his allies, and I can assure you, Sir, that you cannot in present circumstances render them a greater service, than by entering the Bay of Chesapeake, and endeavoring to establish yourself there.

Many other political considerations, into the details of which I shall not enter, press that measure, and if it be possible for you to carry it into execution, I have reason to believe that you will entirely disconcert the enemy's plans against Virginia and Maryland, and when you shall have given to those two States the liberty of exerting themselves, you will contribute very much at the same time to the relief of the more southern, by the assistance which they will be capable of affording. Your position in the Bay of Chesapeake will restrain also their communication between New York and Charleston, and perhaps prevent other events, which may be yet more grievous to the invaded States.

In giving, Sir, my opinion upon the utility of the movement, I avow to you that I am totally incapable of forming one as to the possibility of carrying it into execution. I have had the honor of transmitting to you from time to time the details and plans, which can enable you to form a judgment. M. de Tilly having been better situated during his stay in Hampton Roads to make the necessary observations, you can decide by them. I pray you also to regard my entreaties, although pressing as the circumstances render them, as entirely subordinate to the instructions, which you may have received from the Court.

I do not propose to you to change your position, only upon a supposition that you have no orders to the contrary, and that you have received no other destination.

As to the measures you are in this case to expect from the States, which you will go to assist, I beg you to assure yourself, Sir, that they will spare nothing to satisfy you, and if an assemblage of land forces is judged necessary, as I presume it will be, they will send their instructions in consequence of it to the officers who command them.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 9th, 1781.

Sir,

Congress has been pleased, by a resolution, dated the 10th of November last, to take the measures suggested by the undersigned Minister of France, concerning the abuse by the English, of the papers, letters of marque, and commissions, which they find on board of the American vessels, of which they succeed in gaining possession. The Governors of our Islands observe, that the precautions pointed out in the resolution of Congress are insufficient, unless, independently of the vessels and ships of war, they extend to merchant vessels, and, in general, to all ships sailing from this continent. The similarity of language enables the English to gain admission into our Islands with great facility, by means of intercepted papers, and to send their spies and emissaries into the very middle of our ports, where their presence may be most dangerous.

The said Governors remark, that the greater part of the vessels, which arrive at the Islands, do not conform to the resolutions of Congress; and, although they carry letters of marque, yet they do not take the precautions required by them. The undersigned requests, that this Assembly would be pleased to consider these observations, and to adopt, on this subject, such measures as shall seem best adapted to prevent the abuses in question.

The commanding officer of St Domingo is also desirous, that Congress should be informed that the commanders of the American frigates have, while stationed at the Cape, given strong proofs of zeal for the common cause, whether in cruising against the enemy, or in convoying, at their departure, merchant vessels sailing from that Colony.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 22d, 1781.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending you a copy of a letter from the King, in answer to that written to him from Congress, on the 22d of November last. I shall have the honor of sending you the original this evening.

My despatches contain several important subjects, which I shall hasten to communicate to Congress, as soon as they shall be wholly decyphered.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

THE KING OF FRANCE TO CONGRESS.

To our Very Dear Great Friends and Allies, the President and Members of the General Congress of the United States of North America.

Very Dear Great Friends and Allies,

We have received your letter of the 22d of November last, which Dr Franklin was ordered to place in our hands. We have seen with pain, the picture of the embarrassment of your finances, and we have been so much touched by it, that we have resolved to assist you as much as our own necessities, and the extraordinary and very great expenses required on our part by the war, which we are carrying on for your defence, will permit. We have ordered the Chevalier de la Luzerne to acquaint you more particularly with our intentions. We are already convinced, that the details into which he shall enter, will induce you to make the greatest efforts to second our own, and that you will be more and more convinced by them, that we take the most sincere interest in the cause of the United States, and that we are employing every means in our power to ensure their final triumph. You may rely upon our perseverance in the principles, which have hitherto directed our conduct; it is exerted upon all occasions; as well as upon the sincere affection, which we entertain for the United States in general, and for each one of them in particular.

We pray God, very dear great Friends and Allies, to keep you in his holy protection.

Written at Versailles, this 10th of March, 1781.

Your good friend and ally,

LOUIS.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Weathersfield, May 23d, 1781.

Sir,

The letter, which I have the honor to enclose from the Count de Rochambeau, will, I imagine, inform your Excellency of the intended march of the French army towards the North River, and of the destination of the King's squadron now in the harbor of Newport, if circumstances will admit of the respective movements. I should be wanting in respect and confidence, were I not to add, that our object is New York.

The season, the difficulty and expense of land transportation, and the continual waste of men in every attempt to reinforce the Southern States, are almost insuperable objections to marching another detachment from the army on the North River; nor do I see how it is possible to give effectual support to those States, and avert the evils which threaten them, while we are inferior in naval force in these seas. It is not for me to know in what manner the fleet of his Most Christian Majesty is to be employed in the West Indies this summer, or to inquire at what epoch it may be expected on this coast; but the appearance and aid of it in this quarter are of such essential importance in any offensive operation, and so necessary to stop the progress of the enemy's arms, that I shall be excused, I am persuaded, for endeavoring to engage your Excellency's good offices in facilitating an event on which so much depends. For this I have a stronger plea, when I assure you that General Rochambeau's opinion and wishes concur with mine, and that it is at his instance principally that I make you this address.

If we are happy enough to find your Excellency in sentiment with us, it will be in your power to inform the Count de Grasse of the strength and situation of the enemy's naval and land force in this country; the destination of the French squadron under Admiral Barras and the intention of the allied arms, if a junction can be formed. At present, the British fleet lies within Block Island, and about five leagues from Point Judith.

The Count de Rochambeau and the Chevalier Chastellux agree perfectly in sentiment with me, that, while affairs remain as they now are, the West India fleet should run immediately to Sandy Hook, if there are no concerted operations, where they may be met, with all the information requisite, and where, most likely, it will shut in, or cut off Admiral Arbuthnot, and may be joined by the Count de Barras. An early and frequent communication from the Count de Grasse would lead to preparatory measures on our part, and be a means of facilitating the operation in hand, or any other which may be thought more advisable.

I know your Excellency's goodness, and your zeal for the common cause too well, to offer anything more as an apology for this liberty; and I persuade myself it is unnecessary for me to declare the respect and attachment, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 25th, 1781.

Sir,

The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor of informing Congress, that it has been found impossible to send the second division of the troops under the command of Count de Rochambeau, and of the French squadron designed for the defence of the coasts of the Thirteen States, and that it can no longer be expected during the course of this campaign. The necessary measures have, however, been taken for increasing the body of troops now at Rhode Island, and, by sending some vessels of force, for putting the squadron into a condition to enter again upon active service.

The undersigned requests Congress to be pleased to appoint a committee, to whom he will communicate the causes which have occasioned this change; and Congress will find in them new proofs of the wisdom of the motives, which direct the conduct of his Majesty. But if considerations of the greatest importance deprive him of the satisfaction of assisting the Thirteen United States in their own country, by sending a number of vessels and of auxiliaries, as considerable as he had proposed, he will make no less vigorous efforts against the enemy; and he hopes that these powerful diversions will prevent the enemy from forming any enterprise, to which the resources and the courage of the Thirteen States shall be unequal.

The King has, at the same time, resolved to give a new proof of his affection and of his earnest desire to afford a remedy for the difficulties, which they experience in procuring the funds necessary for acting with vigor and effect during the present campaign. With this view, the King, notwithstanding the immense expense at which he is obliged to support the war in which he is engaged, has resolved to dispose of a considerable fund, which shall be appropriated to the purchase of clothing, arms, and stores, for which Dr Franklin has been instructed to ask. The Count de Vergennes will concert measures on this subject with the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States, Dr. Franklin; and M. Necker proposes to take the proper precautions, in order that the merchandise may be of a good and sound quality, and at a price answering to its exact value.

The subsidy which the King has resolved to grant to the Thirteen United States amounts to six millions of livres tournois, independent of the four millions, which the Ministry have enabled Dr Franklin to borrow for the service of the current year. It is presumed, that this sum of six millions will not be wholly applied to the purchase of the articles asked for; and in that case, it is his Majesty's intention that the surplus should be reserved, that it may be at the disposal of Congress, or of the Superintendent of the finances of the Thirteen States, if they think proper to confide the management of it to him. It has not been possible for the Court, by reason of the speedy departure of the vessel which brought this intelligence to the undersigned Minister, to determine what will be the amount of the sums of money remaining after the purchase of the above mentioned articles, but lest there should seem to be any delay in supplying the wants of the Thirteen States, the Chevalier de la Luzerne takes it upon himself, without waiting for any further orders, to fix the amount of these sums at fifteen hundred thousand livres tournois, and if Congress, in fact, think that they shall need this whole sum, he will without delay inform his Court of it, in order that the necessary measures may be taken for discharging the bills of exchange, which shall consequently be drawn. As it is the intention of the King, that the greatest regularity shall take place in the payments, it will be well for the undersigned to agree with Congress, or with the Superintendent of Finance, and fix upon the times at which these bills shall be negotiated, and upon those at which they shall be payable. It is necessary that these times of payment should be at sufficient distances from each other, so that the department of finance may not be obliged to pay considerable sums in too short intervals of time.

The intention of the King, in granting to the Thirteen States this purely gratuitous subsidy, is to put them in a condition to act vigorously during this campaign; and his Majesty is desirous that Congress would be pleased to give the necessary orders, that it may be entirely applied to this important object, which admits of no delay. The communications, which the undersigned is instructed to make to Congress, will convince that body of the necessity of losing no time.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 26th, 1781.

Sir,

The underwritten, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has received orders to communicate to Congress some important details touching the present situation of sundry affairs, in which the United States are immediately interested. The most essential are in regard to some overtures, which announce on the part of Great Britain a desire of peace. The Empress of Russia having invited the King and the Court of London to accept her mediation, the latter Court considered this as a formal offer and accepted it. This Court appeared at the same time to desire the Emperor of Austria to take part therein; and this Monarch has in fact proposed his co-mediation to the belligerent powers in Europe.

The King could not but congratulate himself on seeing so important a negotiation in the hands of two mediators, whose understanding and justice are equal. Nevertheless, his Majesty, actuated by his affections for the United States, returned for answer, that it was not in his power to accept the offers made to him, and that the consent of his allies was necessary. The King wishes to have this consent before he formally accepts the proposed mediation. But it is possible that circumstances joined to the confidence he has in the mediators, and the justice of his cause, and that of the United States, his allies, may determine him to enter upon a negotiation before the answer of Congress can reach him.

But in either case, it is of great importance, that this Assembly should give their Plenipotentiary instructions proper to announce their disposition to peace, and their moderation, and to convince the powers of Europe, that the independence of the Thirteen United States, and the engagements they have contracted with the King, are the sole motives, which determine them to continue the war; and that whenever they shall have full and satisfactory assurances on these two capital points, they will be ready to conclude a peace. The manner of conducting the negotiation, the extent of the powers of the American Plenipotentiary, the use to be made of them, and the confidence that ought to be reposed in the French Plenipotentiaries and the King's Ministers, are points, which should be fully discussed with a committee.

And the underwritten Minister entreats, that Congress would be pleased to name a committee with whom he will have the honor to treat. He thinks that this Assembly will be sensible, that the King could not give a greater mark of his affection for the Thirteen United States, or of his attachment to the principles of the alliance, than by determining not to enter upon a negotiation before they were ready to take part therein, although in other respects, his confidence in the mediators, and the relation he stands in to one of them, were sufficient motives to induce him to accept their offers. Congress are too sensible of the uncertainty of negotiations of this sort not to know, that the moment of opening them is that precisely when the efforts against the enemy ought to be redoubled; and that nothing can facilitate the operation of the negotiators so much as the success of the arms of the allies; that a check would be productive of disagreeable consequences to both, and that the enemy would rise in their pretensions, their haughtiness, and obstinacy, in proportion to the languor and slackness of the confederates.

The undersigned will have the honor to communicate to the committee some circumstances relative to the sending Mr Cumberland to Madrid; to the use, which Mr Adams thought he was authorised to make of his Plenipotentiary powers; to the mission of Mr Dana; to the association of the neutral powers; and to the present state of affairs in the south. Congress will find new motives for relying on the good will of the King, and on the interest he takes in favor of the United States in general, and of each one of them in particular.

LUZERNE.

REPORT OF A CONFERENCE WITH THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, May 28th, 1781.

The committee appointed to confer with the Minister of France, report,

That the Minister communicated some parts of a despatch, which he had received from the Count de Vergennes, dated the 9th of March, 1781. That the resolves of Congress, which had been adopted on the association of the neutral powers, were found very wise by the Council of the King, and that it was thought they might be of service in the course of the negotiation. The French Ministry did not doubt but they would be very agreeable to the Empress of Russia. But they were not of the same opinion with respect to the appointment of Mr Dana, as a Minister to the Court of Petersburg. The reason is, that Catharine the Second has made it a point until now to profess the greatest impartiality between the belligerent powers. The conduct she pursues on this occasion is a consequence of the expectation she has, that peace maybe re-established by her mediation; therefore, she could by no means take any step, which might show on her side the least propension in favor of the Americans, and expose her to the suspicion of partiality towards America, and of course exclude her from the mediation. The appointment of Mr Dana, therefore, appears to be at least premature, and the opinion of the Council is, that this deputy ought not to make any use of his powers at this moment. In case he applies to the Count de Vergennes for advice, he shall be desired to delay making any use of his powers. The Count observes, it would be disagreeable to Congress that their Plenipotentiary should meet with a refusal, that their dignity would be offended, and that such a satisfaction ought not to be given to the Court of London, especially when negotiations of a greater moment are about to commence. However, the French Minister had orders to assure the committee, that his Court would use all their endeavors in proper time, to facilitate the admissions of the Plenipotentiary of Congress.

The Minister communicated to the committee several observations respecting the conduct of Mr Adams; and in doing justice to his patriotic character, he gave notice to the committee, of several circumstances, which proved it necessary that Congress should draw a line of conduct to that Minister, of which he might not be allowed to lose sight. The Minister dwelt especially on a circumstance already known to Congress, namely, the use which Mr Adams thought he had a right to make of his powers to treat with Great Britain. The Minister concluded on this subject, that if Congress put any confidence in the King's friendship and benevolence; if they were persuaded of his inviolable attachment to the principle of the alliance, and of his firm resolution constantly to support the cause of the United States, they would be impressed with the necessity of prescribing to their Plenipotentiary a perfect and open confidence in the French Ministers, and a thorough reliance on the King, and would direct him to take no step without the approbation of his Majesty; and after giving him, in his instructions, the principal and most important outlines for his conduct, they would order him, with respect to the manner of carrying them into execution, to receive his directions from the Count de Vergennes, or from the person who might be charged with the negotiation in the name of the King.

The Minister observed, that this matter is the more important, because, being allied with the United States, it is the business of the King to support their cause with those powers with whom Congress have no connexion, and can have none, until their independence is in a fair train to be acknowledged. That the King would make it a point of prudence and justice to support the Minister of Congress; but in case this Minister, by aiming at impossible things, forming exorbitant demands, which disinterested mediators might think ill-founded, or perhaps by misconstruing his instructions, should put the French negotiators under the necessity of proceeding in the course of the negotiation without a constant connexion with him, this would give rise to an unbecoming contradiction between France and the Thirteen United States, which could not but be of very bad effect in the course of the negotiation.

In making these observations, the Minister remarked, that it was always to be taken for granted, that the most perfect independency is to be the foundation of the instructions to be given to Mr Adams, and that without this there would be no treaty at all. The Count de Vergennes observes, that it is of great importance that the instructions aforesaid be given as soon as possible to Mr Adams. And the Minister desired the committee to press Congress to have this done with all possible despatch.

He communicated to the committee the following particulars, as a proof that this matter admits of no delay, and that it is probable the negotiation will very soon be opened. He told the committee that the English Ministry, in the false supposition that they might prevail on the Court of Madrid to sign a separate peace, had begun a secret negotiation with that Court, by the means of Mr Cumberland, but without any success. That the Court of Spain had constantly founded her answer on her engagements with his Most Christian Majesty. That on the other side, the King of France had declared to the King, his cousin, that the independence of the United States, either in fact, or acknowledged by a solemn treaty, should be the only foundation of the negotiations of the Court of France with that of London. That the British Court not seeming to be disposed to grant the independency, it appeared the negotiation of Mr Cumberland was superfluous. However, this English emissary continued, and still continues, his residence at Madrid, although he cannot have any expectation of obtaining the object of his commission. That this direct negotiation was known to all Europe, and that it seemed to render every mediation useless. That, however, the Empress of Russia, excited by motives of friendship to the belligerent powers, and in consequence of the share, which the association of the neutral powers had given her in the general emergency, has invited the king of France and the Court of London to require her mediation. That the Court of London has accepted the invitation with a kind of eagerness, and at the same time desired the Emperor of Germany to take a part in it. That the answer of the King of France to the overtures of the Court of Petersburg was, that he should be glad to restore peace by the mediation of Catharine, but that it was not in his power immediately to accept her offers, as he had allies whose consent was necessary for that purpose.

To the same application made by the Court of Petersburg to that of Madrid, this Court answered, that having entered into a direct negotiation with the Court of London, by the means of Mr Cumberland, it thought proper to wait the issue of it before it had recourse to a mediation. The Emperor, as has already been observed, having been desired by the Court of London to take part in the mediation, immediately informed the King of France, as well as his Catholic Majesty, of this circumstance, offering his co-mediation to both the allied Monarchs. To this, the King of France gave the same answer, which he had given to the Empress of Russia. As to the King of Spain, he again expressed his surprise at the English Ministry's requesting a mediation, after having entered into a direct negotiation; and he declared, that unless this negotiation should be broken off by the English themselves, it would be impossible for him to listen to a mediation, which, in any other circumstance, would be infinitely agreeable to him.

These answers, though of a dilatory nature, may be looked upon as an eventual acceptation of the mediation. The Minister observed, that it will be, in effect, difficult to avoid it. That a refusal will not be consistent with the dignity of the two powers, that had offered their interposition. That the King is obliged, from friendship and good policy, to treat them with attention. He further observed, that the demands of the King of France will be so just and so moderate, that they might be proposed to any tribunal whatever. That the only reason the King could have to suspend a formal acceptation is, that, at the time the offer was made, he was not acquainted with the intentions of his allies, namely, Spain and the United States.

The Minister observed to the committee, that in his opinion this conduct must afford Congress a new proof of the perseverance of the King in the principles of the alliance, and of his scrupulous attention to observe his obligations; he added, that, however, it is not without inconveniency, that this dilatory plan has been adopted. The distance between the allied powers of France and the United States, has obliged the Court of Versailles to adopt that plan, though liable to inconveniences, in order to conform to the engagements made by the treaties, to determine nothing into a negotiation without the participation of Congress. Besides, several States being invaded by the enemy, the French Council thought it inconvenient to begin a negotiation under these unfavorable circumstances. And being in hopes that the diversions made by the King's arms, will prevent the British from making very great exertions against the Thirteen United States, the French Ministry expected, that during the course of the present campaign they might be enabled to present the situation of their allies in a more favorable light to the Congress, that might assemble for peace. These delays, however, cannot with propriety take place for any long time, and it was the opinion of the French Ministry, that it would be contrary to decency, prudence, and the laws of sound policy, again to refuse listening to the propositions of peace made by friendly powers; for which reason, the Chevalier de la Luzerne was directed to lay all these facts confidentially before Congress.

The Minister informed the committee, that it was necessary, that the King should know the intentions of the United States with regard to the proposed mediation, and that his Majesty should be authorised by Congress to give notice of their dispositions to all the powers, who would take part in the negotiation for a pacification. The Minister delivered his own opinion, that he saw no inconveniency arising from the Congress imitating the example of the King, by showing themselves disposed to accept peace from the hands of the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia. He added, that Congress should rely on the justice and wisdom of those two Sovereigns; and at the same time, he renewed the assurances, that his Majesty will defend the cause of the United States as zealously as the interests of his own Crown.

He informed the committee, that according to all accounts, the British Ministry were removing as far as possible, in this negotiation, every idea of acknowledging the independence of what they call their Thirteen Colonies; and he said, that Congress would judge by themselves, that the Court of London would debate with the greatest energy and obstinacy the articles relating to America. He availed himself of this reflection to impress the committee with the necessity Congress are under, of securing in their favor the benevolence and good will of the mediating powers, by presenting their demands with the greatest moderation and reserve, save independence, which will not admit of any modification. He further observed, that it was possible the difficulty of making a definitive peace might engage the mediators to propose a truce; and that it was necessary, therefore, to authorise eventually the Plenipotentiary of the United States to declare their intention thereon.

He further observed, that whatever might be the resolution of Congress, they would do well to recommend to their Plenipotentiary to adopt a line of conduct, that would deprive the British of every hope of causing divisions between the allies, and to assume a conciliating character, as much as can be consistent with the dignity of his constituents, and to show such a confidence in the Plenipotentiary of his Most Christian Majesty, as is due to a power so much interested to support the dignity and honor of a nation, whose independence they have acknowledged.

The Minister told the committee, that whatever might be the resolution of Congress, respecting a peace or a truce, it was necessary to carry on the war with the utmost vigor. He urged reasons too well known to Congress to be related.

He desired the committee to inform Congress, that in case the offer of mediation from the two Imperial Courts should become so serious and so pressing, as to oblige the King to give a decisive answer, his Majesty would accept of it conditionally for himself and for the United States. The taking this resolution would have no inconvenience, as the Court of France knew no reasons, which could prevent them from following the example of the King, by trusting their interests in the hands of just and wise mediators, and the refusal being liable to very dangerous consequences. The Minister concluded the conference by observing, that a great object was to secure the United States from the proposition of uti possidetis; that the surest way to obtain that end was to reduce the English to confess, that they are not able to conquer them. That present circumstances require great exertions from the consideration, and that it was plain that every success gained by the army of Congress would infinitely facilitate the negotiations of their Plenipotentiaries.[44]

FOOTNOTE:

CONGRESS TO THE KING OF FRANCE.

The United States in Congress assembled, to their Great Faithful and Beloved Friend and Ally, Lewis the Sixteenth, King of France and Navarre.

Great, Faithful, and Beloved Friend and Ally,

We have received your Majesty's letter of the 10th of March. The measures adopted by your Majesty in consequence of the representation made of the situation of our finances, the repeated testimonies of your Majesty's unalterable determination to render the cause of the United States triumphant, and also the affection, which your Majesty has been pleased to express for the United States in general, and for each State in particular, demand from us the strongest sentiments of gratitude.

The important communications made by your Majesty's Plenipotentiary have been considered by us with the greatest attention. The result of our deliberations will be made known to your Majesty by our Minister Plenipotentiary at your Court, and will evince the entire confidence we have in your Majesty's friendship and perseverance in the principles, which have directed your conduct in maintaining the interest of the United States to this time.

We pray God, that he will keep your Majesty, our great, faithful, and beloved friend and ally, in his holy protection.

Done at Philadelphia, the 13th day of June, in the year of our Lord, 1781, and in the fifth year of our independence.

By the United States in Congress assembled.

Your Faithful Friends and Allies.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.

Charles Thomson, Secretary.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, June 1st, 1781

Sir,

I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write on the 23d of the past month, and that of the Count de Rochambeau, with which it was accompanied.

I wait with extreme impatience the news of the arrival of the French division before New York, and no one can desire more earnestly than I do to see it under your immediate command. I hoped that you would have been this spring in the command of a more considerable body of auxiliaries. The causes, which have hindered the execution of that plan, have been so urgent and so decisive, that I am sure you will approve them, after I shall have had the honor of making you acquainted with them. I have nevertheless been much pained, that I could not explain to you this change of measures, and my attachment to the cause, which you defend, has made me feel as sensibly as any citizen of America all the delays, that could happen to the assistance, which we wish to give to the Thirteen States.

I am impressed with the necessity of maintaining a perfect confidence with your Excellency upon these different points, and I shall seize the first occasion which presents itself to visit your army.

In the meantime I shall transmit to the Count de Grasse what your Excellency did me the honor to communicate. Be persuaded that I shall use the most pressing motives to determine him, and I shall do it with so much the more zeal, as I feel the necessity of it. I shall transmit to that General an extract of your letter, and I know nothing more likely to give weight to the demand, which I shall make of him.