THE CORRESPONDENCE OF C. A. DE LA LUZERNE.

SUBSTANCE OF A CONFERENCE BETWEEN M. DE LA LUZERNE AND GENERAL WASHINGTON AT HEAD QUARTERS, WEST POINT.[28]

September 16th, 1779.

The Minister opened the conference by observing, that the Council of Massachusetts had represented to him the disadvantages, which their commerce was likely to suffer from the late misfortune in Penobscot, and the advantages which would result if his Excellency, Count d'Estaing, could detach a few ships of the line and frigates to be stationed upon their coast for protecting their commerce, and countenancing the operations of their cruisers against that of the enemy. But before he should propose such a measure to Count d'Estaing, he wished to know from the General, what purposes the detachment would answer to his military operations, and whether it would enable him to prosecute any offensive enterprise against the enemy. That if he could accompany the request of the Council with assurance of this kind, a motive of such importance would have the greatest influence in determining the concurrence of Count d'Estaing, and might the better justify him in deranging or contracting his plans in the West Indies, by making a detachment of his force.

The General answered, that if Count d'Estaing could spare a detachment superior to the enemy's naval force upon this continent, retaining such a force in the West Indies, as would put it out of the enemy's power to detach an equal force to this continent without leaving themselves inferior in the Islands, the measure would have a high probability of many important and perhaps decisive advantages; but these would depend upon several contingencies; as the time in which the detachment can arrive, and the position and force of the enemy when it arrives. That the season proper for military operations was now pretty far advanced, and to make a winter campaign would require a disposition of our magazines peculiar to it, which could not be made without a large increase of expense, a circumstance not to be desired in the present posture of our affairs, unless the arrival of a naval succor was an event of some certainty. That with respect to the position and force of the enemy, they had now about fourteen thousand men at New York and its dependencies, and between three and four thousand at Rhode Island; that to reduce the former, if it should be concentered on the Island, would require extensive preparations beforehand, both as to magazines and aids of men, which could not with propriety be undertaken on a precarious expectation of assistance. But that if the garrison of Rhode Island should continue there, we should have every reason to expect its reduction by a combined operation; it might, however, be withdrawn; he added, that the enemy appear to be making large detachments from New York, which the present situation of their affairs seems to exact; that there is a high probability of their being left so weak as to give us an opportunity, during the winter, of acting effectually against New York, in case of the arrival of a fleet to co-operate with us, even with the force we now have and could suddenly assemble on an emergency; that, at all events, the French squadron would be able to strike an important stroke, in the capture and destruction of the enemy's vessels of war, with a large number of transports and perhaps seamen.

He concluded with observing, that though in the great uncertainty of the arrival of a squadron, he could not undertake to make expensive preparations for co-operating, nor pledge himself for doing it effectually, yet there was the greatest prospect of utility from the arrival of such a squadron, and he would engage to do everything in his power for improving its aid, if it should appear upon our coast; that if the present or future circumstances should permit Count d'Estaing to concert a combined operation with the troops of these States against the enemy's fleets and armies within these States, he would be ready to promote the measure to the utmost of our resources, and should have the highest hopes of its success; it would, however, be necessary, to prevent delay and give efficacy to the project, that he should have some previous notice.

The Minister replied, that the General's delicacy upon the occasion was very proper, but as he seemed unwilling to give assurances of effectual co-operation, in conveying the application to the Admiral he would only make use of the name of the Council, which would, no doubt, have all the weight due to the application of so respectable a body.

The General assented, observing, that occasional mention might be made of the military advantages to be expected from the measure.

The Minister next informed the General, that there had been some negotiations between Congress and M. Gerard, on the subject of the Floridas and the limits of the Spanish dominions in that quarter, concerning which, certain resolutions had been taken by Congress, which he supposed were known to the General. He added, that the Spaniards had in contemplation an expedition against the Floridas, which was either already begun or very soon would be begun, and he wished to know the General's opinion of a co-operation on our part; that it was probable this expedition would immediately divert the enemy's force from South Carolina and Georgia, and the question then would be, whether General Lincoln's army would be necessary elsewhere, or might be employed in a co-operation with the Spanish forces. That the motive with the French Court for wishing such a co-operation was, that it would be a meritorious act on the side of the United States towards Spain, who, though she had all along been well disposed to the revolution, had entered reluctantly into the war and had not yet acknowledged our independence; that a step of this kind would serve to confirm her good dispositions, and to induce her not only to enter into a treaty with us, but, perhaps, to assist with a loan of money. That the forces of Spain in the Islands were so considerable, as would in all appearance make our aid unnecessary; on which account the utility of it, only contingent and possible, was but a secondary consideration with the Court of France; the desire to engage Spain more firmly in our interests, by a mark of our good will to her, was the leading and principal one.

The General assured the Minister, that he had the deepest sense of the friendship of France, but replied to the matter in question, that he was altogether a stranger to the measures adopted by Congress relative to the Floridas, and could give no opinion of the propriety of the co-operation proposed in a civil or political light; but considering it merely as a military question, he saw no objection to the measure, on the supposition that the enemy's force in Georgia and South Carolina be withdrawn, without which it would, of course, be impossible.

The Minister then asked, in case the operation by the Spaniards against the Floridas should not induce the English to abandon the Southern States, whether it would be agreeable that the forces, either French or Spanish, employed there, should co-operate with our troops against those of the enemy in Georgia and South Carolina.

The General replied, that he imagined such a co-operation would be desirable.

The Minister inquired in the next place, whether in case the Court of France should find it convenient to send directly from France a squadron and a few regiments attached to it, to act in conjunction with us in this quarter, it would be agreeable to the United States.

The General thought it would contribute much to advance the common cause.

The Minister informed us, that Dr Franklin had purchased a fifty gun ship, which the King of France intended to equip for the benefit of the United States, to be sent with two or three frigates to Newfoundland to act against the enemy's vessels employed in the fishery, and afterwards to proceed to Boston to cruise from that port.

He concluded the conference with stating, that in Boston several gentlemen of influence, some of them members of Congress, had conversed with him on the subject of an expedition against Canada and Nova Scotia; that his Christian Majesty had a sincere and disinterested desire to see those two Provinces annexed to the American Confederacy, and would be disposed to promote a plan for this purpose; but that he would undertake nothing of the kind unless the plan was previously approved and digested by the General. He added, that a letter from the General to Congress some time since, on the subject of an expedition to Canada, had appeared in France, and had been submitted to the best military judges, who approved the reasoning, and thought the objections to the plan, which had been proposed, very plausible and powerful. That whenever the General should think the circumstances of this country favorable to such an undertaking, he should be very glad to recommend the plan he should propose, and he was assured that the French Court would give it all the aid in their power.

The General again expressed his sense of the good dispositions of his Christian Majesty, but observed, that while the enemy remain in force in these States, the difficulties stated in his letter alluded to by the Minister would still subsist; but that whenever that force should be removed, he doubted not it would be a leading object with the government to wrest the two aforementioned Provinces from the power of Britain; that in this case, he should esteem himself honored in being consulted on the plan; and was of opinion, that though we should have land force enough for the undertaking, without in this respect intruding upon the generosity of our allies, a naval co-operation would certainly be very useful and necessary.

The rest of the conference consisted in mutual assurances of friendship of the two countries, &c. interspersed on the General's side with occasional remarks on the importance of removing the war from these States, as it would enable us to afford ample supplies to the operations in the West Indies, and to act with efficacy in annoying the commerce of the enemy, and dispossessing them of their dominions on this continent.

Head Quarters, September 18th, 1779.

The foregoing is, to the best of my recollection, the substance of a conference at which I was present at the time mentioned, and interpreted between the Minister and the General.

A. HAMILTON.

FOOTNOTE:

RECEPTION OF THE FRENCH MINISTER BY CONGRESS.[29]

In Congress, November 17th, 1779.

According to order the Chevalier de la Luzerne was introduced by Mr Mathews and Mr Morris, the two members appointed for that purpose; and being seated in his chair, the Secretary of the Embassy delivered to the President a sealed letter from his Most Christian Majesty, in the terms following;

THE KING OF FRANCE TO CONGRESS.

"To our dear great Friends and Allies, the President and Members of the General Congress of the United States of North America.

Very Dear Great Friends and Allies,

"The bad state of health of M. Gerard, our Minister Plenipotentiary to you, having laid him under the necessity of applying for a recall, we have made choice of the Chevalier de la Luzerne, a Colonel in our service, to supply his place. We have no doubt, that he will be agreeable to you, and that you will repose entire confidence in him. We pray you to give full credit to all he shall say to you on our behalf, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of our wishes for your prosperity, as well as the constancy of our affection and our friendship for the United States in general, and for each one of them in particular. We pray God to keep you, our very dear great friends and allies, in his holy protection.

"Done at Versailles, the 31st of May, 1779.

"Your good friend and ally,

LOUIS."

The Minister being announced, he addressed Congress in the following speech.

Translation.

"Gentlemen,

"The wisdom and courage, which have founded your Republic, the prudence which presides over your deliberations, your firmness in execution, the skill and valor displayed by your Generals and soldiers during the course of the war, have attracted the admiration and regard of the whole world.

"The King, my master, was the first to acknowledge a liberty acquired amidst so many perils and with so much glory. Since treaties dictated by moderation have fixed upon a permanent basis the union of France with the American Republic, his Majesty's whole conduct must have demonstrated how dearly he cherishes your prosperity, and his firm resolution to maintain your independence by every means in his power. The events, which have successively unfolded themselves, show the wisdom of those measures. A powerful ally has acknowledged the justice of those motives, which had compelled the King to take arms, and we may reasonably hope for the most solid success from the operations of the united fleets. The naval force of the enemy has been diverted from your continent, compelled to flee to the defence of their own possessions. All their efforts have been too feeble to prevent our troops from conquering a considerable part. Other British Islands feared the same lot, when the French General stopped the current of his success to seek new dangers here. In conforming to his Majesty's intentions, he has acceded to his own inclinations, to the desires of the French, and to the request of the Americans, who invited him to join his arms to those of your Republic. Events have not completely answered his courage and his efforts, but his blood and that of my countrymen, shed in a cause so dear to us, has cemented the basis on which the alliance is founded, and impressed on it a character as indelible as are all those by which it is already consecrated.

"That alliance, Gentlemen, becomes daily more indissoluble, and the benefits, which the two nations derive from it, have given it the most perfect consistency.

"The relations of commerce between the subjects of the King, my master, and the inhabitants of the Thirteen United States, continually multiply, and we may already perceive, in spite of those obstacles, which embarrass the reciprocal communication, how natural it is, how advantageous it will be to the two nations, and all who participate in it, and how much the monopolising spirit, the jealous attention and prohibitory edicts of the enemy to your freedom, have been prejudicial to your happiness. It is under these circumstances, Gentlemen, that the King has been pleased to appoint me his Minister Plenipotentiary to your Republic. You have seen in the letter, which I had just now the honor to deliver from him, fresh assurances of his friendship. I consider as the happiest circumstance of my life a mission, in the course of which I am certain of fulfilling my duty, when I labor for your prosperity, and I felicitate myself upon being sent to a nation, whose interests are so intimately blended with our own, that I can be useful neither to France nor the American Republic, without rendering myself agreeable both to the one and the other.

"It was certainly desirable that the affairs with which I am charged had remained in the hands of that enlightened Minister, whom I succeed, and whose health compels him to return to France. I have not his abilities; but like him, I have an unbounded zeal for the welfare and success of the common cause. Like him, I am directed to concur in everything, which can be useful or agreeable to your Republic. I have the same attachment to the people whom you, Gentlemen, represent, and the same admiration of their conduct. I have the most fervent wish to give you the proof of it; and I hope by these different titles to merit your confidence and your esteem.

LUZERNE."

The translation of the foregoing speech being read to the House by the Secretary of Congress, the President returned the following answer.

"Sir,

"The early attention of our good friend and ally to these United States is gratefully felt by all their virtuous citizens, and we should be unfaithful representatives if we did not warmly acknowledge every instance of his regard, and take every opportunity of expressing the attachment of our constituents to treaties formed upon the purest principles.

"His Most Christian Majesty, in rendering himself a protector of the rights of mankind, became entitled to assistance from the friends of man. This title could not but be recognised by a monarch, whose diadem is adorned with equity and truth. That monarch, by joining his arms to those of our great ally, has given a fatal blow to the common enemy, and from the justice of the motives which unite the combined fleets, we expect the most solid benefits will crown their operations. Nor can we doubt that other powers will rejoice to see that haughty nation humbled, in proportion as they have been insulted by her presumptuous arrogance. We well know, and all the world must acknowledge, the moderation and friendship of the Most Christian King, in neglecting conquests which courted his acceptance, for the benevolent pleasure of succoring his allies. In this, as in every other instance, we perceive his strict adherence to the principles of our defensive alliance. We are sensible of the zeal of the French General in executing his Majesty's orders. We esteem his courage, we lament his wounds, and we respect that generous valor, which has led your countrymen to contend with ours in the same common cause in the same field of glory; a noble emulation, which has poured out the blood of the two nations and mingled it together as a sacred pledge of perpetual union.

"The consequences, which have followed from the appearance of the French fleet upon our coasts, particularly by disconcerting the enemy's plans of operations, and destroying a considerable part of their naval force, demonstrate the wisdom of the measure. That they have not been still more beneficial is to be attributed to those incidents, which in the hand of Providence determine all human events. But our disappointment is compensated by reflecting on the perfect harmony, that subsisted between the Generals and the troops of the two nations.

"The prosperous course of this campaign gives a pleasing hope that the moment of peace may soon arrive, when the reciprocation of mutual good offices shall amply recompence our mutual labors and cares, and we doubt not but in that moment the commerce between the allied nations, now struggling under great inconveniences, will shoot forth with vigor and advantage, and happily demonstrate the injuries we once suffered from the restraints of our enemies.

"While we lament, Sir, the loss of your worthy predecessor, we are led from your personal character to the pleasing expectation, that you will possess that confidence and esteem which he enjoyed. They are due to the servant of our benefactor; we are happy in his choice, and being thoroughly convinced of the intimate connexion between the interests and views of the allied nations, we cannot but persuade ourselves, that the more attentively you shall perform your duty to your Sovereign, and the more sedulously you shall guard and promote the welfare of your country, the more agreeable and respectable you will render yourself to the citizens of America.[30]

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President."

FOOTNOTE:

DON JUAN MIRALLES TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 25th, 1779.

Sir,

I had the honor of communicating to you on the 22d instant two letters, which I received from the Governor-General of the Island of Cuba, dated the 13th and the 22d of July last. He informs me by order of the King, my master, that the declaration of war against the King of Great Britain, made by his Majesty, was solemnly published at Havana, on the 22d of the said month of July, and he requests me to ask for the co-operation of the United States of America in the measures, the substance of which I am now to have the honor of recalling to your recollection.

The Honorable Congress having formerly proposed to lay siege to the town of St Augustine in East Florida, in order to restore it, in case of success, to the troops of his Catholic Majesty, I am ordered to urge the said Congress to direct the arms of the United States against that place, in the hope that this diversion will give powerful assistance to those, which the forces of the King have made by their attack on Pensacola; and that consequently, the English troops may be more readily driven from the territory of the American Republics. I am to inform the Governor-General of Havana, at what time the Honorable Congress will be able to undertake this conquest, as well as what land and naval forces that body will be able to employ in effecting it; in order that the Spanish Generals may arrange their operations agreeably to the information, which I shall transmit to them.

I am also ordered to invite the Honorable Congress to undertake the conquest of the territory and the possessions held by the English to the northeast of Louisiana; and as the Governor of that province may by his experience contribute greatly to the success of such an enterprise, he is desirous of knowing the plan of operations, which Congress will adopt in this affair, in order that on his part he may second it by every effort in his power.

The Governor-General of Havana is desirous of knowing the quantity and kind of provisions, productions, and supplies, with which the United States of America will be able to assist Havana, and the Island of Cuba, as well as the other possessions of his Majesty in America, in order that he may decide according to such information, upon the measures to be adopted for procuring his supplies of provisions.

I had yesterday the honor of communicating these various requests to the Honorable Congress, which body was pleased to appoint three of its members to confer with me upon them. They declared, Sir, that they should be much gratified to see my proposals supported by you; and I entreat you to be pleased by your intervention to give all requisite weight to the importance of these great objects.

The sending as soon as possible, of such forces and stores as Congress shall think proper, is of the greatest consequence. Of equal importance are the means of securing their arrival at their place of destination, with all the security which circumstances will allow. It is then desirable, Sir, that you would have the kindness to persuade the Count de Grasse to be pleased to take them on board of his squadron, and to conduct them under his convoy to South Carolina or Georgia; and the deputies of Congress have desired me to make this request of you. I have answered them, in consequence of the communications, which you have been pleased to make to me, that you had already made some overtures to that commander, in relation to the operations in which he might engage, and that you were now expecting his answer.

The interests of our Sovereigns, Sir, are so closely connected, the independence and welfare of United America are objects so dear and so important to you, that I have no doubt you will use all efforts to secure a compliance with the requests, which I have the honor to make of you in the name of the King, my master, and on the success of which depends, in a great degree, the success of the general operations of the allied powers.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DON JUAN DE MIRALLES.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, November 26th, 1779.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor of communicating to the Congress of the United States, a letter of Don Juan de Miralles, containing sundry propositions, which appear to him to deserve the most serious attention. Although the Chevalier de la Luzerne has no instructions from his Catholic Majesty, he is too sensible of the good understanding and intimate connexion subsisting between the Courts of Versailles and Madrid, not to recommend these overtures in the most pressing manner to the consideration of Congress.

The great design is to act against the common enemy, and the more pains that are taken to unite the strokes aimed against them, the more certain will be their effects. As to what regards the concurrence of the royal fleet in the operations proposed, the underwritten has the honor to observe, that he is entirely uninformed touching the part it will be able to take. He has, however, written a letter to the Count de Grasse, which that commander will receive on his arrival at Hampton. As soon as the underwritten shall have received an answer, and the necessary information, he will take the earliest opportunity of communicating them to such of the delegates as Congress shall be pleased to appoint.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, December 6th, 1779.

Sir,

The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary of France has the honor of informing Congress, that he has received from St Domingo intelligence of the capture of the Greyhound, by eight American sailors. He annexes a summary of some facts relative to this capture.

In the terms of the intelligence, given on the 4th of August, of the present year, by the officers of the Admiralty of Port Paix, "the eight American sailors, having taken the said schooner, without being provided with any commission, have been sent back before Congress, in order that this affair may be decided in conformity with the laws of their country."

The undersigned Minister is then desirous, that Congress would be pleased to inform him, what use they shall judge proper to make of the thirteen thousand nine hundred and eighty nine livres, ten sols, which remain in the registry of the Admiralty of Port Paix; whether it be thought proper that this sum should be remitted to the agent of Congress at St Domingo, in order that he may transmit it to the eight men interested, in such manner as he shall think fit, or whether Congress shall adopt an entirely different mode of proceeding. The Chevalier de la Luzerne will hasten to communicate to the commandants of the Island of St Domingo, whatever resolution may have been adopted, in order that they may without delay make arrangements accordingly. The undersigned would have wished to spare Congress the detail of this affair, by addressing himself directly to the States of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, in order to ascertain their intentions, but the intelligence upon which the order of the General and Intendant of St Domingo has intervened, obliges the parties to come before Congress; besides, this form is the best adapted to prevent all delays, and to cause this money to arrive promptly at the destination, which shall be determined upon.

LUZERNE

PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

In Congress, December 16th, 1779.

Sir,

I am directed to inform you, that Congress in order to testify their attention to the interest of his Catholic Majesty, appointed a commissioner to confer with General Washington on the subject of your letter, accompanying the representation of Don Juan de Miralles;[31] and though from the result of their conference, they have reason to believe that our grand army cannot be weakened while the enemy retain their present force at New York, without considerable danger, yet they have upon mature deliberation determined rather to incur that danger, than not to comply, as far as is consistent with our circumstances, with the views of his Catholic Majesty, to whom they feel themselves bound by that union of interest, which a common enemy creates, by the favorable disposition manifested by his Catholic Majesty to these United States, and by those ties, which connect the House of Bourbon with the happiness of mankind.

Under these impressions they have ordered a considerable detachment from the grand army to join the troops in Carolina, which, together with the forces already there or on the way, will amount to about four thousand men, exclusive of the militia of the Southern States, whom Congress have called for upon this occasion. Congress have also ordered three of their frigates to Charleston, to be put under the direction of the commanding officer in that department.

This force they conceive will make so powerful a diversion in favor of his Catholic Majesty's army, as to afford probable hopes of their being crowned with success. You will perceive, Sir, that any other co-operation with the troops of Spain is impossible, while Savannah opposes a barrier to a junction of our force. This, from its present strength, it will not be easy for us to remove, till a more decided superiority in this quarter enables us to transfer a greater proportion of our army thither. Unless, in the meantime, the Governor of Havana shall think proper to furnish such aid, as when joined with the forces of the United States in that quarter, will be sufficient to effect the purposes before mentioned. But as Congress were desirous of extending their views still further, and conceiving the conquest of East Florida to be an object of great importance, as well to his Catholic Majesty, as to these States, they have therefore directed me to inform you, and through you Don Juan de Miralles, by whom the intentions of his Catholic Majesty are communicated, that they have given full power to their General commanding in the Southern department to correspond and concert with the Governor of Havana, or any other person or persons, authorised by his Catholic Majesty for that purpose, such plan as can be agreed upon between them for carrying our views into execution.

I am, Sir, directed further to inform you, that though Congress cannot promise any considerable quantity of provisions until the army of the United States are supplied, yet as soon as that can be done, every means will be used to furnish provisions for his Catholic Majesty's Islands and fleet. But in the meantime they conceive, that a large supply of rice may be afforded by the State of South Carolina, while Congress will readily aid the agents of Spain in procuring the same.

I have the honor to be, &c.

SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, President.

FOOTNOTE:

M. HOLKER TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 10th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor of transmitting to you the annexed letter, and copy of a late law of the State of Maryland, which I have this moment received from Mr William Smith, a merchant at Baltimore. As it is of a nature to alarm us in relation to all the operations, which have been concerted in the Islands, or contemplated with respect to other places during the course of the ensuing summer; as, moreover, the vessels and store-ships, which I expect from Martinique, to supply the place of those which were destined by the Count d'Estaing for the Chesapeake Bay, and which the officers of the King have thought it their duty to sacrifice and sell to the State of Carolina, with a view to contribute, as far as lay in their power, to the security and defence of that place; as, I say, these store-ships might arrive immediately, and I might be obliged to send them back in ballast, if the corn and wheat, which I have purchased in Maryland, should be seized, and as, thereby, all my transactions and engagements would not only become uncertain, but might terminate in a manner disgraceful to me, and in the failure of the naval operations of the King in America, I cannot forbear to claim, in the most urgent manner, the influence of your character with the Congress of the United States upon this occasion, while I observe to you, that if the law of Maryland is put in execution in relation to the provisions, which I have collected at a great expense and with every possible precaution, I shall, for the future, be unable to take a single step in the service of the King, and shall be obliged to pay large sums to indemnify those with whom I have made engagements.

Your Excellency is aware of the innumerable difficulties, which I have experienced since I have been engaged in this country, in the naval service of the King. They seem to multiply every moment, and have become so great that I am compelled to declare to you, that I cannot guaranty or be answerable for the success of the least operation, unless you shall be able most speedily to persuade Congress to take with each and every State in the Union, decisive and effectual measures to cause respect to be shown to my transactions, carried on in the name and on the account of his Majesty; while I repeat my offers to oblige my agents and correspondents to conform to such suitable formalities, as your Excellency shall think proper to prescribe for the general tranquillity and satisfaction.

I am, Sir, &c.

HOLKER.

WILLIAM SMITH TO M. HOLKER.

Baltimore, January 7th, 1780

Sir,

By express I send enclosed a copy of a letter I received yesterday from the Governor and Council of this State, in answer to my application for permission to load the brig Hawk with flour for Cape François, on account of his Most Christian Majesty. You will perceive by this letter, that I am not permitted to proceed in loading this vessel as you direct, nor will any permission for that purpose be granted until the army is supplied.

That the army ought to be supplied, I doubt not you will think right; but that the wheat and flour collected in this port should be taken for that purpose, when I presume a sufficient quantity may be had much more convenient to the army and less prejudicial to your interest, you will, probably, conclude is not so convenient, and might, if duly considered, have been avoided. I am well informed that the public purchasers in Harford county have now on hand upwards of three thousand barrels, which, for a wagon at this season of the year, are at least three days nearer camp than this place. Besides, very considerable magazines must be provided on the eastern shore of this State; and it seems to me, that the distresses of our army have arisen more from the want of carriages to convey a sufficient quantity of flour to camp, than from any other cause.

Be that as it may, I find that the Commissioners for this county are determined to lay their hands on all your wheat and flour, and have already seized some of your wheat, and I doubt not but the whole on the eastern and western shores will be taken as soon as they conveniently can do it. Therefore, I thought it my duty to despatch this information to you by express, that you may take such measures in the premises as you judge best. You will see by the enclosed letter, that no relief is to be expected from our Governor and Council. Perhaps an application to Congress may procure a resolve directing your magazines to be spared, by lending some for the present emergency. But that ought to be taken when most convenient for the army, and least prejudicial to you.

You will please to favor me with a line by return of the bearer, directing whatever steps you may think will be most conducive to the interest of his Most Christian Majesty.

I have the honor to be, &c.

WILLIAM SMITH.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE COUNCIL OF MARYLAND TO WILLIAM SMITH.

In Council, Annapolis, January 6th, 1780.

Sir,

We received your favor of the 3d instant by express. As the grand object of the "Acts for the immediate supply of the army, &c." is to procure an immediate and full supply of provisions for our army, it was necessary that the Commissioners should be vested with extraordinary powers, that those powers should be accurately defined, and that the mode to be pursued by them should be plainly delineated; which is done. We do not think that flour or wheat purchased for the Marine of France, privileged or exempted from seizure, and we are certain it was not the intention of the Legislature that those articles should be, because such exemption would, in a great degree, if not wholly, frustrate the design of the law.

We deem it our duty to afford the Commissioners every aid in our power to facilitate the execution of the law, and, therefore, cannot at this time grant permission to export flour or wheat purchased by the agents of France; because we should thereby restrain that extensive operation of the act, by which alone we can obtain an immediate supply adequate to our pressing wants. We are sensible, that it is of importance that the Marine of France should be furnished with flour, and it is with the utmost regret that we have refused permission, and nothing could have induced us to do it, but the alarming and distressful situation of our army; and when we have assurances that their wants are relieved, we shall with pleasure grant license as heretofore.

The numerous evils, that would result from procrastinating the supplies when contrasted with the inconveniencies alluded to by you, will, we trust, evince the propriety of our conduct and justify our refusal.

We are, with respect, Sir, &c.

J. T. CHASE, President of the Council.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 10th, 1780.

Sir,

The undersigned Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has just received from M. Holker a letter, of which a copy is annexed, in relation to a law, passed by the State of Maryland, to authorise the Commissioners therein named to seize the grain, corn, and rice, which may be found stored in the hands of individuals in that State, and to carry them away. It is to be presumed, that if the General Assembly of Maryland had been informed of the measures taken, at a great expense, to procure supplies for the fleets of his Majesty and for his garrisons in the French Islands, and of the pressing wants which they suffer, they would have excepted from this law the provisions found in the hands of Mr Smith.

The undersigned is about to take suitable measures for inducing the government to refrain from seizing the said provisions, and to replace them in case that they are already seized. He earnestly entreats Congress to be pleased, on its part, to recommend to the Councils and Assemblies of the Thirteen States to refrain, in circumstances of this nature, and in all other cases, from all measures which may cause any uncertainty in the operations of the King's Navy Agents, endanger the success of the plans of the campaign, and expose to want and to the greatest inconveniences the garrisons of the French Islands, the governors of which are previously informed of the measures taken to procure supplies for them in the United States, and in concert with Congress and the respective governments of the States.

The present juncture being of a very pressing nature, the undersigned entreats Congress to be pleased to come to a decision on this subject as quickly as possible. He, moreover, proposes to the Council of Maryland to subject the agents and Commissioners, charged with making purchases on account of his Majesty, to all the legal forms best adapted to prevent every kind of abuse on their part; and he is desirous that the States, in which purchases of this nature may be made, should be pleased to take similar measures.

LUZERNE.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 23d, 1780.

Sir,

Advices recently received from Europe make mention of the efforts, which the English have made in Germany to procure recruits and new levies, and of the difficulty they have experienced even on the part of those Courts with whom they had before treated. The greatest part of the German Princes, who have sold soldiers to the Court of London, now blush at these sales, which have excited their subjects against them, and which besides have drained their States. They are reluctant to give troops to a power, that is making war against France, with whom they have always preserved amicable ties, and I am assured, that it is even doubtful whether the English will be able to procure a few recruits to complete the corps they have in America.

I am informed, that these circumstances have determined the British government to make every effort to obtain men in America, whom they cannot procure in Europe, and that Mr Clinton has received orders to spare no pains to effect the exchange or deliverance of the troops of the Convention of Saratoga, and of other prisoners, who are in the hands of the Americans. It is added, that the want of the Court of London for soldiers is so pressing, that General Clinton has been authorised to surmount all the difficulties, which may arise in the negotiation of this exchange, and that he is even permitted in case of absolute necessity to treat with Congress, or their Ministers, on terms of perfect equality, and as with an independent power. He has also equally full liberty to agree upon the number of private soldiers, who may be given in exchange for an officer of any rank whatsoever; and they order him simply to remember in treating of this matter, that an English soldier transported to America is of an infinite price to England, and they exhort him to employ all his efforts to bring about an exchange whatever may be the conditions.

I hasten to communicate these interesting ideas to Congress, and I have learned, that they were confirmed by the event, and that Major General Phillips had in effect drawn on a negotiation, the progress of which had been entirely confided to your Excellency. They prayed me at the same time to send you a communication of these objects, which the Congress think ought greatly to influence the measures, which it will be in your power to take, when you know that the English Commissioners have orders to pass over all difficulties, and to grant all the demands, which may be made, rather than to lose the occasion of reinforcing the army they have upon this continent.

I join to this some extracts, the contents of which have appeared to me of a nature to interest your Excellency. You will see besides, Sir, by the despatch of the British Minister, with what affectation he seeks to make the Thirteen States to be considered as subjected to the English domination, and you will judge of what importance it is to you to treat with the Court of London upon the footing of perfect equality, and how useful an act of this nature may be to the negotiations of Congress in Europe, when they can add to all the facts, of which the Court of Madrid makes mention in its memoir, a cartel regulated on the footing of perfect parity, and which would prejudge beforehand the question of your independence. I congratulate myself, that this negotiation is in your hands, and I am well persuaded, that nothing will pass derogatory to the part, which my Court has taken in acknowledging the independence and the perfect sovereignty of the United States.

I shall intrust to your Excellency, that the King is disposed to send over succors to this continent, of arms and ammunition, but as the events of the sea are uncertain, I believe that it will be proper to make no change in the measures, which may have been taken otherwise to procure them. This news not having reached me till yesterday, I have not yet been able to make a communication of it to Congress.

As you may be retained in your quarters by important considerations, I propose to go to render you my duties in the course of the next month, and confer with your Excellency on objects of great importance, and relative to the measures necessary to push the next campaign with vigor, and to put the American army in a condition truly proper to hold the enemy in check upon the continent, whilst his Majesty and the King of Spain shall display in the other parts of the world all their forces to secure advantageous terms of peace to the allies.

I am, with respect, Sir,

LUZERNE.

P. S. This letter will be delivered to your Excellency by M. de Galvan, who has been raised to the rank of Major by your goodness; he desires to merit it anew, and prays me to solicit you to put his zeal in activity. I shall be very grateful for what you may be pleased to do for him. He was particularly recommended to me by the Minister of France. He appeared to me to merit a great deal from his zeal, and from his personal attachment to your Excellency.

PAPERS MENTIONED IN THE ABOVE LETTER.

No. 1.

Translation.

Extract of a Memorial communicated by the Ambassador of England to the Court of Madrid, on the 28th of March, 1779.

Let the Colonies expose also their grievances, and the conditions for their security, or for their precaution, in order that the continuance and authority of lawful government may be re-established; and then we shall see if a direct and immediate accommodation can take place. If this same method is preferred in this last case only, let a truce be made in North America, that is to say, a real truce and suspension of arms, during which may be established and secured the liberty and estates of persons of every condition, and let all sort of violence against the respective subjects, or against the estates or effects which they possess, be made to cease. During this truce, the French may treat upon their particular concerns, avoiding thereby the suspicions, to which they would necessarily expose themselves, if they wish to involve in the negotiation their private advantage relatively to the pretended interests of those, whom France with affectation calls her allies; and his Majesty will be able to establish the government of his own dominions, without suffering the humiliation of not receiving, but from the hand of a declared enemy, the conditions which regard this government.

No. 2.

Translation.

Ultimatum proposed by the Court of Madrid to the Courts of France and England, dated 3d of April, 1779.

If these overtures or propositions had arrived here immediately after the King had made his to adjust the plan of reconciliation, several difficulties might have been some time since removed, by the modifications, which might have been negotiated, counting upon good faith and reciprocal confidence, as well as the desire of obtaining a peace; but after having lost more than two months, without reckoning the time that uselessly passed before, and after having observed that during this interval they did not cease to make great preparations of war, it must necessarily be suspected, that the object of England is to let glide away the months, which the campaign might still last, to continue the war with vigor. In this case all the efforts of the King to bring back the belligerent powers to peace would be ineffectual. Nevertheless, his Majesty, wishing to give one more proof of his love of humanity, and to make it appear that he has neglected nothing to stop and prevent the calamities of war, has ordered to propose to the two Courts the following plan, which will be on his part an ultimatum in this affair.

"That there shall be an unlimited suspension of arms with France on the condition, that neither of the belligerent powers can break it without advertising the other a year beforehand.

"That with a view of re-establishing reciprocal security and good faith between the two Crowns, by means of this suspension of hostilities, there shall be a general disarming in the space of one month on the side of Europe, in four months on that of America, and in eight months or a year for those of Africa and of Asia the most remote.

"That they shall determine in a month the place where the Plenipotentiaries of the two Courts shall assemble, to treat of a definitive accommodation of peace, and to regulate the restitutions or compensations relative to the reprisals, which have been made without adjudication of war, and to other grievances or pretensions of one or the other Crown. For this purpose the King will continue his mediation, offering in the first place the city of Madrid to hold a Congress.

"That the King of Great Britain shall grant a like cessation of hostilities to the American Colonies, by the intercession and mediation of his Catholic Majesty, a year beforehand, to the end, that he may apprize the said American Provinces, that they are equally ordered to make a reciprocal disarming at the epochas, and for the spaces of time, which have been specified with regard to France.

"That the bounds be fixed beyond which neither of the two parties shall pass from the positions and territories, in which it shall be at the time of the ratification of this arrangement.

"That they may send to Madrid one or more Commissioners on the part of the Colonies, and that his Britannic Majesty may also send others on his part under the mediation of the King, if necessary, in order to adjust all those points and others, which respect this suspension of arms, and the effects which it ought to produce, so long as it shall subsist, and that during this interval the Colonies shall be treated as independent in fact. That in case all the belligerent powers, or any others among them, or even the Colonies themselves, demand that the treaties or accommodations, which are concluded, be guarantied by those powers and by Spain, they shall in effect be so guarantied. And the Catholic King now offers his guarantee for the preliminaries."

No. 3.

Translation.

Extract from the Exposition of the Motives of the Court of Spain relative to England.

Among the propositions of the ultimatum of the King of Spain, there is one for which the British Cabinet has affected to have the greatest repugnance, and that is the proposition which imparts, that the Colonies shall be treated as independent in fact, during the interval of the truce. It is extraordinary, since it is even ridiculous, that the Court of London after having treated the Colonies during the war as independent, not only in fact, but also of right, should have any repugnance to treat them as independent only in fact, during the truce, or suspension of arms. The Convention of Saratoga, General Burgoyne considered as a lawful prisoner, the exchange and liberation of other Colonial prisoners, the nomination of Commissioners to meet the Americans at their own homes, the act of having asked peace of them, and to treat with them, or with Congress, and a hundred other facts of this nature, authorised by the Court of London, have been genuine signs of an acknowledgment of the independence of the Colonies.

It is the English nation itself, who can best judge and decide, whether all these acts are as compatible with the honor of the British Crown, as would be that of granting to the Colonies, by the interposition of his Catholic Majesty, a suspension of arms to discuss their differences, and to treat them during this interval as independent in fact.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 24th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor of sending you the credentials, by which M. d'Anmours is provisionally appointed his Majesty's Consul in the State of North Carolina. I entreat you to be pleased to cause them to be invested with the sanction of Congress, by having them entered upon the registers, and by taking the trouble to affix your approval, or causing that of Mr Thompson to be affixed, according to the mode heretofore pursued in similar cases.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, January 25th, 1780.

Sir,

The Minister Plenipotentiary of France has received express orders from the King, his master, to inform Congress, that the present situation of the affairs of the alliance in Europe announces the necessity of another campaign, which is indispensable to bring England to an acknowledgment of the independence of the Thirteen United States, which is the essential purpose of the present war. That power is making preparations the most proper for continuing the war with vigor, and appears willing to employ, in the course of this year, all the means possible to procure reparation, by some important enterprise, for the losses it has already sustained. Congress cannot doubt, that in this situation of affairs his Most Christian Majesty and the King of Spain have concerted plans to maintain that superiority by sea, which has begun to appear in their favor; and the underwritten has reason to believe, that the United States have nothing to desire of their ally, touching the use he is making of the resources of his realm, and the efficacy of the measures adopted by the Cabinets of Versailles and Madrid.

But while this powerful diversion retains in Europe, and the West Indies, the greater part of the land and sea forces of the common enemy, it is absolutely necessary, that the United States, on their part, should make efforts proportionable to the greatness of the object for which they are contending. The only means of putting an end to the calamities of the war is to push it with new vigor; to take effectual measures immediately for completing the army and putting it in condition to begin an early campaign.

It is also necessary to concert, as far as the distance of places will permit, a plan of common operations; and this is one of the principal points on which the underwritten Minister is ordered to consult with Congress. He is also ordered to assure this Assembly, that the King being informed of the wants of the American army, with respect to arms and ammunition, has commanded his Ministers to make suitable arrangements for supplying them. It is necessary that the underwritten Minister should confer with Congress on the subjects just mentioned. Besides, he has some particular circumstances to communicate relative to the present or probable state of the negotiations; and he desires that this assembly will be pleased to inform him in what manner they will receive the communication, the subject of which, as well as the plan of operations for the ensuing campaign, requires the most profound secrecy. In the meanwhile, he now only assures Congress, that in the whole course of the negotiations carried on last year, the King would not listen to either peace or truce, without an assurance, of some sort, of the independence of the United States.

LUZERNE.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE ON THE COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, January 28th, 1780.

The committee appointed to receive the communications of the Minister of France, reported the following summary, accompanied with extracts of papers, which he had recently received.[32]

The Minister of France informed the Committee, that he had it in command from his King to impress upon the minds of Congress, that the British Cabinet have an almost insuperable reluctance to admit the idea of the independence of these United States, and will use every possible endeavor to prevent it. That they have filled several of the Courts of Europe with negotiations, in order to excite them to a war against France, or to obtain succors; and are employing the most strenuous endeavors to persuade the several powers, that the United States are disposed to enter into treaties of accommodation. That many persons in Europe are actually employed in bringing such treaties to perfection; and that they have no doubt of their success. That the objects which the British Cabinet hope for from those measures are, to destroy the superiority, which France has now at sea, by diverting her powers and resources from naval to land operations, and by engaging her in a land war, where she must risk very important interests, while England would risk nothing but money; or to break, or weaken the alliance, by destroying the confidence, which the allies ought to have in each other.

That his Most Christian Majesty gives no credit to the suggestions of Britain, relative to the disposition of the United States; and it is necessary, that measures be taken for the preventing of other powers from being deceived into a belief of them. That the negotiations of Britain, as far as could yet be learned, had not succeeded. That the dispositions of all the European powers are, as far as can be known, very friendly to France; but some of them may be engaged in secret treaties with Britain, which may oblige them, in some event, to assist her with troops even against their inclinations. That such event may arise, and if it should, it is probable it will produce an armed mediation, the consequences of which would be, that the allies must accept of the terms proposed by the mediator, or continue the war under the disadvantage of having the forces of the mediator united with those of their enemies. That in such event, it is possible the terms proposed will be such as Spain offered, and Britain rejected, in the last proposed mediation.

That, though the powers who may be under such engagements by treaty to Great Britain, from their friendly disposition towards his Most Christian Majesty, may be very unwilling to give assistance to his enemies, yet they may find it indispensably necessary in compliance with their engagements; but it is not improbable that their reluctance, or the distance of their dominions, may delay such assistance, if granted at all, so as to be too late for the next campaign. That should the enemy be in possession of any part of the United States at the close of the next campaign, it will be extremely difficult to bring Great Britain to acknowledge their independence; and if a mediator should be offered, while the enemy is in possession of any part, an impartial mediator could not easily refute the arguments, which might be used for its retaining such possessions. And, probably, a mediator well disposed towards Great Britain might insist on her holding them; and if not agreed to, the hostility of such a mediator would be the necessary consequence. That should Great Britain form such alliances, or procure such aids, as are the objects of her present negotiations, there will be every reason to fear a long and an obstinate war, whereof the final event may be doubtful.

That this view of affairs plainly points out the necessity for the greatest possible vigor in the operations of the next campaign, in order to dispossess the enemy of every part of the United States, and to put them in condition to treat of peace, and accept of a mediation with the greatest advantage; and the preparations for it ought to be as speedy and as effectual as possible. That France and Spain are prepared to make a very powerful diversion, and will exert themselves most strenuously for preserving and improving their naval superiority, and for employing the powers of the enemy in Europe and the West Indies. The Minister declared, as from himself, that he doubted not his Most Christian Majesty will spare some ships to the United States, if it can be done without endangering his superiority at sea; and that an application made to the Minister informally is more eligible than to the King, because it would give his Majesty great pain to refuse the request, though he might be in no condition to grant it. That at all events, supplies should be prepared on a supposition that the ships will be granted; and such supplies should be put into the hands of the Agent for the Marine of France, and considered as the King's property.

He desires to be informed, as far as Congress may deem proper, what force the United States can bring into the field next campaign? On what resources they rely for their maintenance and necessary appointments? And what shall be the general plan of the campaign, on supposition either of having, or not having the aid of ships of war? He gives it as his opinion, that an application for clothing may be made to his Most Christian Majesty with prospect of success; and although measures have been taken for sending arms and warlike stores to America, yet it would be prudent in Congress not to neglect any other means for procuring those supplies, or supplies of clothing.

FOOTNOTE:

ANSWER OF CONGRESS TO THE COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, January 31st, 1780.

Congress taking into consideration the communications of the French Minister, as reported by the committee on the 28th instant,

Resolved, That the following answer be given to the communications of the honorable the Minister Plenipotentiary of France;

That Congress entertain the most grateful sense of the unremitting attention given to the interests of the United States by their illustrious ally; and consider the communications made to them by his Minister under his Majesty's special command as equally wise and interesting. That the confidence which they repose in his Majesty, in consequence of his so generously interesting himself in the affairs of these United States, and the wisdom and magnanimity of his councils, determine them to give the most perfect information in their power of their resources, their views, and their expectations.

That to this end, they state as follows; that the United States have expectations, on which they can rely with confidence, of bringing into the field an army of twentyfive thousand effective men, exclusive of commissioned officers. That this army can be reinforced by militia so as to be in force sufficient for any enterprises against the posts occupied by the enemy within the United States. That supplies of provisions for the army in its greatest number can certainly be obtained within the United States; and the Congress, with the co-operation of the several States, can take effectual measures for procuring them in such manner as that no operation will be impeded. That provisions, also, for such of the forces of his Most Christian Majesty, as may be employed in conjunction or co-operation with those of the United States, can be procured under the direction of Congress; and such provisions shall be laid up in magazines, agreeably to such instructions as his Majesty's Minister Plenipotentiary shall give; and the magazines shall be put under the direction of the Agent of the Marine of France.

That Congress rely on the contributions of the States by taxes, and on moneys to be raised by internal loans, for the pay of the army. That supplies of clothing, of tents, of arms and warlike stores, must be principally obtained from foreign nations; and the United States must rely chiefly on the assistance of their ally for them; but every other means for procuring them are already taken, and will be prosecuted with the greatest diligence.

That the United States, with the assistance of a competent naval force, would willingly, during the next campaign, carry on the most vigorous offensive operations against the enemy in all the posts occupied by them within the United States. That without such naval force, little more can be attempted by them than straitening the quarters of the enemy, and covering the interior parts of the country. That their forces must be disposed in such manner as to oppose the enemy with the greatest effect, wheresoever their most considerable operations may be directed.

That at present, the Southern States seem to be their principal object, and their design to establish themselves in one or more of them; but their superiority at sea over the United States enables them to change their objects and operations with great facility, while those of the United States are rendered difficult by the great extent of country they have to defend.

That Congress are happy to find that his Most Christian Majesty gives no credit to the suggestions of the British cabinet relative to the dispositions of the United States, or any of them, to enter into treaties of accommodation with Great Britain; and wish his Majesty and all the powers of Europe to be assured, that such suggestions are insidious and without foundation.

That it will appear by the constitutions and other public acts of the several States, that the citizens of the United States possessed of arms, possessed of freedom, possessed of political power to create and direct their magistrates as they think proper, are united in their determinations to secure to themselves and their posterity the blessings of liberty, by supporting the independence of their governments, and observing their treaties and public engagements with immovable firmness and fidelity. And the Congress assure his Majesty, that should any individual in America be found base enough to show the least disposition for persuading the people to the contrary, such individual would instantly lose all power of effecting his purpose, by forfeiting the esteem and confidence of the people.

COMMUNICATIONS OF THE FRENCH MINISTER TO A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS AT A SECOND CONFERENCE.

In Congress, February 2d, 1780.

The Committee report, that in a second conference with the honorable the Minister Plenipotentiary of France he communicated to them;

That his Most Christian Majesty, being uninformed of the appointment of a Minister Plenipotentiary to treat of an alliance between the United States and his Catholic Majesty, has signified to his Minister Plenipotentiary to the United States, that he wishes most earnestly for such an alliance; and in order to make the way thereto more easy, has commanded him to communicate to the Congress certain articles, which his Catholic Majesty deems of great importance to the interests of his Crown, and on which it is highly necessary that the United States explain themselves with precision, and with such moderation as may consist with their essential rights.

That the articles are,

1st. A precise and invariable western boundary to the United States.

2dly. The exclusive navigation of the river Mississippi.

3dly. The possession of the Floridas; and

4thly. The lands on the left or eastern side of the river Mississippi.

That on the first article, it is the idea of the cabinet of Madrid, that the United States extend to the westward no farther than settlements were permitted by the royal proclamation bearing date the —— day of —— 1763.

On the second, that the United States do not consider themselves as having any right to navigate the river Mississippi, no territory belonging to them being situated thereon.

On the third, that it is probable that the King of Spain will conquer the Floridas during the course of the present war; and in such event, every cause of dispute relative thereto between Spain and these United States ought to be removed.

On the fourth, that the lands lying on the east side of the Mississippi, whereon the settlements were prohibited by the aforesaid proclamation, are possessions of the Crown of Great Britain, and proper objects against which the arms of Spain may be employed, for the purpose of making a permanent conquest for the Spanish Crown. That such conquest may, probably, be made during the present war. That, therefore, it would be advisable to restrain the Southern States from making any settlements or conquests in those territories. That the Council of Madrid consider the United States as having no claims to those territories, either as not having had possession of them before the present war, or not having any foundation for a claim in the right of the sovereignty of Great Britain, whose dominion they have abjured.

That his Most Christian Majesty, united to the Catholic King by blood and by the strictest alliances, and united with these States in treaties of alliance, and feeling towards them dispositions of the most perfect friendship, is exceedingly desirous of conciliating between his Catholic Majesty and these United States, the most happy and lasting friendship.

That the United States may repose the utmost confidence in his good will to their interests, and in the justice and liberality of his Catholic Majesty; and that he cannot deem the revolution, which has set up the independence of these United States, as past all danger of unfavorable events, until his Catholic Majesty and the United States shall be established on those terms of confidence and amity, which are the objects of his Most Christian Majesty's very earnest wishes.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Morristown, February 4th, 1780.

Sir,

Major Galvan delivered me the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to write to me on the 23d of January, to which I have paid all the attention the importance of its contents demands. I am much flattered by this commencement of a correspondence, from which I have everything to gain, and equally indebted for the interesting communications it affords.

It is a happy circumstance, that the efforts made by the British Court for obtaining troops in Germany are attended with so little success. This will naturally increase their exertions for procuring men in this country, and will, no doubt, make them more solicitous for effecting the exchange or release in some way or other, of their prisoners in our hands. It will be well, if in the negotiations on this subject, we can extract concessions favorable to those, which may take place in Europe, and you may depend the experiment shall be fully tried. But from the aspect of the late propositions on the part of the enemy, I should not entertain any sanguine hopes of the success of this experiment. The reinforcement they would derive from a full compliance with their proposals is not calculated at more than ten or eleven hundred private men; and this seems hardly to be an object of sufficient magnitude to induce them to concede to points of the nature, which your Excellency's information supposes; especially, as you emphatically express it, "after having sought with so much affectation to make the Thirteen States be considered as subjected to the English domination." The offers made through Major General Phillips are far more moderate, than any that have hitherto come from them, and appear, in a great measure, to have been influenced by his personal solicitations, dictated by an extreme anxiety to be released from captivity. But notwithstanding the matter in its present form wears to me the appearance I have mentioned, I shall not neglect any measure, which it may be in my power to take, to improve the intimation your Excellency has given, and entreat you to be assured, that I shall endeavor to make the event confirm the opinion you do me the honor to entertain, that nothing will be done derogatory to the magnanimous part your Court has acted, or the honor or interest of the United States.

The inconsistency of the Court of London, so well delineated by that of Madrid in the extract you had the goodness to annex, would appear extraordinary, if their whole conduct in the course of the war did not exhibit many similar examples. But it is evident, that their refusing to consider these States as independent in fact, during a negotiation, was a mere pretext to cover their unwillingness to concur in the pacific views of His Catholic Majesty; and the Memorial from the British Ambassador shows, that they were artfully aiming to effect a separation of interests between France and these States, the better to prosecute their hostile designs against either or both.

I thank your Excellency for the agreeable intelligence you give me of his Christian Majesty's intentions to send over succors of arms and ammunition. It is a new and valuable proof of his friendship, and will be of essential utility. I agree with you, that there ought to be no relaxation in the measures otherwise intended to be taken to procure the necessary supplies of those articles.

I am sensibly mortified, that the present situation of affairs will by no means suffer me to yield to the desire I have of paying you my respects in Philadelphia; and I shall impatiently look for the opportunity of doing it here, which your Excellency promises me in the course of this month. Besides the important objects of public utility, which I am authorised to hope from it, I shall take pleasure on every occasion of testifying to you those sentiments of respect and esteem, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

P. S. The interest your Excellency is pleased to take in Major Galvan, will be an additional motive with me to avail myself of his talents and zeal, as far as circumstances will possibly permit.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Morristown, February 15th, 1780.

Sir,

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of the 4th,[33] which only reached me on the 13th.

Sincerely desirous of doing everything in my power, by which the interest of his Christian Majesty, inseparable from that of these States, can in any manner be promoted, and still more in a point so essential as that which makes the subject of your letter, I should not hesitate to furnish the detachment required by Mr Duer, whatever might be my opinion of its necessity, did not the present state of the army absolutely forbid it. I with confidence assure your Excellency, that our force is so reduced by the expiration of the terms for which a considerable part of it was engaged, and will be so much more diminished in the course of a month or two from the same cause, as scarcely to suffice for the exigence of the service, and to afford just cause for uneasiness should the enemy be actuated by a spirit of enterprise, before we receive the reinforcements intended for the next campaign. So circumstanced, my duty to the common cause will not justify me in adding to the insecurity of our situation, by making a detachment, which, though apparently inconsiderable, would be materially felt in our present weakness; and I am persuaded, after the information now given, that your Excellency will wish me not to hazard the measure.

With respect to the necessity of a covering party, I shall not venture to decide; but I should imagine in the present state of things, that the business may be carried on with tolerable security without one. The consequences of the late expedition promise tranquillity for some time to our frontier, and make it at any rate improbable that the savages will be able to penetrate so far at so early a period, and the proposition does not require that the covering party should remain longer than until the last of April. The intelligence I have received corresponds with these ideas. It might be added, that the garrison at Wyoming gives some degree of protection to the part of the country in question. But as it is very important, that no interruption should be given to the workmen, if a covering party should upon the whole be thought requisite, the best mode of furnishing it will be from the neighboring militia. For this purpose on your Excellency's application to Congress, I cannot doubt they will immediately make the necessary arrangements.

I have the honor to be, with the most respect and attachment, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FOOTNOTE:

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, March 8th, 1780.

Sir,

I have just received from Martinique, a letter from M. Gerard, who informs me, that at his request the commander of Martinique has procured for the frigate Confederation, belonging to Congress, the same sources and facilities as are enjoyed by his Majesty's own vessels. But there are no materials for masts, and as this vessel has been dismasted, M. Gerard knows no other means of hastening her repairs, than that of sending masts to him from Boston, or any other part of the continent where Congress can procure them.[34]

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

THE KING OF FRANCE TO CONGRESS.

Translation.

To our Very Dear Great Friends and Allies the President and Members of the Congress of the United States of North America.

Very Dear Great Friends and Allies,

We have received your letter of the 22d of November last, which you directed Dr Franklin to deliver. We have seen therein with pain the picture of the distressed state of your finances, and have been so affected, that we have determined to assist you as far as our own wants and the extraordinary and enormous expenses of the present war, in which we are engaged for your defence, will permit. The Chevalier de la Luzerne is enjoined to inform you more particularly of our intentions. And we are persuaded, that the details which he will make will induce you to exert your utmost efforts to second ours, and will more and more convince you how sincerely we interest ourselves in the cause of the United States; and that we employ all the means in our power to make it triumphant. You may rely on our perseverance in the principles, which have hitherto directed our conduct. It has been fully proved, as well as the sincere affection we entertain for the United States in general, and for each in particular. We pray God to have you, very dear great Friends and Allies, in his holy protection.

Written at Versailles, the 10th of March, 1781.

Your good Friend and Ally,

LOUIS.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Morristown, May 5th, 1780.

Sir,

Two days since I had the honor of receiving your Excellency's letter of the 29th of April.

The polite terms in which you mention the attention, which my respectful attachment for you dictated during your stay in camp, add to the obligation I felt for the honor of your visit. I was happy in that opportunity of giving you a new proof of my sentiments, and I entreat you to afford me others as frequently as possible. As the Minister of a Prince, to whom America owes so much, you have every title to my respect; and permit me to add, your personal qualities give you a claim, which my heart cheerfully acknowledges, to all my esteem and all my regard.

I beg you to accept my thanks for your intention to represent the army in so favorable a light, as will recommend it to the approbation of his Most Christian Majesty; an honor as flattering as it will be precious.

It would be a want of gratitude not to be convinced of the intimate concern he takes in our affairs, after the repeated and decided proofs he has given.

I have the honor to be, with the highest consideration, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

9 o'clock, A. M.

P. S. I have this instant received a letter from my much esteemed and amiable friend, the Marquis de Lafayette, dated in Boston harbor, the 29th of last month. In the course of a day or two I shall expect to see him.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Morristown, May 11th, 1780.

Sir,

The attentions and honors paid to M. de Miralles[35] after his death were a tribute due to his character and merit, and dictated by the sincere esteem, which I always felt for him.

I am much obliged to your Excellency for your intention of sending me a detail of the land and sea forces arrived at Martinique, which I beg leave to inform you was forgotten to be enclosed in your letter.

You will participate in the joy I feel at the arrival of the Marquis de Lafayette. No event could have given me greater pleasure, on a personal account, and motives of public utility conspire to make it agreeable. He will shortly have the honor to wait upon your Excellency, and impart matters of the greatest moment to these States. He announces a fresh and striking instance of the friendship of your Court, and which cannot fail to contribute greatly to perpetuate the gratitude of this country.

I am always happy to repeat to you the sentiments of respect and inviolable attachment, with which I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

FOOTNOTE:

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Head Quarters, Morristown, May 14th, 1780.

Sir,

Since my last I have had the honor to receive the detail of his Most Christian Majesty's fleet in the West Indies, which your Excellency has had the goodness to send me. I congratulate you very sincerely, Sir, on this very respectable armament, which I found to surpass my expectation, and I would willingly hope that an occasion will be afforded the Count de Guichen to strike some important blow with it, which shall advance the honor and interest of his Majesty, and of course the interest of these United States.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 16th, 1780.

Sir,

The undersigned, Minister Plenipotentiary of France, has the honor of informing Congress, that the King, in consequence of his affection, and friendship for the United States, and of his desire to put an end by effectual measures to the calamities of the present war, has resolved to send to this continent a reinforcement of troops, intended to act against the common enemy, and of vessels, which will be employed in assisting the operations of the land troops. As soon as Congress has decided on the plan of the campaign, the Marquis de Lafayette will receive all communications on this subject; and will on his part make the overtures, which shall be necessary to the success of the operations. But as despatch and secrecy ought to be the very soul of these operations, and as, moreover, Congress will undoubtedly find it indispensable to arrange them in concert with the Commander in Chief, the Chevalier de la Luzerne requests this Assembly to consider, whether the course most proper to be adopted under these circumstances be not to appoint, without the least delay, a small committee, who shall repair to the army, furnished with instructions, and there fix upon measures, which shall be carried into execution immediately on the arrival of the land forces, under the command of the Count de Rochambeau, Lieutenant General of the armies of the King, and the Chevalier de Ternay, commander of the squadron, at whatever part of the continent they may have had orders to land.

As the measures to be taken, in relation to the supply of necessaries and provisions to the auxiliary troops, will require the concurrence of the Legislatures and Governors of the several States, and particularly of those of Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey, the undersigned Minister requests Congress to authorise the same committee to render their assistance to the measures, which the French General, or the Chevalier de la Luzerne, or the Commissioners authorised by them, shall be able to take with the different Legislatures; and with this view, to give to the delegates, who shall compose it, powers as extensive as Congress shall deem expedient.

An object, which next to that just mentioned, requires all the attention of Congress, is the information, which it is important to obtain as to the forces, the situation, and the resources of the enemy, in all the posts in their possession on this continent. The Chevalier de la Luzerne is consequently desirous, that Congress would be pleased to appoint a committee to collect immediately all the intelligence, details, and information, which may exist in their deposits and archives, relative to the ports of North America, now held by the English, from Halifax to St Augustine, including Canada, to the depth of the bays, creeks, and anchorages; to the forces which are stationed there, and the forts and fortresses, which have been erected there, the dispositions and number of the inhabitants, the resources with regard to provisions, and in general, all that information, which may promote the success of the operations. It is equally desirable, that this committee should have authority to carry on a correspondence, as long as may be necessary, in the different parts of the continent, whence this information can be obtained, in order that the intelligence being always fresh, the commanders of the expeditions may be able to establish their plans upon sure bases. The Minister of France requests, that the committee may be authorised to communicate to him this various information, so far as such communication shall not be inconvenient to Congress. Whatever promptness these measures require, the Chevalier de la Luzerne prays Congress not to take them into consideration, till after the subject mentioned at the beginning of this Memorial has been definitively settled.

Dr Franklin has undoubtedly rendered an account to Congress of the measures, which he has taken for sending to this continent arms, stores, and clothing, as well as of the means of facilitating the loan of three millions of livres, which that Minister has procured, as well to meet this expense, as to give effect to the treaties of Congress in relation to it; and the Chevalier de la Luzerne will not go into any detail on this subject.

He will not close this Memorial, without congratulating the American Senate on the zeal and ardor, which are shown on every side to render the ensuing campaign decisive, and to inflict upon the common enemy blows, which shall be most sensibly felt, to expel him from this country without the possibility of return, and to secure forever the liberty of the Thirteen States.

Circumstances have never been more favorable; the enemy, hard-pressed on every side, is not in a state to oppose an effectual resistance; the American forces are about to become more respectable than they have ever been, those of the King bring with them to this country the most sincere desire to second the brave efforts of their allies, and the two nations closely united for the purpose of bringing their combined enterprises to a successful issue, will seek only to distinguish themselves by their zeal, and their attachment to the common cause.[36]

LUZERNE.

FOOTNOTE:

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Translation.

Philadelphia, May 21st, 1780.

Sir,

You will be informed by the Marquis de Lafayette, of the measures adopted by the Congress relative to the operations of the next campaign. I will not enter into a detail with respect to them. I confine myself to assure your Excellency of the eagerness of my countrymen to share in your success, of the zeal which animates them for the cause which you so gloriously defend, and of the desire I have to receive your advice and orders in everything in which you shall believe, that I may contribute to the success of the combined operations.

I have the honor to be, &c.

LUZERNE.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS ON A CONFERENCE WITH THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, May 24th, 1780.

The committee appointed to confer with the Minister of France on the subject of supplies and other matters mentioned in this appointment, report as follows.

That in their first conference with the Minister, he mentioned his solicitude to procure the necessary provisions for the fleet and army of his Most Christian Majesty; that he wished to render every step he should take on this subject conformable to the designs of Congress, and conducive to the support of the combined forces; that he would therefore lay before the committee the measures, that he had already entered into, and was desirous to agree upon any plan for our mutual benefit, which we should think it proper to adopt.

That previous to our appointment, the moments being precious, he had despatched an agent to consult the Commander in Chief and General Greene on the subject of supplies, and would inform us of their sentiments at his return; that lest his purchases might interfere with those, which the States should make on account of the continent, he had thought it most advisable to let the whole business pass through their hands, and had accordingly written to Governor Trumbull for a limited supply of beef, pork, and mutton, leaving it to his option, either to be paid in bills upon France, specie, or continental bills of credit.

The committee have stated this information, that Congress may, if they should find it necessary, give them their directions before they digest any plan with the Minister of France on the return of his agent.

The committee conceive the establishment of posts and expresses, who shall bring the earliest intelligence of the arrival of the fleet of our ally, and the motions of the enemy, as so necessary to the right application of our force, that they submit the following resolution.

Resolved, that the Committee of Intelligence be directed to establish regular posts to and from the different parts of the sea coasts of this continent, from Charleston to Boston, in such manner as will most effectually procure information of the approach of the fleet of our ally, and the movements of the enemy in consequence thereof.

The committee are further of opinion, from the representations of the Minister of France, that every means should be used to add to the strength of the fleet of our ally on their arrival, particularly by completing the ship America, since it is highly probable, that the naval force, which the enemy may send to this coast, in order to frustrate the friendly endeavors of our ally in our behalf, will be adapted to that of France, without taking into the calculation any addition which it may receive here. They therefore submit the following resolutions.

Resolved, that the Board of Admiralty be directed to fit for sea, with the utmost expedition, the several ships of war and frigates now in port.

Resolved, that it be earnestly recommended to the respective States within whose ports any of the said ships or frigates may be, to afford every assistance to the Board of Admiralty on this application for artificers, laborers, and materials, for preparing the same for sea, and for completing this compliment of men.

Resolved, that Congress will defray every necessary expense, which any State shall incur in consequence of the above resolution.

Resolved, that the Board of Admiralty be empowered, if they shall think it advisable to dispose of the Saratoga, to apply the proceeds thereof to complete the America, or any of the frigates, which may by that means be shortly fitted for sea.

And whereas it is proper to make provision for repairing any damage, which the fleets of our ally may sustain by storms or otherwise,

Resolved, that the Board of Admiralty be directed to cause as many masts, yards, and spars, as they shall deem necessary for the above purposes to be procured.

Resolved, that they may be also directed to settle signals with the commanding officers of any ship or ships of our ally, which may now or shall hereafter be upon the coasts of the United States.

And for the promoting of harmony and forwarding the common views of France and America, it was further agreed between the Minister of France and your committee, that they should suggest to Congress the propriety of adopting measures to prevent desertion from the fleet and army of our allies, in which view they submit the following resolution.

Resolved, that it be recommended to the legislation of these United States, to pass laws for the punishment of such persons as shall encourage desertions from the fleets or armies of any foreign power, who shall prosecute the war in America in conjunction with these United States, and for the recovering such deserters as shall endeavor to conceal themselves among the inhabitants thereof.

ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, Chairman.

GEORGE WASHINGTON TO M. DE LA LUZERNE.

Morristown, June 5th, 1780.

Sir,

My time has been so entirely engrossed in the preliminary arrangements of immediate necessity towards the intended co-operation, that I have not been able till now to do myself the honor to thank your Excellency for your letter of the 21st of May. We have too many proofs of the general zeal of your countrymen in the cause of America, not to be entirely convinced of it, and to feel all that the most grateful sensibility can inspire.

I am happy in believing, that the troops and citizens of these States will eagerly embrace every opportunity to manifest their affection to the troops and citizens of your nation, as well as their gratitude and veneration to a Prince, from whom they have received the most important benefits. Penetrated with a sense of these, I shall think it my duty to cultivate correspondent sentiments, as far as my influence extends.

The Marquis de Lafayette has given me an account of all your Excellency has done for the advancement of the combined operations. It will no doubt contribute essentially to their success, and gives you a claim to the acknowledgments of the two countries.

I am too sensible of the value of the permission you gave me to solicit your aid in everything, in which you can continue to afford us your good offices, not to make use of it as frequently as possible. I begin by entreating you to favor me with your advice with the greatest freedom, on whatever occurs to you interesting to our affairs at this period.

I have the honor to be, &c.

GEORGE WASHINGTON.

REPORT OF A COMMITTEE OF CONGRESS RESPECTING COMMUNICATIONS FROM THE FRENCH MINISTER.

In Congress, June 5th, 1780.

The committee appointed to receive the communications of his Excellency, the Minister of France, relating to supplies for the forces of his Most Christian Majesty, and on other matters, beg leave to report, that in a conference had on the 3d of the present month, the Minister was pleased to make the following communications, viz.

That M. de Corney, Commissary of the troops of his Most Christian Majesty, had orders to purchase a number of horses, and to purchase or hire a number of teams in the States where they could be most conveniently procured, for the use of the forces of his Most Christian Majesty, that should arrive to co-operate with the forces of these United States.

That M. de Corney had also orders to endeavor to procure in the several States, where it should be found most convenient, provisions for the forces above mentioned, in such manner as should least interfere with the purchaser of the States or agents of Congress, and as should be best adapted to support and establish the credit of the paper currency. That M. de Corney would apply to the supreme executive powers of the several States, in which the purchases were to be made, for their advice and aid in the matter.

To obtain which, the Minister wished for the approbation of Congress, and that if they should think fit, letters might be written by the President to the supreme executive powers of the several States, requesting their advice and aid to M. de Corney in procuring those supplies.

That M. de Corney had received £7000 of the bills lately emitted by the State of Pennsylvania, to use for the purposes above mentioned, and would in his negotiations avail himself of all opportunities for contributing to the utmost of his power for establishing the currency of the public bills of credit.