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The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

Commentaries of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, governor of the Rio de la Plata. (continued 3)

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Night having come, they rested, and at daybreak resumed their march. Soon afterwards they came to other swamps, from which they thought they would never extricate themselves, not only because of the painful burning of their legs, but because they sank to the waist, and could hardly get out. These swamps extended for a little over a league, and then they found the way better and firmer. The same day, at one o’clock in the afternoon, having eaten nothing, and not having the wherewithal to satisfy their hunger, they met some twenty Indians who came towards them. These people arrived with pleasure and joy, laden with maize, bread, cooked geese, fish, and maize wine. They told the Spaniards that their chief had learned of their coming to his country, and had ordered them to bring food and speak to them on his behalf, and guide them to where he and his people were, who would be glad to receive them. Thanks to this food, Antonio Correa and his companions made up for their previous fasting. The same day, one hour before night, they arrived at the Indian settlements.

When they were a bow-shot off, upwards of five hundred Xarayes came forth to receive them with great joy. All were elegantly attired with parrots’ feathers, and aprons of white beads to cover their nakedness. They placed the Spaniards in their midst, and led them into the village, at the entrance to which large numbers of women and children were waiting for them. The women all had their privities covered, and many of them wore wide cotton dresses, this material being in use among them under the name of tipoes.

When the Spaniards had entered the village they came to where the chief of the Xarayes was. He was surrounded by three hundred Indians of very good appearance, mostly elderly men. This chief was seated on a cotton hammock in the midst of a large open place, all his people standing round him. They formed a lane by which the Spaniards might pass, and when these had come into the presence of the chief, they brought two little wooden stools, on which he signed to them to be seated. He then sent for an Indian Guaraní, who had been long in their country. This Indian had married a woman of their tribe, and was much loved by them, and regarded as one of themselves.

By means of this interpreter, the chief then bade the Spaniards welcome, and said how delighted they all were to see them, for he had long wished to know the Christians. He had heard of them at the time of Garcia’s visit to that country, and looked upon them as friends and relatives; he wished to make acquaintance with the chief of the Christians, because he had been told that he was kind and friendly with the Indians, that he gave them presents, and was generous, and he wished to know if the chief had sent them for anything, because he would give it them. The Spaniards told him, through the interpreter, that the governor had sent them to learn from him the route he should follow to reach the settlements in the interior, and to know by what tribes and villages he would have to pass, and in how many days he might arrive at the Indians that had gold and silver. They added that the object of their journey was also to inform him that the governor wished to make his acquaintance and contract an alliance with him. They spoke of all that the governor desired them to say. The Indian replied: “I am rejoiced to have you as my friends; I and my people consider the governor as our master; he has only to command, and we will obey him. Concerning the road leading to the settlements of the interior, I do not know of one, never having been there, because all the country is under water for two months, and when the waters subside the country is impassable. Nevertheless, the Indian Guaraní, who is serving as interpreter, has been in the interior and knows the road; to please the chief of the Christians I will send him to be his guide.” Thereupon, in the presence of all the people, he bade the Guaraní accompany them, which he did very willingly.

The Spaniards having seen that the chief denied that there was a road, for reasons which seemed to them after their experiences to be good and true, believed him. They asked him, however, for guides to lead them to the Guaraní settlements, because they were desirous of seeing and talking with these people. At this request the Indian was much troubled, and yet putting a good face on the matter, he answered, that the Guaranís were his enemies, and he was constantly at war with them, and hardly a day passed that they did not kill one another; and that since he was the friend of the Christians, they should not go in search of his enemies and contract an alliance with them. “However,” he added, “if you will go and visit these Guaranís, my people will conduct you there to-morrow morning.” As it was now night, the chief took them into his house, and gave them to eat, and had hammocks prepared for them. He then offered each of them a girl to sleep with, but they declined on the score of fatigue.

The following morning, one hour before daybreak, a great noise of drums beating and trumpets was heard, as though the whole village was falling about their ears. On the square in front of the chief’s house, all the Indians were assembled in their feathers and war-paint, armed with bows and arrows. Immediately the chief ordered the door of the house to be thrown open, in order that they might see his six hundred warriors, and he said to the Spaniards: “Christians, look at my people; it is thus they go to the Guaraní villages; go with them; they will take you there, and bring you back, for if you went alone they would kill you, knowing that you have been with me, and are my friends.” The Spaniards, seeing that in this way they would not have been able to speak with the chief of the Guaranís, and might lose the friendship of the Xarayes, answered that they had made up their minds to return to their chief and inform him of everything, and would see what he ordered, and then return and let him know. In this way the Indians were pacified. All that day they remained in the settlement of the Xarayes, which contained over one thousand inhabitants, and one league off there were four other villages of the same people, all of whom obeyed the said chief, whose name was Camire.

These Xarayes are tall men, and well made; they are agriculturists, sowing and reaping twice a year maize, potatoes, manioc, and mandubies. They rear large numbers of geese and fowls like ours in Spain. They pierce the lip like the Artaneses. Everyone lives separately with wife and children; they hoe the ground and sow; the women gather the produce and carry it to their houses; they spin much cotton. These Indians rear geese to devour the crickets, as we have before described.

CHAPTER THE SIXTIETH.

How the interpreters came back from the Xarayes.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THESE Xarayes have large fisheries, both in the river and lagoons; they also chase the deer. The Spaniards having remained the whole day with the chief, gave him the presents and red cap sent him by the governor. The chief was marvellously well pleased to receive them. He immediately sent for head-dresses of parrots’ feathers, and gave these to the Christians to take to the governor; these ornaments were very elegant. The Christians then took leave of Camire, who ordered twenty of his Indians to accompany them. These men went with them as far as the settlements of the Artaneses, and then returned home, leaving with the Spaniards the guide given them by the chief. The governor received him well, showing him much kindness, and at once asked him through interpreters if he knew the road into the interior, to what tribe he belonged, and about his country. He replied that he was a Guaraní, a native of Itati, on the Paraguai; when he was a boy his tribe made a great league of all the Indians of that country, and marched into the interior. He followed his father and relatives to make war upon the natives, and take from them plates and ornaments of gold and silver.

As soon as they arrived at the first settlements of the interior they began making war, and slew many Indians. A great number of the inhabitants took to flight, and sought refuge in the villages farther inland. Very soon the tribes of that inner land joined together, and came up against the Guaranís, defeated them, and slew many; others fled in various directions. The enemy pursued and blocked the passes, thus cutting off their retreat, and killed all those who were unable to escape. He made signs to show that only two hundred of that great multitude succeeded in making good their escape, and he was of this number. The greater part remained in the forests through which they had passed on their way out, not daring to go farther for fear of being killed by the Guaxarapos, Guatos, and other tribes occupying those parts which they would have to traverse. He did not remain with those who settled in the forest region, but preferred accompanying those of his countrymen who returned. One night, as they were on the march, they were discovered by the tribes, who set upon them, and killed all, he alone escaping into the recesses of the forests, and, continuing his march, arrived at the country of the Xarayes, who spared his life and brought him up. They took a fancy to him, married him to a woman of their own tribe, and treated him as one of themselves. He was asked if he knew the road taken by his people when they went into the interior. But he said it was long ago that his countrymen advanced into that country, and that as they went they opened a road, by cutting down trees and clearing the ground, which was quite wild. He thought that the roads then made would long ere this have been choked with weeds, for he had never been that way since. Nevertheless, he thought that if he once found the road he might continue in it. He added that the road began at a high, round mountain in sight of Port Los Reyes. He was asked in how many days the first settlement would be reached. He answered that, if his memory served him right, in five days they would arrive at the first settlement, where provisions were plentiful, and the people great agriculturists; for though his people that went to that war destroyed the inhabitants, and depopulated vast tracts, the country was beginning to recover. Asked if there were large rivers and springs by the way, he answered that the rivers he saw were not large, but there were other copious streams, and there were springs and lakes, deer and tapirs, and plenty of honey and fruits. To the question, if at the time when his people made their expedition into that country he saw much gold and silver among the natives, he answered that from those tribes they had plundered much gold and silver plate, barbotes,[355] ear-rings, bracelets, crowns, hatchets, and small vessels, but that these things had been retaken when they were defeated; that those who escaped carried some away, but that these were afterwards stolen by the Guaxarapos, who killed them as they passed through their territory. A little of the plunder probably remained with those who settled in the forest region, and he had heard that the Xarayes had some also, for when these Indians went to war against other Indians, he had seen them returning with plates of silver which they had captured. He was asked if he would accompany the Christians as guide. He answered yes, that he would gladly do so, and that his master had sent him for that purpose. The governor warned him to speak the truth concerning the road, for otherwise he would have to pay dearly for it, but that if he spoke the truth he would derive much benefit. He answered that what he had said was the truth, as far as he knew, and that he was desirous of going with the Christians to discover and find out the way.

CHAPTER THE SIXTY-FIRST.

How the governor decided on entering the country.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

HAVING obtained this information, the governor determined, in accordance with the advice of the officers and clergy and captains, to penetrate into the interior and discover the settlements there, and for this purpose he chose three hundred arquebusiers and crossbowmen. As the country through which they had to pass before they came to the inhabited districts was deserted, he ordered them to take provisions for twenty days. He ordered one hundred Christians to remain in the port to guard the brigantines, with 200 Guaranís, and appointed Captain Juan Romero to be their commander, for he knew the country. We left the port of Los Reyes on the 26th November 1543. All that day we marched through cool and shady forests, following our guide by a little frequented path. That night we rested by the side of some streams of water, and the following morning, one hour before daybreak, resumed our journey, sending twenty men in advance with the guide to clear the road; for the further we went the more closed we found it by trees and high, thick weeds, rendering it very difficult to penetrate into the interior. That same day, at five o’clock in the evening, we halted to pass the night by the side of a great lagoon, where the Indians and Christians caught fish in their hands. As we advanced, we ordered the guide to climb the trees and hills to reconnoitre, and make certain we were on the right road to the inhabited country.

The Guaranís, whom the governor had brought with him, supported themselves on the provisions they had been allowed to take, on the honey they extracted from trees, and by the chase of wild boar, tapirs, and deer. Though game seemed plentiful, the expedition was so numerous, and the noise made on the march was so great, that the wild animals took fright, and not much was killed. The Indians and Spaniards also partook of the wild fruits, found in abundance. None of these did them any harm, except that of a tree resembling the myrtle, with a fruit similar to that of the Spanish myrtle, but a little larger, and with a fine flavour. All those who ate of it vomited, or had diarrhœa. These effects, however, did not last long, and did no further harm. They also made use of the palm-tree, which is common in that country. The date of this palm is not edible, but the nut inside is round, and like a sweet almond. The Indians make flour of it, and find it nourishing; the young shoots of the palm are likewise very good eating.

CHAPTER THE SIXTY-SECOND.

How the governor arrived at the Rio Caliente.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

WE had marched five days in the country, following our guide, always obliged to cut our way with infinite labour, when we came to a rivulet, which falls from a mountain; its water is very warm, clear, and sweet; and the Spaniards caught some fish in it. Here the guide began to be embarrassed, saying that as it was a long time since he passed that way he did not recognise it, and was at a loss how to guide us, the old track having entirely disappeared. The next day the governor left the Rio Caliente (river of warm water); and we followed the guide with great trouble, cutting our way through forest, brushwood, and a multitude of obstacles.

That same day, at ten o’clock in the morning, two Indian Guaranís presented themselves before him, and said they were some of those who had remained in those deserts after the wars waged by their tribesmen against the people in the interior, when they were defeated and massacred. They and their wives and children had concealed themselves in the most inaccessible parts of the forest for fear of the natives, and only fourteen of them survived; that at two days’ journey there was a hamlet of Guaranís, numbering ten persons, one of whom was a relative of theirs, and that there were other Guaranís in the country of the Xarayes, who were at war with this people. As these Indians seemed frightened of the Christians and their horses, the governor ordered the interpreter to reassure them, and asked them where they dwelt; they answered that their homes were close by, and soon their wives and children arrived with others of their relatives, who may have numbered fourteen in all. These confirmed what the first two had said. On being asked how they supported themselves in that country, and how long they had inhabited it, they answered that they cultivated maize, and lived by the chase, on honey and wild fruits, and that when their fathers were killed they were children. The oldest of them might have been about thirty-five years of age. They were asked if they knew the way thence to the settlements of the interior, and how long it would take to arrive at the inhabited land. They answered that as they were very young when they were brought there, and had never made the journey since, they were unable to direct us how to go, nor could they say how long it would take to arrive at that region. But they added, their relatives, who lived in the hamlet, two days’ journey from theirs, had passed several times by that road, and knew it. Perceiving that these Indians did not know the road, the governor told them to go home, and dismissed them with presents, with which they returned to their homes well satisfied.

CHAPTER THE SIXTY-THIRD.

How the governor sent to discover the house which was further on.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THE following day the governor sent an interpreter with two Spaniards and two Indians to the house of which mention has been made, to ascertain the road and the time it would take to reach the first inhabited parts. He ordered that they should report as promptly as possible to him any information they were able to obtain, in order that he might take measures accordingly. The day after the departure of these scouts he ordered his people to follow by short marches the route they had taken. When they had thus been marching three days an Indian arrived, bearing a letter for the governor from the interpreter, saying that he had arrived at the house of the Indians, and had spoken with the man who knew the road into the interior. This man had told him that the first inhabited place was the summit of a rocky hill called Tapuaguazú, that on reaching it a view might be obtained of a wide extent of inhabited country, and that it might be sixteen days’ journey from his place to Tapuaguazú, and that the road thither was very difficult because of the trees, thickets, and high grass, besides other inconveniences. The interpreter added that since leaving the governor they had found the country thickly forested and so difficult that they had undergone great fatigues. For the greater part of the way they had crawled on hands and feet, and, according to the Indian relative, the road farther on was even worse. They intended bringing this Indian back with them that the governor might obtain information direct from him. Having read this letter, the governor followed the path by which the messenger had come, but found it so thickly wooded and beset with difficulties that it took a whole day to clear a passage the length of a slinger’s shot. Heavy rains having now set in, the governor ordered his people to retire to the shelter huts they had left in the morning, for fear of their suffering from wet and damping their ammunition.

CHAPTER THE SIXTY-FOURTH.

How the interpreter returned from the Indian habitation.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THE interpreter returned at three o’clock of the afternoon of the following day, bringing with him the Indian who said he knew the road. The governor received him most kindly and gave him presents, with which he was well pleased. He then ordered the interpreter to ask him in his name to tell him all the truth about the road leading into the interior. This Indian then said that he had not been that way for a long time, though he knew it, and had gone by it several times to Tapuaguazú. From the summit of that rocky hill, he affirmed, one might see the smoke of all the villages. He used to go to Tapuaguazú to fetch arrows that are to be had there, but for many days he had discontinued his visits to that place, because on his way thither he observed the smoke of Indian fires, by which he became aware that new settlements were being formed in that deserted region.

Fearing for his life, he had not dared to go further along the path, which is so obstructed that it can only be followed with much labour. He thought that by cutting down trees and clearing a road they might reach Tapuaguazú in sixteen days. He was asked if he would like to accompany the Christians and show them the road; he answered that he would willingly go, though he greatly feared the natives. Having heard the information given by this Indian, and understood the difficulties of the road, the governor convened a meeting of the officers, clergy, and captains to consult with them what should be done to discover the country. Having discussed the matter, they said that most of the Spaniards were in want of provisions and had eaten nothing for three days, and they dared not ask for it because of the disorder and mismanagement that prevailed in its distribution. The first guide we had taken had assured us that on the fifth day we should find provisions and reach an inhabited country with plenty of commodities. Having put faith in these promises, both Christians and Indians had improvidently consumed all they brought with them, though every man had been supplied with two arrobas of flour. The governor had, in their opinion, to consider that there were barely six days’ provisions left, and at the end of that time there would be nothing for the people to eat. Under these circumstances they thought it would be very dangerous to advance further without means of subsistence, the more so because the Indians are not as a rule precise in their indications, and it might happen that, instead of sixteen days estimated by the guide, the time might be greater, and that they might all die of starvation, as had happened before to exploring expeditions in this country. They were, therefore, of opinion that the security and lives of the Christians and Indians depended upon their return to the port of Los Reyes, where they had left their vessels. Once there, it would be easy to take fresh supplies and recommence the discovery. Such was their advice, and, they added, if necessary, they would require the governor in the name of His Majesty to conform with it.

CHAPTER THE SIXTY-FIFTH.

How the governor and his people returned to the Port of Los Reyes.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THE governor seeing the advice of the clergy, officers, and captains, felt obliged to consider the necessities of his people, their difficult position, and the desire all had to return. He nevertheless put before them the inconvenience that would result from adopting such a course. He said that it would be impossible to find sufficient provisions at Los Reyes for so many people; that the maize was not yet ripe for harvest, and that none could be obtained from the natives. He reminded them that the natives had told them that the floods would soon begin, and these would add seriously to their embarrassments. These and other reasons pointed out by him, however, did not deter the Spaniards from persisting in their determination to retire. Considering, therefore, their positive wish, and being loath to give occasion to disturbances, which he would have been obliged to punish, he conceded to their desires, and gave the order to return to the Port of Los Reyes.

The following day he sent to Tapuá Captain Francisco de Ribera, who had volunteered to go thither with six Christians and the guide who knew the road. He furnished him with an escort of eleven Indian chiefs, whom he charged not to leave the captain under threat of punishment. He at the same time started with all his people for Los Reyes, where he arrived in eight days, much dissatisfied at having gone no farther.

CHAPTER THE SIXTY-SIXTH.

How the Indians would have killed those who remained at the Port of Los Reyes.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

WHEN the governor had returned to the Port of Los Reyes, Captain Juan Romero, whom he had left there as his lieutenant, reported that a few days after his departure the natives of the island, which is one league from the port, conspired to massacre all the Christians who had been left there, and to obtain possession of the brigantines. To carry this into effect, they summoned all the natives of the country to their assistance. They formed a league with the Guaxarapos and several other tribes, and had arranged to attack the Spaniards by night. Under pretext of bartering they tried to tempt him to come out and buy provisions, they having discontinued their supplies. Whenever they brought any it was for the purpose of spying, and they openly told him they would come and kill the Christians.

The governor having been informed of all this, summoned all the chiefs, and warned them in the name of His Majesty to keep the peace, since he and the Christians had treated them as friends, and were doing them no injury. He reminded them of the presents he had given them, and of his promise to defend and protect them from their enemies; but if they behaved otherwise he would treat them as enemies, and make war upon them. These threats were made in the presence of the clergy and officers; he then distributed coloured caps among them, besides other things. They promised once more to keep friends with the Christians, and drive away the Guaxarapos and other tribes who came up against the Christians.

Two days after his arrival at Los Reyes, the governor finding that with so many Spaniards and Indians collected together he might run short of provisions, and having no other store except what was contained in the brigantines moored in the river, and this would only last ten or twelve days, for the Spaniards and Indians together numbered about three thousand, seeing their necessities and the danger of their all being starved, sent all the interpreters to the neighbouring villages to buy provisions in exchange for merchandise, which he gave them in considerable quantities. They went, but found no provisions. Having seen this, the governor sent for the chief Indians of that land, and asked them where he could buy provisions in exchange for his merchandise. They answered that at nine leagues distance, on the shores of certain large lagoons, there lived a people called Arianicosies, who possessed an abundance of provisions, and would supply what was necessary.

CHAPTER THE SIXTY-SEVENTH.

How the governor sent Captain Mendoza in search of provisions.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

AS soon as the governor had received this information he convoked a meeting of officers, clergy, and captains, and other experienced persons, to concert measures with them, for all the people were crying for food, and he had none to give them. They were about to disband, and go into the interior in search of provisions. The officers and the clergy being assembled, Cabeza de Vaca told them that the danger of famine was so urgent that all might die if a remedy were not found. He added that he had been informed that the Arianicosies had provisions, and he asked them to advise him what should be done. They all answered that he should send the greater part of the people to the villages of those Indians, both to sustain themselves and obtain provisions to send to the people that remained in the port with him. Should they decline to supply food for payment, force should be resorted to, and, in case of resistance, they should make war till they obtained what they required, seeing that the necessities were so urgent that the people were dying with hunger, and any measures would be excusable. This was their advice, and they signed their names to it. It was accordingly resolved to send this captain in search of provisions, charged with the following instructions:

“Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza, this is what you have to do in the villages where you have to search for provisions, in order that our people may not die from starvation. You shall pay for these provisions to the full satisfaction of Socorinos and Socosies, as well as all those settled in the province, and you shall say in my name that I am surprised they have not been to see me, as the other tribes of the province have done; that I am informed they are good people, and for this reason I wish to see and receive them into my friendship. You shall give them of my merchandise, and tell them to come and acknowledge the supremacy of the king, as all the other Indians have done. If they obey these orders, I will always favour and protect them against those who would do them wrong. You shall use the utmost diligence and care that, in all places you may pass through inhabited by friendly Indians, none of your men should use violence, or maltreat the natives. All that you take, and all that they give you, must be paid for to their satisfaction, and leave no cause of complaint. When you arrive at the villages you shall ask for the commodities you require for the sustenance of your men, offering payment, and entreating the Indians with kind words. Should they decline to provide you with what you want, you shall repeat your request twice, thrice, or as often as you think right, offering payment beforehand. Should they then refuse to give it, you shall take it by force, and, if resistance be offered you, shall make war upon them, for the hunger we suffer from justifies us in resorting to these extreme measures. In all that may happen afterwards you shall use such moderation as becomes the service of God and His Majesty.”

CHAPTER THE SIXTY-EIGHTH.

How he sent a brigantine to discover the river of the Xarayes with Captain de Ribera.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THE governor having sent Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza in conformity with the advice of the clergy, officers, and captains, this officer departed on the 15th December, the same year, with 120 Spaniards and 600 Indian archers, a number more than sufficient for the purpose. The natives of the port of Los Reyes informed the governor that owing to the rising of the waters the river Yguatú might be ascended in brigantines as far as the land of the Xarayes; they told him that these Xarayes, and other tribes inhabiting the banks of that river, had a quantity of provisions, and that there were other navigable rivers flowing from the interior, and discharging into the Yguatú, where there were large settlements of Indians, who had abundance of food. Desirous of exploring the unknown parts of this river, the governor sent Captain Hernando de Ribera in a brigantine with fifty-two men. They had orders to ascend the river to the villages of the Xarayes, to speak with the chief of this tribe, and obtain information about the more distant villages, passing on and seeing them with their own eyes. Neither the commander nor any of his men were to land, but the interpreter with two men might endeavour to see and barter with the Indians along the course of the river, giving presents, and making them proposals of peace. For this purpose the governor furnished the commander with instructions, and informed him by word of mouth of everything that he should do for the service of His Majesty and the good of the country. Hernando de Ribera set sail on the 20th December of the said year.

A few days after his departure Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza wrote to say that on his arrival at the villages of the Arianicosies he had sent an interpreter to inform them that he had come to ask them to sell provisions, which he would pay for with merchandise, such as beads, knives, iron wedges, which they esteem highly, and that he would give them a large number of fish-hooks. The interpreter took these articles with him in order that they might see and understand that they had not come to do them wrong, or take anything away by force; but that the interpreter had fled back, for that the natives had tried to kill him, and shot several arrows at him, saying that they would not allow any Christians in their land, and would not give them anything, but would rather kill them all, and that the Guaxarapos, who were brave warriors, had come to help them. These last-named Indians, they added, have killed Christians, and found their heads soft, and that they are not a strong people. The letter went on to say that Gonzalo de Mendoza had sent a second time the same interpreter to beg them to supply him with provisions. He had sent with him some Spaniards to see what passed. All these returned, being pursued by Indians, who had come out with arms to kill them, and had shot a number of arrows at them, shouting to them to leave the country, as they would not give them provisions. The captain having seen all this, had gone with all his troop to bring about their submission; on arriving at their village all the Indians had come out against him, and shot arrows at them, intending to kill the Spaniards, declining to listen to him or let him speak. They had consequently, in their own defence, killed two of the natives with their arquebuses. As soon as the enemy saw them dead, they fled into the forest. The Spaniards then went into their houses, and found an abundance of provisions, such as maize, mandubies and other plants, roots, and other comestibles.

Without loss of time, Gonzalo de Mendoza sent an Indian to tell the natives to return to their homes, promising to be friendly with them, and to pay for the provisions he had taken. They had refused, however, to accept his peaceful overtures, had recommenced hostilities, established their camp, fortified their houses, and had even burned a great number of these. They had appealed to many other tribes to come and help them to kill the Christians, and did not desist from doing them all the harm they could. The governor sent orders to the captain to do everything in his power to induce the Indians to return; he enjoined him not to let any of his men do the least harm to the natives, to pay for all the provisions he had taken, to pacify them, and go elsewhere in search of provisions. The captain soon afterwards reported that he had persuaded the Indians to return, had offered them his friendship, and, far from injuring them, would treat them kindly; they had, however, declined his advances, and were continuing hostilities in conjunction with the Guaxarapos, Guatos, and other of our enemies who were in league with them.

CHAPTER THE SIXTY-NINTH.

How Captain Francisco de Ribera returned from his exploration.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

ON the 20th January 1544, Captain Francisco de Ribera returned, accompanied by the six Spaniards whom the governor had sent with him, with the guide and three Guaranís, being all that were left of the eleven Guaranís who had formed part of his expedition. He had been sent, as I have already said, to discover and observe with his own eyes the villages situated in that part where the governor was obliged to turn back. They had advanced towards Tapuaguazú, where the guide had stated the Indian settlements began. On the arrival of the six Spaniards, all of whom were wounded, the people rejoiced greatly and gave thanks to God for their escape from such a perilous journey, for, indeed, the governor thought they were lost, because eight of the eleven Indians that started with them had abandoned them. He was very angry with these men and wished to punish them, and the chiefs, their relatives, begged that they might be hanged for having deserted the Christians, though they had been ordered not to leave them, and to escort them till they returned. These chiefs said that since they had failed to do this they deserved hanging, but as it was the first time they had disobeyed he pardoned them, fearing to excite their tribesmen.

CHAPTER THE SEVENTIETH.

How Captain Francisco de Ribera reported of his discovery.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THE following day Captain Francisco de Ribera appeared before the governor with the six other Spaniards who had accompanied him. He gave an account of his exploration, and said: that after he left him in the forest he marched, following the guide for twenty-one days, without resting, through a country so thickly covered with trees and brushwood that it was impossible to advance without cutting a path. Some days they went one league, on others only half a league in two days, owing to the obstacles they encountered, the dense forests, and projecting rocks. The direction they followed was continually west; all the time they marched they sustained themselves on venison, wild boars’ flesh, and tapirs, which the Indians killed with their arrows; game was so abundant that they knocked down with sticks all they required for food. They found a great supply of honey in cavities of trees, and quantities of wild fruit. After twenty-one days they arrived at a river running to the west, and this river, according to their guide, flowed past Tapuaguazú and the Indian settlements. They caught much fish in it of a kind called by the natives piraputanas, which are a kind of sabalos,[356] and are excellent. The Spaniards crossed this river, and, following their guide, came upon the fresh tracks of Indians; for it had been raining that day, and the ground was moist. It was evident that the Indians were a party of hunters. Following their footprints, they came upon two large stacks of maize which was then being harvested. At this moment an Indian, who had not time to conceal himself, came towards them. He spoke a language they could not understand, wore a large silver disc in his lower lip, and gold earrings. He took Francisco de Ribera by the hand and signed to him to accompany him, which he did. They now observed a large house made of straw and wood. On approaching it, they saw women and other Indians carrying out of the house cotton stuffs and other articles, which they placed in front of the stacks. The Indian made them enter the house, where men and women were carrying out all it contained. In order to avoid passing the Christians, they made an opening in the straw, and passed the things out that way. Our people saw them taking from some large vessels full of maize, plates, hatchets, and bracelets of silver which they carried outside the straw walls. This Indian appeared to be the head of the family from the respect shown him. He took them inside, and signed to them to be seated, and ordered two Orejones (Indians with large ears), whom they supposed to be his slaves, to give them maize wine to drink out of some jars, which stood in the house buried up to their necks in the earth. They poured the wine into large gourds, and handed these to the Spaniards. The two Orejones said that at three days’ journey from that place there were Christians living with a tribe called Payzunoes; they then told the way to Tapuaguazú, which is a high mountain. Soon many natives arrived in their war-paint and feathers, with bows and arrows. The Indian spoke very volubly to them, and he also took a bow and arrows; he sent men, who came and went, with messages, by which the Spaniards knew that he was summoning the population from the neighbouring villages, and intended killing them. The captain told the Christians who were with him to come out of the house altogether, and return by the way they came, before more Indians had assembled; by this time there were over three hundred. Ribera gave the natives to understand that he would go and fetch many other Christians who were close at hand, and, as they were expecting more to arrive, they had only to wait till he came back. By this ruse our people escaped, but, at a stone’s throw from the house, the Indians, who saw they were escaping, pursued them with cries, and shot many arrows at them. They followed them into the forest, where the Christians defended themselves, and the Indians, thinking there were a larger number of them here, durst not pursue further, but let them go; all the Spaniards, however, were wounded. They came back the way they went, and it took them only twelve days to return to the place where they had left the governor, whence they had marched in twenty-one days. The captain estimated the distance from the Port of Los Reyes to the villages of those Indians at seventy leagues.

A lagoon twenty leagues from this port, in crossing which they had the water knee-deep, was, upon their return, so greatly increased that it covered a league of land, and was two pikes deep. They crossed it in rafts with great danger and difficulty. The captain added that, before attempting to enter that country, it would be necessary to wait till the waters subsided. The Indians he had seen were called Tarapecosies; they have plenty of provisions, and they rear geese and poultry like ours. This was the account given by Francisco de Ribera and by the Spaniards who accompanied him, and by the guide, all of whom confirmed what Francisco de Ribera had said.

There were some Indians in the port of Los Reyes belonging to the same tribe of Tarapecosies, from whose village de Ribera had just returned. They had come with Garcia, the interpreter, when he made his journey into the interior and returned defeated by the Guaranís of the Paraguai. These Indians had escaped with the Chaneses, who had also fled and lived all together in the port of Los Reyes. The governor, wishing for further information, sent for them. They immediately recognised the arrows that Francisco de Ribera had brought with him, which had been shot at him by the Tarapecosies, as those used in their native country. The governor asked them why their fellow-tribesmen had wished to kill those who had gone to see them. They answered that the Tarapecosies were no enemies of the Christians; on the contrary, they were their friends since Garcia had visited their country and trafficked with them. The reason why they had tried to kill the Spaniards was because these had taken Guaranís with them whom they regarded as enemies; for in former times these people had invaded their territory and sought to destroy them. The Christians, they said, should have taken an interpreter with them who knew their language, to let them know the object of their visit, for they were not in the habit of making war upon those who did them no injury. If they take an interpreter, they added, they will be well treated and supplied with provisions, and gold and silver, which are obtained from the tribes of the interior. Asked from what tribe and how they acquired their gold and silver, they answered that the Payzunos, who lived three days’ journey off, gave them these precious metals in exchange for bows and arrows and slaves, which they took from other tribes; the Payzunos obtained them from the Chaneses, Chimenos, Carcaraes, Candirées, and other Indian nations who possess an abundance of them. They were shown a brass candlestick very bright and shiny, to see if the gold they had in their land was like that. They said that the metal of the candlestick was hard and base, but their metal was soft and without smell, and more yellow. Then they were shown a gold ring, and asked if that were the metal of their country, and they said it was. They were also shown a tin plate, very bright and shiny, and asked if the silver in their country was of that kind. They answered that this metal stank, and was base and soft; theirs was whiter, harder, and had no bad smell. A silver cup was then put in their hands, and they were greatly pleased with it, and said that of that metal they had quantities in their land in the form of small vases and other things in use among the Indians, such as plates, bracelets, crowns, small hatchets, and other objects.

CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-FIRST.

How the governor sent for Gonzalo de Mendoza.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THE governor, in order to provide what was necessary for the exploration of this country as it beseemed the service of His Majesty, sent, without delay, for Gonzalo de Mendoza to recall him and his men from the land of the Arianicosies. Before leaving their village, however, he was to endeavour to get the Indians to return to their houses and pacify them.

Soon after the arrival of Francisco de Ribera and his six Spaniards at the port of Los Reyes, all the people there began to suffer from fevers, so that there were not sufficient men to mount guard in camp. Even the Guaranís were sick of this malady, and several died.

Gonzalo de Mendoza wrote that all his people were also ill of the fever, and that he was sending in the brigantines all the sick and infirm. He had not been able to make peace with the Arianicosies, though he had several times made friendly overtures and offered them presents. Yet in spite of this they came every day and attacked him. The country, he said, abounded in provisions, both in the fields and lakes. Besides the provisions he had sent in the brigantines, a large quantity was left for the natives. The sickness that had attacked all the people was attributable to the pollution of the water, which had become brackish as it rose.

About this time the Indians living in an island about one league from port Los Reyes, who are called Socorinos and Xaqueses, seeing how sick and weak the Christians were, began to make war upon them. They no longer came to traffic and barter with the Christians as they had hitherto done, nor informed them of the evil designs of the Guaxarapos; they even joined these latter, and prepared for a campaign against the Spaniards. The Indian Guaranís whom the Spaniards had brought in their armada were in the habit of going out in their canoes, in company with some Christians, to fish in the lagoon, a stone’s-throw from the camp. One morning five Christians, four of whom were boys, had gone in the canoes with these Guaranís, when the Xaqueses, Socorinos, and many other Indians of that island, came out and captured the five Christians, killed the newly-converted among the Guaranís, and brought the rest to their island, where they hacked the five Christians in pieces and distributed them among the Guaxarapos, Guatos, and other natives of the environs of port Viejo (the ancient). Other tribes, who were associated with them for the purpose of making war upon the Christians, had their share of the flesh of these unfortunate people. Not content with this, as the people were ill and weak, they came with great daring to attack the settlement where the Christians were, and set fire to it. These shouted, “To arms, to arms, the Indians are killing the Christians.” As the whole settlement was now under arms, they went out to meet the Indians, who, nevertheless, succeeded in capturing more Christians, and among them one called Pedro Mepen, and some others who were fishing in the lagoon, and ate these as they had done the first five.

The following morning at daybreak a large number of canoes were seen filled by warriors, who were running away to the opposite side of the lagoon; they uttered loud cries, pointed their bows and arrows, and held them up to make us understand that they had made the assault. They penetrated into the island situated in the lagoon of Los Reyes, and killed this time fifty-eight Christians. The governor having witnessed this disaster, told the natives of the port of Los Reyes to demand from the Indians of the island the release of the Christians they had captured. These people having gone and demanded their release, were told that the Guaxarapos had taken the prisoners away. From that time they continually came at night, made incursions on the lagoon to see if they might capture any Christians or Indians fishing there, so as to prevent their fishing; for they declared the land was theirs and that the Christians had no right to fish there; that we must leave the country, otherwise they would kill us. The governor sent to try and appease them, and to tell them to keep the peace they had made, and restore the Christian and Indian captives they had taken, promising in such case to treat them as friends, but that if they refused, he would act against them as enemies. He repeated this message several times, but they would not submit, and did not cease hostilities, and doing us all the mischief they could. Seeing these measures were of no avail, the governor ordered that an inquiry should be held, and when this had been done in accordance with the advice of the officers and clergy, these people were proclaimed enemies, war was declared against them, and the country was protected from the ravages daily committed.

CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-SECOND.

How Hernando de Ribera returned from his exploration along the river.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

ON the 30th January 1543, Captain Hernando de Ribera returned with the vessel and men entrusted to him for the exploration of the higher reaches of the river. But when he returned he found the governor and all his people sick with fever and shivering fits, so he could not make his report.[357] By that time the water in the river had so swollen that all the land was inundated, and it was impossible to renew the exploration. The natives say that the floods continue for four months, and rise five or six fathoms, and that they then enter their canoes with their houses and provisions, as I have related above, and are not able to land. The natives of this country kill and eat one another. When the waters subside they set up their houses again on shore in the same places as before. The land is about this time infected with malaria, arising from the putrefaction of fish, which are left in large numbers on the dry land, and with the high temperature then prevailing it is impossible to endure the stench.

CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-THIRD.

What befell the governor and his people in the port of Los Reyes.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THE governor remained three months in this port of Los Reyes with all his people ill with fever, waiting till God should be pleased to restore them to health, and the waters should subside to enable them to undertake the exploration of the country. But every day the sickness increased and the waters rose. We were, therefore, obliged to withdraw from the port of Los Reyes in great trouble. Besides the illness by which we were attacked, there were so many mosquitoes of various kinds that we could neither sleep nor rest day and night; the sufferings we endured from this plague were even worse than the fever. Because of these inconveniences, and as the officers had requested him to abandon the port and to return to the city of Ascension, where the people could recover, the governor having referred to the clergy and officers, decided on withdrawing. Yet he would not allow the Christians to take with them about a hundred girls, whom the natives of Los Reyes, upon the governor’s arrival, had offered to the captains and officers of distinction, so as to be on good terms with them, leaving them to do what they pleased with the girls. The motive of this refusal was to avoid the offence against God done in this way. He ordered, at the moment of departure, the fathers of these girls to receive them back into their houses till our return, being unwilling that their parents should be dissatisfied and the country scandalised because of this. To give more importance to this action of his, he published a rescript of His Majesty, forbidding, under the severest penalty, anybody from removing natives from their homes. The natives were well satisfied with this measure, but the Spaniards were greatly discontented, some of them felt ill-disposed towards him, and from that time he was detested by the majority. This was the motive or pretext for their subsequent conduct, as I shall relate further on. All the people, Christians and Indians, having embarked, he came in twelve days to the port of Ascension, though it had taken two months to ascend the same way. Though sick to death, the people derived strength from their desire to return home. The perils and difficulties of this voyage were certainly not light, for the men were not strong enough to handle their arms to resist the enemy, or make use of an oar to help to steer the vessels; and had it not been for the culverins we carried, our trouble would have been greater. We drew the canoes of the Indians into the midst of the brigantines to protect them from the enemy’s attacks till we came to their homes, and for better security the governor distributed some Christians in the canoes.

We took every precaution, and kept a sharp look-out for the enemy, when, as we were passing the lands of the Guaxarapos, these natives attacked us suddenly with a number of canoes. They assailed some rafts that were being taken in reserve, and wounded a Christian with a dart, which pierced him in the breast, so that he fell dead on the spot. His name was Miranda, and he came from Valladolid. They also wounded some of our Indians, and would have caused us more losses had it not been for our culverins. The weakness of the soldiers was the cause of it.

On the 8th April of the same year we arrived at the town of Ascension with our troops, our Guaranís, and our vessels. The Governor and the Christians that were with him were all sick and weak. On his arrival, Captain Salazar told him that he had assembled over 20,000 Indians and a large number of canoes to go out against the Agaces, for, since the departure of the governor, they had not ceased making war upon the Christians and the natives, plundering and slaying them, taking from them wives and children, burning villages and committing every kind of excess. When the governor arrived, the expedition to punish the Agaces had not yet started. We found the caravel ordered by the governor nearly finished. He had intended sending it, as soon as it was ready, to bear information to His Majesty of all that had happened in his voyage of discovery and all that had passed in the country. Orders were now given to complete the caravel.

CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-FOURTH.

How the governor, having arrived with his people at the town of Ascension, was made a prisoner.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

FIFTEEN days after the arrival of the governor at Ascension, the officers of His Majesty, who hated him because he refused to consent to things done against the service of God and the king, seeing him arrive with the other Christians in this extremity, conspired with their friends on St. Mark’s Day to take him prisoner that night. They had already depopulated the best and principal port of the province, with the intention of rebelling against the sovereign, as they have now done. In order to carry out their plans in the most effective way, they told a hundred men that they knew the governor was about to take from them their property, their houses, and their Indian girls, and would distribute these among the men who had returned from the exploring expedition; that it was a great injustice and contrary to the service of His Majesty. “This night”, they added, “we will go and require him, in the name of the king, not to take away your houses, nor your lands, nor your Indian girls, and, as we fear the governor may have us arrested, arm yourselves and bring your friends, for you will be doing a great service to His Majesty in this way.” It was arranged that at the Ave Maria these men should come armed to two houses which would be assigned to them, and should hold themselves in readiness there for further orders. So the insurgents, ten or twelve in number, entered the apartment where the governor was lying on his bed of sickness, with cries of “Liberty, liberty, long live the king!” They were the supervisor Alonso Cabrera, the accountant Philip de Caceres, Garcia Vanegas, acting treasurer, a servant of the governor named Pedro de Oñate (who was in the room with him, opened the door to the conspirators, and was an active promoter of the insurrection), Don Francisco de Mendoza, Jaime Rasquin (who held an arquebus and a poisoned dart at his breast), Diego de Acosta, Portuguese interpreter, and Solorzano, a native of Canaria. These men entered with arms in their hands and seized the governor, dragged him out of the room in his shirt, continuing to cry: “Liberty, liberty!” They called him a tyrant, levelled their arquebuses at him, saying such words as these: “Now you shall pay the penalty of your offences and the losses you have caused us.” When they had come out into the street they were joined by others whom they had enlisted on their side, who, seeing they were carrying the governor off a prisoner in that fashion, said to Pedro Dorantes and the others: “Let the responsibility of this rest with the traitors who did the deed; you brought us here on the pretext that our goods, houses, and Indian girls would be taken from us, but your real object was to make us parties to your treason against the king”; upon this they drew their swords, and there was a serious scrimmage. As the insurgents were now approaching the houses of the officers some took refuge in the house of Garcia Vanegas, dragging the governor along with them. Others remained at the door, saying to those who had taken the part of the governor: “You are betraying us; don’t say that you did not know what was going to be done; help us to put him into prison. If you attempt to deliver him we will cut you to pieces and chop off your heads. It is a matter of life and death to you; aid us, therefore, to complete what we have begun, and we will all share the goods, the Indian girls, and furniture of the governor.” The officers then entered the small room in which the governor was confined, placed him in irons, and set a watch upon him. Having done this they repaired to the house of Juan Pavon, alcalde mayor, and to that of the alguazil, Francisco de Peralta. When they had come to the alcalde mayor’s, Martin de Ure, a Biscayan, as leader, seized by force the staff of office. They did the same at the alguazil’s, and, having struck these functionaries several blows with the fist and knocked them about, they called them traitors and took them to the public prison, where they were put in the stocks by the head. They set at liberty the prisoners, among whom was one sentenced to death for having murdered a certain Morales, a gentleman of Seville. Having done this, they took a drum and marched about the streets, exciting the people to rebel, and uttering loud cries of “Liberty, liberty! Long live the king!”

After they had made the circuit of the city in this way, the same individuals went to the house of Pero Hernandez, secretary of the province, who was ill at the time. They arrested him, as well as Bartolomé Gonzales, took possession of his property and documents, and carried him prisoner to the house of Domingo de Irala, where they placed him in chains, and, after insulting him, left him in the hands of the sentinels. Then they published the following proclamation: “The officers of His Majesty prohibit all persons from appearing in the streets; anyone going out of doors will be considered a traitor and condemned to death.” Having done this they again shouted, “Liberty, liberty!” While posting this order, they pushed and hustled everyone they met in the streets, forcing people to enter their houses.

They then went to the house of the governor, where he kept his property, papers, and the letters he had received from the king appointing him governor of the province, as well as the acts by which his authority had been recognised. They forced open some chests, extracted all the documents contained in them, and took possession of everything. They also opened a chest, locked with three keys, containing the public indictments against officers charged with crimes referred to the king for final sentence. They took also his goods, stuffs, provisions, oil, steel, and iron, besides a number of other things. Most of these things disappeared, everything being looted. They denounced him as a tyrant, and abused him in every way. The remainder of his property was bestowed upon such as professed to be attached to him, who took them under pretext of deposit; but these so-called friends of the deposed governor really helped the insurgents. His property was said to be worth over 100,000 castellanos,[358] according to the value current then; he had also ten brigantines.

CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-FIFTH.

How the population assembled before the house of Domingo de Irala.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THE following day the officers published in the streets, by sound of drum and trumpet, that all the people should assemble in front of the house of Captain Domingo de Irala. Their friends and partisans having gone there armed, a libel was read by the public crier in a loud voice. It stated that the governor had ordered them all to be deprived of their possessions and to be treated as slaves: and that they, in the general interests of liberty, had laid hands on his person. When this libel had been read they called out, “Sirs, cry, Liberty, liberty, long live the king!” And this was accordingly done by their friends. After these proceedings they inveighed against the governor, and many said, “Come what may, let us kill this tyrant who wished to ruin and destroy us.”

When the fury of the population had somewhat calmed down, they elected Domingo de Irala as deputy-governor and captain general of the whole province. This man had already been elected once before in the place of Francisco Ruiz, once Don Pedro de Mendoza’s deputy. Ruiz had been in truth a good deputy-governor; but against all justice, and from envy and malice, he was deposed and Domingo de Irala elected in his stead. Someone having said to the supervisor, Alonso Cabrera, that they had acted badly in that case, because Francisco Ruiz had colonized the country and been at great pains to maintain it, he answered that they had acted thus because Ruiz would not do what they wished, but that Domingo de Irala, whose rank was less than their own, would always do what they bade him; and for this reason all the officers elected him. They appointed Pero Diaz del Valle alcalde mayor, because he was a friend of Domingo de Irala, and gave the insignia of alguazil to a certain Bartolomé de la Marilla, a native of Truxillo, a friend of Nuflo de Chaves, and to Sancho de Salinas, a native of Cazalla.

Then the officers and Domingo de Irala made it known that they intended fitting out a new expedition to the country discovered by the governor, to search for gold and silver, and sending it, when found, to His Majesty, in order that they might be pardoned the crime they had committed. Should they not succeed in finding gold, they would not return, as they feared punishment; yet it might happen that they found so much of the precious metal that the king, in return for it, would make them a present of the country. By such means as these they cajoled the people. However, everybody knew enough of their misdeeds and their past and present conduct to decline consenting to the proposed expedition. And since then the majority of the people began to remonstrate against the imprisonment of the governor. Then the officers and newly-appointed magistrates began to maltreat those who showed discontent at the governor’s imprisonment. They imprisoned them, deprived them of all their possessions, and tormented them in every way. When these people took refuge in the church, in order to avoid being arrested, they stationed watchmen at the door, so that no provisions might reach them. They punished those who attempted to relieve them, disarmed all the inhabitants and harassed them by every means in their power. They, moreover, said in public that they would kill any persons who might show discontent at the governor’s imprisonment.

CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-SIXTH.

Of the tumults and disturbances that took place in the country.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

FROM that time tumults and dissensions frequently arose among the people. Those that were of the party of the king denounced the rebel officers and their partisans as traitors. These, fearing the inhabitants, went armed day and night; they built stockades and other works for their defence, barricaded the streets, and withdrew into five or six houses. The governor was confined in a small room in the house of Garcia Vanegas, so as to have him in their midst. The alcalde and alguazils daily searched the houses immediately surrounding that in which the governor was held a captive, for fear lest an attempt might be made to enter them by means of mines. When the officers saw two or three men of the governor’s party talking together, they would immediately raise the alarm, enter the place in which governor Nuñez was confined, lay their hands on their daggers, and swear that if an attempt were made to rescue him they would cut off his head and throw it to his would-be deliverers. They appointed four men, whom they considered the bravest of their band, to stand ready armed with poniards, and made them swear that on the first attempt to rescue him in the name of His Majesty they would immediately enter and behead him. These men were posted so near the governor that he could hear them talking and sharpening their daggers. These executioners were Garcia Vanegas, Andres Hernandez, el romo, besides others.

Not only was the arrest of the governor the cause of general tumult and dissension, there were also many private disputes and lawsuits in consequence of the edicts which had followed. Some said that the officers and their friends were traitors, and had done wrong in arresting Alvar Nuñez; that they had caused the ruin of the country as then appeared, and even now appears to be the case. Others took the contrary view; and they killed, wounded, and maimed one another. The officers and their friends said that the partisans of the governor and those who wished him set at liberty were traitors, and should be punished as such; they forbade suspected persons from talking together. Whenever they saw two men together in the streets they drew out an act of inquest, and arrested them in order to know what they were saying; and if three or four collected together, they fell upon them with their weapons. They had placed sentries on the roof of the house in which the governor was confined, in two sentry-boxes, that they might overlook the whole town and adjacent country. Their spies, too, reported what was being done and said in the town. At night, thirty armed men patrolled the streets, arresting anybody they met, demanding to know whither they were going, and for what purpose. As the tumults and disorders increased, the officers and their partisans became harassed, and begged the governor to give an order to the people to keep the peace and not revolt; and if necessary to fix a penalty for disobedience to this order. The officers drafted this order for him to sign, but when he had signed it they were advised not to publish it, because they pretended that everybody had been in favour of his arrest. For this reason the order was not published.

CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-SEVENTH.

How the governor was kept in prison.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

WHILE these events were happening the governor was very ill in bed, and for the sake of his health chains were fastened round his feet; by his pillow a candle burned, for the prison was dark, no light being admitted, and so damp that the grass grew under his bed; he had the candle because he might want it at any moment. To crown his miseries, they had searched among the whole population for the man most evilly disposed towards him, and they found one named Hernando de Sosa, whom the governor had punished for striking an Indian chief. This man was placed on guard in the same room with him. The prison closed with two sliding doors furnished with padlocks; the officers and their partisans watched him day and night armed to the teeth; and there were upwards of one hundred and fifty of them, all paid with his property.

Notwithstanding this strict watch kept upon him, every night, or every third night, an Indian woman who brought him his supper conveyed him a letter written by one of his friends, informing him of all that happened outside his prison. They begged him to say what he wished them to do, three parts of the people being determined to die with the Indians in order to deliver him. They had feared to do this because of the threats of the officers to kill him should an attempt at a rescue be made. Seventy of those guarding him were ready to join them and make themselves masters of the principal entrance of the prison. They promised to defend him till the arrival of his friends. The governor opposed this project, because it could not easily be accomplished without the slaughter of a large number of Christians. Besides, when once the scheme had been put into execution, the Indians would have put an end to the Christians and brought about the final ruin of the country. For these reasons he dissuaded them from their purpose.

The Indian woman who brought him a letter every third night, and took back an answer, passed through the midst of the guards, who stripped her naked, examined her mouth and ears, and cut off her hair, for fear of her concealing anything. They even searched her in parts which modesty compels me not to mention. This woman, as I have stated, passed the guard quite naked, and having come to where the governor was, handed the gaoler what she brought, and then sat down on his bed, for the room was small. She then began to scratch her foot, and while engaged in this way, drew forth a letter which she handed to the governor behind the back of the gaoler. This letter, written on very thin paper, was deftly rolled up and covered with black wax; this was concealed under the lesser toes, and attached to these by two black threads. In this way she brought the letters and the necessary paper for him to write his answer, and a little powder made of a certain black stone of the country, which, moistened with a little saliva or water, made ink. The officers and their friends suspected her, for they had learned that the governor knew what was passing outside the prison, and what they were doing. In order to be sure of this, they chose four of the more youthful of their party to seduce the Indian woman—not a difficult task, for these women are not sparing of their charms, and consider it an affront to deny their favours to anyone; they say, moreover, that they have received them for that purpose. These four youths accordingly intrigued with her and gave her many presents; but they could never make her divulge her secret during the whole of their intercourse, which lasted eleven months.

CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-EIGHTH.

How the insurgents ravaged the land and took possession of the property of the inhabitants.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

WHILE the governor was in this situation, the officers and Domingo de Irala gave public permission to all their friends and partisans to go into the villages and huts of the Indians and take by force their wives, daughters, hammocks, and other of their possessions, a thing contrary to the service of His Majesty and the peace of the country. While this was going on they would scour the country, strike the Indians blows with sticks, carry them off to their houses, and oblige them to labour in their fields without any remuneration. When the Indians came and complained to Domingo de Irala and the officers, these answered that it was no affair of theirs, which pleased the Christians, because they knew that this answer was given to suit their pleasure and secure their support, for they might say that they had full liberty to do what they liked. These replies and bad treatment caused the country to be deserted. The natives withdrew to the mountains, and concealed themselves in places where the Christians could not find them. A large number were Christians, together with wives and children. When they left the settlement they lost the religious teaching of the monks and clergy, the governor having paid great attention to their religious instruction. A few days after his arrest they destroyed the caravel which he had made to send advice to His Majesty of all that was passing in the province; for the insurgents hoped to get the people to undertake a voyage of discovery in that country, where the governor had already partly explored; they thought they might obtain gold and silver there, and that they would have the honour of rendering important service to the king.

There being no justice in the land, the inhabitants and colonists suffered many wrongs from the officers and magistrates appointed by the insurgents. They were imprisoned and deprived of their property; at least fifty of them became so indignant that they retreated into the interior towards the coast of Brazil, with the intention of finding means of proceeding to Spain and informing His Majesty of all the wrongs, misdeeds, and disturbances passing in the land. Many others were overtaken and kept in prison a long time; their arms and all their possessions were taken away and distributed among their friends and partisans, in order to engage their support for the party in power.

CHAPTER THE SEVENTY-NINTH.

How the monks left the country.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

WHILE this sad state of things was going on without hope of remedy, the monks—friar Bernardo de Armenta[359] thinking the moment opportune for putting into execution their long-conceived project of departing (having already attempted it, as I have said before), spoke about it to the officers and to Domingo de Irala, in order that they should give them permission and the necessary help to reach the coast of Brazil. These officers consented, in order to give them satisfaction because they had opposed the governor, who had hindered their taking the route they wished. Permission was accordingly granted to them, and the necessary help to go to Brazil. They took with them some Spaniards and Indian women, to whom they were teaching Christianity.

During his captivity the governor had asked the insurgents several times to let him appoint a deputy to rule the province in the name of His Majesty, in order to terminate the tumults and disorders that were of such constant occurrence, and restore justice and tranquillity in the land. After making this nomination he would have liked to go before the king and render an account of all that had passed, and the actual position of affairs. The officers answered, however, that by his arrest his authority had lost all its force, and that the person they had nominated as governor would serve the purpose. Every day they entered his prison and threatened to put an end to his life. The governor replied that, should they decide upon doing this, he begged, and even if necessary he required, them in God’s name and the king’s to send him a clergyman to confess him. They said that if they gave him a confessor it would be Francisco de Andrada, or another native of Biscay (who were concerned in the insurrection), and if he would have neither of them, he should have none at all, because the others were their enemies and his supporters. In fact, they had arrested Antonio d’Escalera, Rodrigo de Herrera, and Luis de Miranda, because they had said, and were still saying, that the arrest of the governor was a great sin, and contrary to the service of God and His Majesty, and would bring ruin upon the land. The priest, Luis de Miranda, had been imprisoned with the Alcalde mayor for more than eight months without seeing sun or moon all that time. And the insurgents would never consent that any other of the clergy except those we have named should confess him.

A gentleman[360] named Anton Bravo, eighteen years of age, having been heard to say one day that he would form a scheme to release the governor from prison, the officers and Domingo de Irala had him arrested, and applied the torture to him, to find pretext for punishing and ill-treating others whom they hated. They offered him his liberty if he would incriminate others whom he had named in his evidence. These were all taken and disarmed. Anton Bravo was publicly bastinadoed in the street, proclaimed a traitor, and accused of being unfaithful to His Majesty by trying to deliver the governor from prison.

CHAPTER THE EIGHTIETH.

How they tortured those who were not on their side.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THIS was the cause of many other cruel torturings to find out if the persons accused had concerted measures for the release of the governor from prison. They sought to know who were the persons concerned in the scheme, how he was to be delivered, and if the ground were mined. Many were deprived of the use of their limbs by these tortures. Inscriptions having been found on the walls, which said, “Thou shalt die for thy king and thy law,” the officers, Domingo de Irala, and the magistrates, took steps to find out who were the authors, swearing and threatening to punish them, and they arrested a number of persons, whom they put to the torture.

CHAPTER THE EIGHTY-FIRST.

How they wished to kill a sheriff who had made them a requisition.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

AFFAIRS being in the state I have described, a certain Pedro de Molina, a native of Guadix, and judge of that town, having been witness of the misfortunes and troubles that were taking place in the country, determined, in His Majesty’s interests, to enter the stockaded enclosure where Domingo de Irala and his officers were residing, and in the presence of all, doffing his cap, he asked Martin de Ure, the notary, to read to the officers a requisition that the evils, murders, and injustice occasioned by the arrest of the governor might cease. He demanded that Alvar Nuñez should be set free, and that he should be allowed to invest some fitting person, with his authority, to govern the province in the name of His Majesty, and maintain peace and justice. The notary at first refused to read it because the insurgents were present, but at length he took it, and said to Pedro de Molina that if he wished it read he must pay him his fee. Pedro de Molina drew his sword and handed it to him. The notary declined the sword as a pledge for payment. Then Pedro de Molina took off his woollen hood and gave it to him, saying: “Read it, I have no better pledge to offer.” Martin de Ure took the hood and the requisition, and threw them both down at his feet, declaring that he would not notify it to those gentlemen. Thereupon Garcia Vanegas, the deputy-treasurer, addressed some insulting words to Pedro de Molina, threatening to have him beaten to death, and that he deserved it for daring to speak in that way. Pedro de Molina then went out, raising his cap, considering himself fortunate in escaping without further ill-treatment.

CHAPTER THE EIGHTY-SECOND.

How the insurgents gave the Indians permission to eat human flesh.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

THE officers and Domingo de Irala, wishing to gain favour among the natives, gave them permission to kill and eat their Indian enemies. Many of those who availed themselves of this license were converted Christians. The insurgents had adopted this expedient, unbecoming to the service of God and His Majesty, and horrible to all who knew of it, in order to prevent the Indians from leaving the country, and attaching them to their party. They told them the governor was a bad man, inasmuch as he would not authorise their killing and eating their enemies, and that he had been arrested on that account, and that they now gave them free permission to do this.

In spite of all their efforts, the officers and Domingo de Irala, seeing that the tumults and quarrels would not cease, but were daily on the increase, decided to remove the governor from the province, while those who took this step chose to remain where they were and not return to Spain; they only desired to expel him and some of his friends. The partisans of the governor, on hearing this resolution, were much excited. They said that since the officers had usurped the power of deposing the governor and arresting him, and had given their supporters to understand that they would go with him to Spain, to explain their conduct to His Majesty, they must keep their promise, and if they all refused to go, that two, at all events, should accompany him, and that the other two might remain in the province. So they arranged it in that way, and, in order to take him to Spain, they equipped one of the brigantines which he had built for exploring and conquering the country. This gave rise to serious altercations, owing to the discontent that prevailed at seeing they were about to take Alvar Nuñez from the province. The officers resolved upon arresting the leaders of the malcontents, but durst not carry out their intention. In this dilemma they had again recourse to the governor, conjuring him to put an end to all the scandals and disorders; that if his friends would give their word not to attempt his release, that they on their side, and their magistrates, would promise not to arrest anybody, or do any injury to anybody, and would set those free whom they had arrested, and they swore it. As the governor had now been in prison a long time, and nobody had seen him, it was suspected and feared that they had secretly murdered him. They were accordingly asked to allow two monks and two gentlemen to enter his prison and see him, so that they might certify the people he was still alive. The officers promised they would do this three or four days before it was time for him to embark, but they broke their word.

CHAPTER THE EIGHTY-THIRD.

How the insurgents had to write to His Majesty and send him a report.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

AT this juncture the officers prepared several memoirs to send to Spain, accusing the governor and making him odious to everybody. To lend a favourable colour to their own criminal acts, they wrote things that never happened and were entirely untrue. While the brigantine was being equipped for her voyage, the friends of the governor arranged with the carpenters to hollow a timber as big as a man’s thigh, and three spans long, and place inside it a general act of accusation which the governor had addressed to His Majesty, and other important papers collected by his friends when he was arrested. This packet was taken and enveloped in a waxed cloth, and the piece of timber was fastened to the poop of the brigantine with six nails above and six below. The carpenters said that they had placed it there to strengthen the brigantine, and the secret was kept so well that nobody discovered it. The master carpenter told a sailor of it, so that when the vessel arrived in Spain the documents might be taken out. It had been arranged with the officers that the governor should be seen by his friends before he embarked, but neither Captain Salazar nor anybody saw him. One night, towards midnight, Alonso Cabrera, the supervisor, and Pedro Dorantes, his factor, accompanied by a large number of arquebusiers, presented themselves at the prison; and each arquebusier carried three lighted fuses in his hand, so as to make the number appear greater than it was. Then Alonso Cabrera and Pedro Dorantes entered the room in which he lay; they seized him by the arm and lifted him out of the bed with the chains round his feet; he was very ill, almost to death. They carried him in this state to the gate leading into the street, and when he saw the sky, which he had not seen till then, he entreated them to let him render thanks to God. When he rose from his knees, two soldiers took him under the arms and carried him on board the brigantine, for he was extremely weak and crippled. When he saw himself in the midst of these people, he said to them: “Sirs, be my witnesses that I appoint, as my deputy, Juan de Salazar de Espinosa, that he may govern this province instead of me, and in the name of His Majesty, maintaining order and justice till the King should have been pleased to make other dispositions.” Hardly had he finished speaking than Garcia Vanegas, deputy treasurer, rushed upon him, dagger in hand, saying: “I do not recognise what you say; retract, or I will tear your soul from your body.” The governor had, however, been advised not to say what he did, because they were determined to kill him, and these words might have occasioned a great disturbance among them, and the party of the King might have snatched him from the hands of the others, everybody being then in the street. Garcia Vanegas having withdrawn a little, the governor repeated the same words; then Garcia sprang with great fury on the governor, and placed a dagger to his temple, saying to him as before: “Withdraw what you have said, or I will tear your soul from your body.” At the same moment he inflicted a slight wound on his temple, and pushed the people who were carrying the governor with so much violence that they fell with him, and one of them dropped his cap. After this they quickly raised him again, and carried him precipitately on board the brigantine. They closed the poop of the vessel with planks, put two chains on him which prevented him from moving; then they unmoored and descended the river.

Two days after the embarkation of the governor and the departure of the brigantine, Domingo de Irala, the accountant Philip de Caceres, and the factor Pedro Dorantes assembled their friends and attacked the house of Captain Salazar. They seized him and Pedro de Estopiñan Cabeza de Vaca, put them in irons, and sent them down the river to overtake the brigantine. These two officers were taken to Spain with him, and it is certain that if Captain Salazar had wished it the governor would not have been arrested, and still less would they have been able to take him out of the country and carry him to Castille; but, as he remained deputy governor, his conduct was not altogether frank. Cabeza de Vaca begged that two of his servants might be allowed to accompany him to prepare his food and attend upon him during the voyage. Accordingly they let the two servants go, not however to wait on him, but to row four hundred leagues on the river, for none could be found willing to do this work. They forced some of the people to come, others fled into the interior, and the property of such was confiscated and distributed among those that were pressed for the service. The officers did a very wrong thing during the voyage, and it was this: every two or three days they spread among their partisans and their friends a thousand calumnies against him, and finally said: “We have, as it is manifest, done you a great deal of good and acted for your advantage and that of the king, in consideration for this, sign this paper.” In this way they filled four quires of paper with signatures, and during the voyage down the river composed their calumnious statements while these who had signed their names to the paper remained at Ascension, three hundred leagues up the river. It was upon this document that the charges brought against the governor were framed.

CHAPTER THE EIGHTY-FOURTH.

How they gave arsenic three times to the governor during the voyage.

Illustration from The Conquest of the River Plate (1535-1555)

WHILE descending the river the officers ordered a certain Biscayan named Machin to prepare the food for the governor and then to pass it to Lope Duarte, one of the confederates of Domingo de Irala, and guilty, like the rest, of complicity in his arrest. He came from Spain as solicitor to Domingo de Irala and to attend to his affairs. While the governor journeyed in this fashion, arsenic was administered to him three times; but as an antidote against this poison he carried with him a bottle of oil and a piece of the horn of a unicorn. When he felt unwell he made use of these remedies; day and night his sufferings were great. But it pleased God that he escaped safely. He entreated the officers, Alonso Cabrera and Garcia Vanegas, to allow his own servants to cook for him, as he would take his meals from nobody else. To this they replied that he would have to take his food from whomsoever they chose; if he did not take it from the persons commissioned to give it him, he might die of hunger, it mattered little to them. He abstained from food several days, but hunger at length compelled him to take what they gave him. The insurgents had promised several persons to take them on board the caravel (afterwards destroyed) to Spain if they would support their faction and help them to arrest the governor and not oppose them. Two of these were Francisco de Paredes, a native of Burgos, and Friar Juan de Salazar, of the Order of Our Lady of Mercy. They carried as prisoners with them Luis de Miranda, Pedro Hernandez, Captain Salazar de Espinosa, and Pedro Vaca. Having descended the river to the island of San Gabriel, they would not allow either Francisco de Paredes or friar Juan de Salazar to remain on board, fearing lest these two persons should support the governor’s cause in Spain, and give a true account of what had happened. For this reason they compelled them to re-embark on the brigantines that returned up the river to Ascension, although they had sold their houses and property for much less than they were worth when they were compelled to leave. This caused them to make such an outcry that it was pitiable to hear them. Here the servants of the governor, who had accompanied him thus far, rowing all the way, were obliged to leave him, a loss he felt more than anything he had yet endured; nor did they feel the separation less acutely. They remained two days at the island of San Gabriel, when some of them left for Ascension, and the others for Spain. The brigantine which bore the governor had eleven banks of rowers, and contained twenty-seven persons altogether.

They pursued their voyage down the river till they entered the sea, when a violent tempest arose. The brigantine became waterlogged, and all the provisions were spoilt; all that they managed to preserve was a little flour, some lard, fish, and a little water. They were all very near being drowned. The officers who had charge of the governor said that God had sent them this terrible tempest as a punishment for the wrongs and injustice they had made their prisoner suffer. They resolved, therefore, to take off his chains and let him out of prison. Alonso de Cabrera filed them asunder, Garcia Vanegas kissed his feet, though Cabeza de Vaca would not allow it. They said openly that God had sent them those four days’ sufferings as a retribution for the wrongs they had done him. They acknowledged they had grievously wronged him, and that all their depositions were false; that the malice and jealousy they bore him prompted them to administer two thousand false oaths, and this because in three days he had discovered a country and a route, while those who had lived in the country for twelve years had not been able to accomplish it; and they implored his pardon, and that he would not inform His Majesty how they had arrested him. As soon as they had taken the chains off the governor the sea and wind subsided, and the tempest, which had lasted four days, calmed down. We navigated in the open sea for 2,500 leagues without having sight of land, and seeing nothing but water and sky. All the food we had was a flour-cake fried in a little lard, with a little water to drink. We were obliged to break off the planks of our vessel to make a fire to cook our cake. In this way, with infinite suffering, we arrived at the Azores, belonging to His most serene Majesty of Portugal, the voyage having lasted three months. We should not have suffered so severely from hunger had we touched on the Brazilian coast, or at the island of St. Domingo, in the Indies; but the officers dared not do this, for they felt guilty and dreaded being arrested and brought to justice as rebels against their king. On arriving at the Azores the officers in charge of the governor separated because of the dissensions they had had, and each went his own way; but first they tried to induce the justice of Angra to arrest the governor, so as to prevent him from giving information to His Majesty of the crimes and disorders they had committed. They alleged that when he passed Cape Verd he had pillaged the port and country. The judge having heard their deposition, told them to be gone, for his king would not allow himself to be robbed, and did not keep his ports in such a weak state of defence that anybody might dare to attack them. Having seen that, in spite of their malice, they could do nothing to detain him, they embarked, and arrived in Spain eight days before the governor, who was delayed by contrary winds. Being the first to present themselves at court, they gave out that Cabeza de Vaca had gone to the King of Portugal to inform him about those countries beyond the sea. A few days later the governor arrived at court. The night of his arrival all the guilty parties disappeared; they went straight to Madrid, where they hoped to find the court, as, in fact, they did. Meanwhile the Bishop of Cuenca, who presided over the council of the Indies,[361] died. This prelate would have punished the crimes and treason committed against His Majesty in that country. Some days afterwards the officers and the governor were released, on giving bail that they would not leave the jurisdiction of the court. Garcia de Vanegas, who was one of those who had arrested the governor, died a sudden, terrible death, his eyes having fallen out of his head, and he never declared the truth of what had passed. Alonso Cabrera, the supervisor, his accomplice, lost his reason, and in a fit of frenzy he killed his wife at Loxa. The friars who had taken part in the revolt and troubles also died suddenly, which seemed to show the small blame attaching to the governor in his conduct towards them. After keeping him eight years under arrest at court, he was set at liberty and acquitted. He was relieved of his governorship for divers reasons; for his enemies said that if he returned to punish the guilty, he would have occasioned more troubles and dissensions in that country. He therefore lost his appointment, besides other losses, without receiving any compensation for all the money he had spent in relieving the Spaniards, and in his voyage of discovery.

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