Commentaries of Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, governor of the Rio de la Plata. (continued 2)

In order still further to establish the criminality of their acts, Alvar Nuñez ordered a judicial inquest to be held, and when this was terminated he added it to four others previously entered against them before his arrival. The Christians formerly resident in that country had slain over one thousand of these Indians because of the losses they were constantly inflicting upon them.

CHAPTER THE TWENTY-NINTH.

How the governor set at liberty one of the captive Guaycurús, and sent him to summon his fellow tribesmen.

HAVING proceeded against the Guaycurús as we have said, the governor sent for the chiefs of the Guaranís who had marched against the Guaycurús, and ordered them to bring before him all the prisoners they had taken on that expedition, and that none should be concealed, under a severe penalty. The Spaniards also brought theirs, and when all were assembled, he told them His Majesty had ordered that none of those Guaycurús should be enslaved, because all had not been done that ought to have been done to ascertain their condition, and that His Majesty would be rather pleased if these prisoners were given their liberty. Among these captives was one of superior breeding and appearance, whom the governor ordered to be set free, desiring him to summon all his fellow tribesmen, because he had something to say to them in the name of the king, and that if they wished he would protect them, and give them presents, and so he let him go, giving him some presents; and he departed, well satisfied, to his own people. Four days afterwards, he returned accompanied by all his tribe, many of whom were badly wounded; all came, leaving none behind.

CHAPTER THE THIRTIETH.

How the Guaycurús came and submitted to His Majesty.

FOUR days after the departure of the prisoner, one Monday morning, he arrived on the bank of the river, accompanied by all his tribe; and they halted by a wood on the bank of the Paraguai. When the governor was informed of it he sent several canoes across with some Christians and interpreters to bring them to the town. Twenty of the Guaycurús having crossed in the canoes, came before the governor, and squatted on one foot in his presence, as they are accustomed to do. They spoke through an interpreter, and said as follows: “We are the chiefs of the Guaycurús, and our forefathers have always been at war with all the tribes of this land—Guaranís, Ymperus,[326] Agazes, Guatatas, Naperús, Mayas, and many others, whom we have hitherto always vanquished, and no people has ever conquered us, and we never thought we should be conquered by anyone. Now we have found others more valiant than ourselves, and we have come to place ourselves in their power and be their slaves. You are the chief of the Spaniards, command us and we will obey your orders. The Guaranís know full well that they are not strong enough to make war on us; we fear them not. They would never have dared to interfere with us without the aid of the Spaniards. Our wives and children are on the opposite bank and are ready to make their submission as we have done. We speak in our own name and on behalf of all our tribe. We have come to offer our submission to the King of the Spaniards.”

CHAPTER THE THIRTY-FIRST.

How the governor, after making peace with the Guaycurús, delivered the prisoners to them.

HAVING heard what the envoys of the Guaycurús had said, the governor, seeing that so redoubtable a people had come to place themselves in his power with so much submission (a thing that caused much surprise throughout the land), desired them to be informed, through interpreters, that he had come by order of His Majesty to bring all the people to the knowledge of Our Lord, to be Christians and vassals of His Majesty, and to be well treated; if they ceased making war upon the Guaranís he would protect and regard them as friends, and would treat them better than other nations, and that he would restore all the captives taken from them without ransom, both those taken by the Spaniards and Guaranís. And this was thereupon done. When the Guaycurús had received them, they affirmed once more their wish to become vassals of His Majesty, promising obedience and submission, and that they would henceforth not molest the Guaranís, and that they would bring whatever they took, to the town for the provisionment of the Spaniards. Alvar Nuñez was much pleased with their promises, and he distributed gifts and jewels among the chiefs, and peace was cemented.

Since then they have always kept the peace, and whenever the governor sent for them, hastened to obey his commands. Every eighth day they came laden with venison and wild boar, roasted on barbacoas.[327] These barbacoas are like gridirons, standing two palms high above the ground, and made of light sticks. The flesh is cut into steaks and then laid upon them and roasted. They also brought much fish and plenty of other provisions, such as grease, linen mantles woven of a kind of teasel,[328] dyed in bright colours; and skins of the tiger and tapir, deer and other animals. When they came, the markets for the sale of all these commodities lasted two days. The natives of the other side of the river bartered with them; it was a very great market, and they (the Guaycurús) behaved peacefully towards the Guaranís. These gave them, in exchange for their commodities, maize, manioc, and mandubis; these last are like hazel nuts or chufas, and grow near the ground[329]; they also supplied them with bows and arrows. Two hundred canoes crossed the river together for this market, laden with all these things; and it was the finest thing in the world to see them cross. The celerity of their movements is such that they sometimes collide with one another, and all the merchandise falls into the water. Then the Indians to whom this happens, and those awaiting them on the bank, burst into fits of laughter, and the jokes and merriment continue all the time the market is being held. They come to this market in full paint and in their feathers, and all in this fine plumage are carried down the river, and they vie one with the other who shall be the first across; and this is the cause of their frequent collisions and upsets. In their marketing they talk so loud and so much, that they cannot hear one another for the noise, and all are very gay and jolly.

CHAPTER THE THIRTY-SECOND.

How the Apirús came and made a treaty of peace and submitted.

A FEW days after the departure of the six Apirús to return to their tribe in accordance with the instructions of the governor, some of these people arrived one Sunday morning on the bank of the river opposite Ascension, and from the signs they made it was evident they wished to cross. Thereupon Alvar Nuñez sent canoes to the other side to find out what people they were. As the canoes touched the opposite bank the Indians entered them and came over to the city. On presenting themselves to the governor they said they were of the tribe of Apirús, and having seated themselves on one foot in token of their mission being a peaceful one, they stated they were the chiefs of that tribe, and had come to make acquaintance with the chief of the Christians and to be friends with him, and obey his orders.

The expedition against the Guaycurús had been noised through the land, and had caused much fear among all the tribes, inasmuch as these Indians, the most valiant and redoubtable of all in that country, should have been attacked and defeated by the Christians. In proof of the peace and amity they (the Apirús) were desirous of maintaining with the Christians, they had brought some of their daughters, and entreated the governor to accept them as hostages and as proofs of their goodwill and friendship. In the presence of the captains and clergy, the governor replied that he wished them to understand that he had come to that country in order that its people might be brought to the true Christian faith and become the subjects of His Majesty; he enjoined them to make peace with the Guaranís, who had become vassals of the king, and he promised if they would keep the peace and live in friendship with all the natives of that land, that he would favour and protect them, and allow them to come whenever they wished to the city of Ascension to barter with the Christians and Indians residing there, as the Guaycurús had been allowed to do since peace had been made with them. To make sure of their loyalty, and to please them by showing the value he set on their friendship, he consented to receive as hostages the women and girls they had brought, entrusting them to the care of the monks and clergy, in order that they might be instructed in the doctrines of Christianity, and be taught good manners and customs. To all this the Indians assented, and showed much pleasure and satisfaction at becoming the king’s vassals. Since that time they have behaved obediently, and shown a readiness to obey the governor’s orders. The interview terminated, the Yapirús received many presents, and took their departure well satisfied. These Indians never remain in one place more than three days, but are continually engaged in hunting and fishing in order to provide subsistence for their wives and families. These habits of life, and their want of a fixed abode, rendered it impossible for the clergy to teach them the Christian religion, for the necessities of their lives prevented them from abandoning their nomadic habits, dependent as they were upon these for the means of procuring food; if, on the other hand, they were to be compelled to give up this mode of livelihood, they might die of hunger. Hence it would be lost labour to teach them, nor could the monks live with them, owing to the insecurity of remaining among a people so little to be trusted.

CHAPTER THE THIRTY-THIRD.

Of the judgment passed on the Agazes by the advice of the monks, captains, and other officers of His Majesty.

HAVING received the submission of the aforesaid Indians, as related in the previous chapter, Alvar Nuñez desired to be shown the act of accusation drawn up against the Agazes. Having seen this and the former judgments entered against this people, it seemed to him that their guilt had been clearly established for the robberies and murders committed by them in the land. He then summoned the monks and the clergy, the captains and officers, and showed them the act of accusation and the instructions he had received from the king; and having well considered it, they all unanimously advised that he should make war upon the Agazes with fire and sword, for the service of God and His Majesty. In the first place, however, thirteen or fourteen of these Indians, who had been made prisoners, were condemned to death. The Alcalde Mayor,[330] upon whom devolved the carrying out of this sentence, entering the prison with certain others to fetch them out to be executed, was suddenly attacked by them with knives, and might have been killed, had not some persons hastened to succour him, and used their swords to protect him. In the scuffle which ensued two of the prisoners were slain with the sword, and the rest were taken out and hanged.

CHAPTER THE THIRTY-FOURTH.

How the governor sent relief to Buenos Ayres.

PEACE and tranquillity being now established, the governor sent a party to the relief of Buenos Ayres and Captain Juan Romero, who had been previously despatched with two brigantines and some men with the same purpose. For this new relief the governor decided on sending Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza and two other brigantines with provisions and one hundred men. These dispositions having been taken, he sent for the monks, clergy, and officers, and spoke to them of the measures to be adopted for the discovery of the province, especially with the object of finding a route by land by which the Spaniards might be supplied with provisions in passing through desolate uninhabited tracts, of which there were many in that country. He charged them in His Majesty’s name to give this matter their serious consideration, and advise him in the best way possible. The following are the names of the monks and clergy: the commissary, Friar Bernardo de Armenta, Alonzo Lebron, a Franciscan, Juan de Salazar, of the Order of Mercy, Luiz de Herrezuelo, of the Order of St. Jerome, Francisco d’Andrada, the bachelor Martin d’Almenza, the bachelor Martinez, and Juan Gabriel de Lezcano, clergymen and chaplains of the city of Ascension. He also consulted the captains and officers of His Majesty, and all these, having discussed the question fully, were of opinion that he should with all convenient haste proceed to explore the inhabited country through which the route might lie, into the interior of the country, for the causes and reasons assigned by the governor. And this was the order of the day.

That he might proceed on this discovery in the best way, and as promptly as possible, Cabeza de Vaca sent for the principal Indians and the elders of the Guaranís, and told them of his desire to seek out the tribes in that province of whom they had often spoken to him; but before doing so he wished to send some Christians to reconnoitre the route, and since they (the Guaranís) were Christians and vassals of His Majesty, he asked them kindly to furnish guides from their own people who knew the country, that by doing so they would be rendering good service to the king and advancing their own interests, besides receiving pay and presents for their services. To this the Indian chiefs responded that they would go and prepare the people, who would be ready to start whenever they were required. Many of them offered on the spot to accompany the Christians, foremost among these being Aracaré, a chief of the upper river, and others whom we shall mention by-and-bye. The goodwill of the Indians having thus been manifested, three Christians, who knew the native languages and were experienced men, set out with the Indians who had offered to undertake the discovery. The governor recommended them to use the utmost diligence and fidelity in reconnoitring the road. Meanwhile he ordered three brigantines to be equipped with provisions and other necessaries. In these he sent ninety Christians under the command of Captain Domingo de Irala of Biscay, with orders to ascend the Paraguai as far as he could, and discover as much as possible in the space of three months and a half; to take note of what settlements of natives there were on the banks of the river, collect every information, and report to him on the tribes and inhabitants of that province. The three vessels, with their complement of Christians, set off on November 20th, 1542. With them embarked the three Spaniards and the Indians who were to reconnoitre in advance the route by land from a port on the Paraguai, known as Las Piedras (the rocks), seventy leagues above Ascension.

Eight days after the departure of the ships, Captain Vergara wrote that the three Spaniards, together with 800 Indians, had set out from the port of Las Piedras,[331] in the 24th degree, below the tropic, to prosecute their journey by land, and that the Indians were in good heart, and pleased to show the road. He further wrote that, having recommended the three Spaniards to the care of the Indians, he had resumed his navigation up the river for the purpose of exploring it.

CHAPTER THE THIRTY-FIFTH.

How the three Spaniards and the Indians returned from their reconnaissance.

TWENTY days after the departure of the three Spaniards from the city of Ascension to reconnoitre the road, they returned and said, that having taken the chief Aracaré as their principal guide, they started from the port of Las Piedras with 800 Indians, more or less, and marched for about four days into the interior, following the guidance of Aracaré, a man much feared and respected by the Indians. He had, however, ordered all the fields where they passed to be set on fire, and this was a signal to their enemies to come and attack them, besides being contrary to the order usually observed in exploring a new country. Moreover, Aracaré openly told the Indians to return, and not to show the country to the Christians, who were evil, and he spoke in this fashion to them, inciting them to rebel. They had begged the Indians to desist from burning the fields, and entreated them to follow the road, but they had refused; at the end of the fourth day the Indians had turned back, having abandoned the Spaniards to their fate, who were in danger of being lost in an unknown country, all the Indians and guides having turned and fled.

CHAPTER THE THIRTY-SIXTH.

How wood was prepared for the construction of two brigantines and one caravel.

ABOUT this time the governor sent in search of timber in order to build brigantines for the voyage of discovery he proposed making, and a caravel to send to Spain, to report to His Majesty how things were going in the province with reference to its discovery and conquest. The governor went in person to the forests and plains with the officers, the shipmasters, and sawyers, and within the space of three months sufficient wood had been prepared for the construction of one caravel and ten rowing vessels (i.e., brigantines) for the navigation and exploration of the river. All this wood was transported by the natives to Ascension, and the construction of the brigantines was at once begun.

CHAPTER THE THIRTY-SEVENTH.

How the Indians came again and offered their services.

THOSE Christians who had been sent to discover a road by which they might enter the province, having returned (as we have seen) without bringing any report or information of what had to be done, and many other natives having offered to assist the Spaniards in the discovery of the country, the governor was pleased to speak with the principal among them who came from the riparian districts and were newly converted to Christianity, whose names were Juan de Salazar Cupirati, Lorenzo Moquirasi, Timbuay, and Gonzalo Mayraru, besides others, and to accept their services, offered with much alacrity and goodwill, promising them in the name of His Majesty good pay and handsome reward. Four Spaniards, who knew the country well, asked to be allowed to proceed on this discovery with the Indians, promising to use every diligence in this commission. Seeing this, and that they offered their services spontaneously, the governor acceded to their request. Accordingly, these four Spaniards, the Indian chiefs, and 1,500 other natives set out on the 15th December 1542. Some ascended the river Paraguai in canoes, while others went by land to Las Piedras, whence they were to make their entrance into the interior. They were obliged to pass through the lands and villages of Aracaré, but would not be turned from their purpose this time by the words of this chief, and pursued their march in spite of every attempt on his part to stop them. Their journey from Las Piedras led for thirty days through a desolate region, where their sufferings from hunger were very great. Some of the Indians died, while the Spaniards were reduced to such straits from hunger and thirst that they lost their way and did not know where to go. They therefore decided on returning by the same way as they came, supporting themselves as well as they could, on the wild thistle and other herbs. At the end of forty-five days they returned to the city of Ascension. Aracaré coming down the river, met them on the road and caused them much trouble, showing himself in all this to be the deadly enemy of the Christians and our friendly Indians. At length the Indians and Christians arrived at Ascension, feeble and tired. The governor having learned of the outrageous conduct of Aracaré, which had now become notorious, ordered an act of accusation to be drawn up against him, and to be notified to this chief—a somewhat dangerous commission, because Aracaré came out with arms in his hands, followed by a number of friends and relations, with the intent to kill the Spaniards sent to him. The process, however, was duly served according to law, and Aracaré was sentenced to death and executed,[332] the natives being made to understand the just cause for which this had been done.

On the 20th December the four brigantines, sent by the governor to the river Paraná to the relief of the Spaniards who had come by ship from the island of St. Catherine, arrived at Ascension, together with the ship’s boat. In these five craft arrived all the people, who soon disembarked. With them came Pedro de Estopiñan Cabeza de Vaca, who had been left in command of the vessel and the people.[333] He reported that on arriving with his ship in the river Paraná he had gone straight to Buenos Ayres, and at the entrance of that port, near the settlement, he had found a ship’s mast planted in the earth, with an inscription carved on it as follows: “Aquí esta una carta” (Here is a letter). On searching, this letter was found in a hole bored in the mast. It was opened, and found to be signed by Alonzo Cabrera, surveyor of foundries, and by Domingo de Irala of Biscay, who styled himself lieut.-governor of the province. Its purport was, that Buenos Ayres had been abandoned, and its inhabitants removed to the city of Ascension, for reasons set forth in the letter. Pedro de Estopiñan found the place in a state of revolt, and his men ran imminent risk of death both from famine and war, for the Guaranís attacked them incessantly. Twenty-five Spaniards, in order to escape starvation, fled to the coast of Brazil to rejoin the ship, and had not timely succour arrived all must have perished. As it was, the day after the arrival of the relieving party, consisting of 150 Spaniards, the Indians attacked them before daybreak, set fire to their camp, killing and wounding five or six Spaniards, and in spite of the resistance from the men on shore, and those on the vessels, their lives were in great jeopardy. He further reported that measures had been promptly taken to re-establish the settlement and port of Buenos Ayres on another site at the confluence of the Rio Paraná with the San Juan, but this work had been much interfered with by the approach of winter, and the floods, which made breaches in the walls as fast as they were erected. They were consequently compelled to desist from their efforts and bring all the people to Ascension.

On the eve of All Saints, or on this day itself, some disaster always happened to Gonzalo de Mendoza. On this particular occasion, while navigating at the mouth of the river, one of his vessels was wrecked, and a number of his men drowned. It happened in this wise: the vessels were all at anchor, near the shore, under a high bank, his brigantine being moored to a tree, when an earthquake took place. The shore was thrust up, and fell into the river, bringing down with it the tree to which the galley was moored. This struck the vessel such a tremendous blow as to cause it to capsize and drift down stream, bottom upwards, for half a league. Fourteen persons, men and women, were drowned on this and the other vessels. According to the report of those who were present, such a terrific thing had never before occurred. After these experiences they arrived at Ascension, and were all comfortably lodged and provided with necessaries. The governor, with all his people, returned thanks to God for His mercy in having brought them into safety, and saved them from so many dangers.

CHAPTER THE THIRTY-EIGHTH.

How the settlement of Ascension was burned.

ON the 4th February of the following year, 1543, one Sunday morning, three hours before daybreak, a straw house in the city of Ascension took fire, and the flames spread so rapidly that in a short time the conflagration was awful to see. The Spaniards were greatly dismayed, thinking it was the work of Indian incendiaries, who wished to drive them from the country. In this emergency the governor caused the alarm to be sounded, and all hurriedly took up arms and repaired to their several stations, to be ready to defend their lives and the place. Owing to these measures, the Spaniards escaped with their lives, but their property was all destroyed. Upwards of 200 houses were burnt down, only fifty being saved, these being separated from the rest by a stream of water which ran between them. Upwards of 5,000 measures of maize were burnt in grain, this being the staple production of the country. A quantity of maize-flour, and other provisions, such as poultry and pigs, were destroyed, and the Spaniards were reduced to such a state of destitution that they had no clothes to wear. The fire continued for four days, burning everything above and below ground, even to the walls of the town and fortress. It was ascertained that the fire originated with an Indian woman living with a Christian, who was shaking a burning hammock, when a spark fell on the wall of the house; this being of straw, instantly ignited, and burst into flames. The governor, seeing the miserable condition of the Spaniards, whose houses and property had been destroyed, supplied them with his own things, giving food to those who had none. In this way he promptly relieved their necessities, and caused the houses to be rebuilt of less inflammable materials, using for this purpose clay (tapia). In a few days, such was the energy displayed, the rebuilding was completed.

CHAPTER THE THIRTY-NINTH.

How Domingo de Irala arrived.

ON the 15th February Domingo de Irala, returning from his exploration of the Paraguai, moored his three brigantines in the port of Ascension, and landed to make his report to the governor. He said that from the 20th October, when he departed from Ascension, to the 6th January, the festival of the Three Kings, he was constantly navigating the river Paraguai, holding intercourse with the natives along the banks, and noting down the information they gave him. On that day he arrived at a settlement of Indians, who cultivate the soil and rear fowls and geese: the latter as a protection against crickets, which do them much damage, for these insects gnaw and eat their mantles, and breed in the straw of which their houses are built. In order to preserve their garments they keep them and their furs in large earthenware jars, covered with clay lids. In this way they protect their wardrobe. When the crickets fall from the roofs of the houses in large numbers the geese devour them eagerly, and this happens two or three times a day, and is a sight worth seeing. These Indians dwell in the midst of lagoons, and are called Cacocies Chaneses.[334] They told Domingo de Irala that the way into the interior of the country lay through their territory; he travelled for three days by it, and it seemed to him a good land; they had also given him an idea of the regions beyond. There, as he learned, provisions were abundant enough to supply a party of explorers who might enter and take possession of the country. These Indians had shown him specimens of their gold and silver, and had offered to guide him. During the whole of his voyage he did not see a more convenient or better country by which to penetrate into the interior, and he had named the port where he landed, in honour of the day of his arrival, Puerto de los Reyes (Port of the Kings[335]). The inhabitants having expressed a great desire to see the Spaniards, he entreated the governor to go and make their acquaintance.

When Domingo de Irala had made his report concerning all that he had seen and learned, Cabeza de Vaca commanded the monks and the clergy, the officers and the captains, to assemble, and caused to be read to them the report brought by Domingo de Irala. He begged them to give him their opinion and advice as to what should be done for the discovery of this country in the service of God and His Majesty, seeing that now the best and most certain route hitherto known into the interior had been found. And all the assembly agreed that it was expedient for the service of God and His Majesty that an entrance into the country should be made from the port of Los Reyes, and their opinion was reduced into writing and signed with their names. They were also of opinion that the discovery should be made without delay, as provisions and other necessaries were to be found there in abundance.

Having seen and approved of the opinion of the monks, the clergy, and the captains, the governor gave orders to equip and make ready the ten brigantines which had been built for the service of His Majesty. He bade the Guaranís supply provisions for the voyage, the fire having destroyed the stores of the Spaniards, and he expended on these preparations his own resources, paying the Indians for the provisions they brought, besides giving them many presents. This he did so as not to delay matters till the next harvest. In order that everything might be prepared with the utmost speed, he sent Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza with three brigantines up the river Paraguai to the lands and villages of the friendly Indians, vassals of His Majesty, to load these vessels there, ordering him to pay for everything, and treat the natives in a kindly way, satisfying them with presents, of which he took a large number, and he charged him to keep a watch and see that the interpreters dealt fairly by the Indians, abstaining from doing them any wrong or compulsion, under threat of punishment. Those were his orders.

CHAPTER THE FORTIETH.

What Gonzalo de Mendoza wrote.

A FEW days after Gonzalo de Mendoza had set out with the three brigantines he wrote and informed the governor of his arrival at the port of Giguy,[336] and of his having sent into the interior to those villages where provisions were obtainable, and that many Indian chiefs had been to visit him, and had begun bringing in provisions; that the interpreters had fled from the natives and taken refuge in the brigantines, because an attempt to kill them had been made by the friends and relatives of an Indian who was in revolt and was raising the country against the Christians and against our Indian allies, advising them not to give us provisions, and that many Indian chiefs had come to beg for assistance and help to protect their tribes against two chiefs named Guaçani and Atabare,[337] who with all their relatives and friends were making war upon them with fire and sword, burning their settlements and ravaging their lands, threatening to kill them and destroy them utterly if they would not unite to drive out the Christians. He (Gonzalo de Mendoza) was temporising and parleying with these people till he knew what measures it would be expedient to adopt, and meanwhile the Indians had brought no provisions, because the enemy had blocked the roads, and his Spaniards were starving.

Having read Gonzalo de Mendoza’s letter, the governor assembled the monks, clergy, officers, and captains, and caused it to be read to them. He then asked them to give their opinion as to what they thought expedient to be done in that emergency, having regard to the king’s instructions, which were also read to them; and they answered, that since the Indians were making war against the Christians and His Majesty’s vassals, their opinion was (and it was recorded in writing and signed with their names) that he should march against them, and, after demanding peace, should exhort them to give in their submission; failing which, and after repeating his request twice, thrice, or as often as was deemed necessary, and warning them that they would be held responsible for any evil consequences that might ensue, that then war should be waged against them as enemies, for the defence and protection of the friendly natives.

A few days after the above occurrences, the said Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza wrote again to the governor, informing him how the Indian chiefs Guaçani and Atabare were making a cruel war against the friendly natives, over-running their land, slaying and robbing them, as far as the port where the Christians were collecting provisions, and that the Indian allies were much harassed, and were daily beseeching him (Gonzalo de Mendoza) for aid, and saying that if he did not soon help them, all the Indians would rise in revolt, reminding him, too, of the cruel losses such a war entailed upon them.

CHAPTER THE FORTY-FIRST.

How the governor helped those who were with Gonzalo de Mendoza.

AFTER reading this letter, and becoming aware of the complaints made by the natives, Alvar Nuñez summoned another council of monks, clergy, and officers, and, in pursuance of their advice, commissioned Domingo de Irala to take measures to protect the Indian allies, and put an end to the war that had broken out, aiding in every way those natives who had sustained losses at the hands of the enemy. To this effect he sent four brigantines with 150 men besides those who had already gone under the command of Gonzalo de Mendoza, and ordered Domingo de Irala to proceed at once to the ports and villages of Guaçani and Atabare, and summon them, in the name of His Majesty, to desist from the war and to return to their homes, and live henceforward in peace and amity with the Spaniards. Should these chiefs refuse to listen to these proposals, which were to be repeated as often as possible, that he was then to make war upon them, doing them, however, as little injury as he could, and avoiding murders, robberies, and other evils. He was to compel them to make peace and enter into friendly relations with our Indian allies, for while this fighting was going on there could be no peace in the country, and the service of His Majesty would not be advanced. The governor also sent presents for distribution among those who were inclined to come to terms.

CHAPTER THE FORTY-SECOND.

How four Christians died of their wounds during this war.

WHEN Domingo de Irala arrived at the village of the Indians he sent to summon Atabare and Guaçani, the principal instigators of the war. These chiefs had a large number of people with them who were prepared for fighting, and would not listen to the interpreters when they summoned them to make peace. They even defied the friendly Indians, robbed and caused them much injury. While protecting our allies, a number of skirmishes took place, and some Christians were wounded. They were sent to Ascension to be healed, but four or five died of their wounds. It was their own fault, and the consequence of the excesses they committed, for the wounds were light, and would not have caused death. One of them died miserably from a scratch of an arrow on his nose. These arrows are rubbed with poisonous herbs, and when those wounded by them commit excesses with women, they die. In general, however, the herbs of this country are not dangerous.

The governor wrote again to Domingo de Irala, urging him to renew friendly relations with the Indians by every means in his power, because it was advantageous for His Majesty’s service. Indeed, as long as the country was disturbed by war, surprises, revolts, murders, and robberies, troubles would never cease. By bringing about a peace, he wrote, they would be doing their duty towards God and the king. At the same time he sent a quantity of provisions for gratuitous distribution among the Indians who had served, adding all that he could think of to strengthen peace and concord.

Under these circumstances Domingo de Irala proceeded to make peace. He found the enemy much harassed and fatigued by the war they had been carrying on with the Spaniards, and desirous of putting an end to it. They were disposed to come to terms with our Indian allies and renew their allegiance to the king. Finally, Guaçani and Atabare, and many other chiefs and people, accepted the conditions offered them, and came before the governor to ratify the peace. He told them that in discontinuing hostilities they had done their duty, that he forgave them their past disobedience, and that if they rebelled again they would be punished without mercy. After this he gave them presents, and dismissed them very happy and contented. Seeing now that the country was at peace, and the natives living in concord, the governor ordered them to hasten bringing in the provisions and other necessaries, in order to equip ten vessels he was preparing for the discovery of the country by the port of Los Reyes, in accordance with the resolution come to. In a few days the natives brought over 3,000 quintals of manioc flour and maize, and with these he completed loading the ships, paying for everything to the satisfaction of the Indians. He also furnished the Spaniards with arms and other necessaries.

CHAPTER THE FORTY-THIRD.

How the friars took to flight.

NOW when the brigantines were on the point of sailing, and everything was ready for the voyage of exploration as recommended by the council, the friars Bernaldo de Armenta and Alonso Lebron his companion, were silently and secretly induced to proceed to the coast of Brazil by the route explored by the governor, bearing certain letters for His Majesty, acquainting him with the bad use the governor was making of the powers and authority graciously conferred upon him. This was done out of jealousy and hatred towards the governor, and in order to hinder his exploration and discovery of the country, so that his service to the king might be of no effect. The motive of their conduct was as follows: When he arrived in that country the governor found everything disorganised, the Christians in poor circumstances and without arms, and the inhabitants complaining of the extortionate behaviour of the officers, who, to advance their personal interests, had most unjustly levied tribute and a new tax, contrary to the custom of Spain and the Indies, to which they gave the name of quinto, as we have already stated in the course of this narrative. But Alvar Nuñez not suffering them to continue these exactions, they opposed his discovery, and it was on this account that the monks were induced by them to depart. These friars caused the people to swear on the crucifix that they would not divulge their departure for Brazil. But when the Indian chiefs had notice of it they came before the governor, and demanded the restitution of their daughters, whom they had given up to the monks to be taught the Christian religion, as it had reached their ears that the monks were intending to go to the coast of Brazil and carry their daughters along with them; and as they understood that all those who went thither never returned alive, and that the girls did not wish to go, and would have run away were it not that the friars kept them in custody. When the governor heard this the monks had already set out on their journey, so he sent after them, and they were overtaken two leagues from the city and obliged to return. The girls they were carrying off were thirty-five in number, besides other Christian converts, all of whom were brought back. This caused a great tumult among the people, as well Spaniards as Indians, and great complaint was made by the Indians at the abduction of their daughters. They also brought before the governor an Indian named Domingo from the coast of Brazil, a person of great importance in His Majesty’s service. Then Cabeza de Vaca ordered the depositions against the monks and officers to be taken, and proceedings were begun against them for the crime they had committed against His Majesty. In order that he might not be detained in his voyage of exploration, he deputed the cause to a judge, and bade him investigate the whole matter as to the misdeeds of the accused persons and the charges brought against them. Two of them he took with him on bail, leaving the others in prison in the city, suspended from office till such time as His Majesty should ordain as to what should further be done in the matter.

CHAPTER THE FORTY-FOURTH.

How the governor took four hundred men with him on his voyage of discovery.

ALL preparations being now completed for the voyage of discovery, and the ten brigantines having been laden with provisions, the governor selected 400 arquebusiers and archers to accompany him on that journey. Half of these embarked on the brigantines, the others, together with twelve horsemen, went by land along the river bank as far as the port of Guayviaño, keeping constantly among settlements of the friendly Guaranís, this being the best route. The horses were taken on the vessels, but in order that they should not consume the provisions on board, and might feed themselves on shore, they were sent eight days beforehand. The factor, Pedro Dorantes, and the accountant, Philip de Caceres, went with them. Eight days afterwards the governor embarked, having left as his lieutenant Juan de Salazar de Espinosa, whom he charged to administer the province, and govern peacefully and justly in the name of the king. Two hundred soldiers—arquebusiers and archers—and six horsemen remained behind to protect and defend the city. On the day of Our Lady of September,[338] the church upon which Cabeza de Vaca had himself worked ever since its destruction by fire was handsomely finished. He set out from Ascension with twenty brigantines and 120 canoes. In these were 1,200 Indian warriors, whose strange appearance, armed with bows and arrows, produced a wonderful effect, in their war paint adorned with plumes and feathers, and wearing on their brows plates of metal, so that when the sun shone they glittered marvellously. The Indians said they wore these plates in order that they might so glitter and dazzle the eyes of the enemy; and they went forth with loud cries and shouts, all as merry as possible. When the governor departed from the city he left word with Captain Salazar to use every effort to complete the caravel, which he had ordered to be built, and make it ready against his return, so that he might then send his report to Spain of all that had happened in his voyage of exploration. Having made all the necessary dispositions, and the weather being favourable, he reached the port of Tapua,[339] where he was received by the chiefs. These he told that he was about to undertake a voyage of discovery of that land; he therefore begged them always to live in peace and concord with their neighbours. If they obeyed him they would always be as well, and better, treated than heretofore, and he gave presents to be distributed among them, their sons and relatives, and left them well pleased and satisfied.

CHAPTER THE FORTY-FIFTH.

How the governor left part of the provisions he had brought with him.

BECAUSE the vessels were so heavily laden with provisions that they could not safely carry them, the governor left in Tapuá more than 200 quintals, and then sailed further, and after a prosperous voyage arrived at the port called by the Indians Inriquizava,[340] arriving there at one o’clock in the night. Here he remained three days in order to open intercourse with the natives, who came to see him in large numbers, bringing provisions, which were distributed among the Spaniards, as well as among the friendly Guaranís. All these people were received with kindness by the governor, because they had always been our good friends. He gave presents to the chiefs, told them he was about to discover the country, which would be a good and profitable thing for all of them, and meanwhile he begged them to keep peace with the Spaniards that remained in the city of Ascension. This they promised him they would do, and so having left them well pleased and satisfied, he proceeded on his voyage up the river.

CHAPTER THE FORTY-SIXTH.

How he stopped to speak with the natives of another port and land.

ON the 12th of that month he reached another port, called Itaqui, where he moored his brigantines, in order to hold intercourse with the natives, who are Guaranís and vassals of the king. That day a large number of Indians, accompanied by their chiefs, came laden with provisions, whom the governor informed, as he had done the others, of his intended voyage of exploration. These also he exhorted to keep peace with the Spanish Christians at Ascension, and besides paying them for the provisions they brought, he distributed presents among the chiefs and their relatives, leaving them well satisfied. He stayed here two days and then sailed farther, passing by a second port, Itaqui, and afterwards moored at the port of Guaçani—the chief who revolted with Atabare in the war I have spoken of, but who was now living in peace and amity with the Spaniards and their allies. As soon as these chiefs knew of the arrival of the governor they made haste to come and see him, whom he received very lovingly, because they had kept the peace, and all their people were joyous and confident because these chiefs, their masters, having entered into friendly relations with the Christians, all the country was at peace and in tranquillity. The following day they came again, and he showed them much affection, and gave them and their relatives many presents, besides paying for all the provisions they brought, so that they remained well satisfied. And because they were the principal chiefs of those natives, the governor spoke to them in the kindest way, and recommended them to keep peace in all that land, and be diligent in serving and visiting the Spaniards at Ascension, obeying the orders of His Majesty. They answered, that since they had made peace they were determined to keep it, as he would see. In proof of their obedience, Atabare offered to accompany them, being a man well experienced in warfare, and Guaçani said he would remain at home and see that peace was not broken. The governor thought well of all this, and liking the offer made by Atabare, he deemed it prudent to accept it, because if this chief went with him there would be additional security for the observance of peace. He therefore agreed to his coming, and gave him richer presents than he had ever done before, for it was certain that by keeping this chief satisfied the whole country would remain at peace, and nobody would dare to raise a rebellion. So the governor earnestly recommended the Christians to the good offices of Guaçani, who promised to accomplish all he had undertaken. The governor remained four days at this place, conferring with those chiefs and their people, and giving them presents.

When they were about to leave this port, the horse of the factor Pedro Dorantes died, so he told the governor he did not feel disposed to continue in the discovery and conquest of that province without a horse, and begged that he might be allowed to return to the city of Ascension, leaving as his deputy his son, Pedro Dorantes, to serve in the office of factor. This youth was admitted to the said office in the place of his father and allowed to accompany the expedition.

Atabare, the Indian chief, set out in company with the governor, together with thirty relatives and dependents, in three canoes. Sailing from the port of Guaçani, the expedition navigated up the Rio Paraguai, and on Friday, the 24th of September, arrived at the port of Ipaneme,[341] where the governor ordered the brigantines to be moored in order to communicate with the Indians who were vassals of the king, as well as because he had heard that among those Indians there was a Guaraní who had lived for a long while in captivity with the Payaguás and knew their language, their country, and villages. He wished to take him with him as interpreter to the Payaguás, who had slain Juan de Ayolas and other Christians, and obtain in a peaceful way the gold and silver of which they had robbed that leader.

As soon as he arrived at the port all the natives came towards him, much pleased and laden with provisions. The governor received them kindly and gave orders that they should be paid for all they brought. To the chiefs he gave many presents, and having spoken and dealt with them, he gave them to understand the necessity he was in of having that Indian as interpreter, so as to bring about friendly relations with the Payaguás, and to guide his army by the best route to the settlements of the interior. Then these Indians immediately sent in search of him, to find him out with the least possible delay.

CHAPTER THE FORTY-SEVENTH.

How he sent for an interpreter to treat with the Payaguás.

THREE days after the natives of Ipaneme had sent in search of the Indian interpreter, he arrived at the port where the governor was staying, and offered to accompany him on his expedition and show him the country of the Payaguás. Then the governor set sail from that port and went further up the river Paraguai, and in four days’ time arrived at the port of Guayviaño, which is the extreme point occupied by the Guaranís. Here he ordered his vessels to be moored, in order that he might speak with the natives, who came to see him with their chiefs, laden with provisions, and the governor received them very well, and treated them and their chiefs in the same gracious manner. These natives informed him that his cavalry were marching through the country, and had already passed through some of their settlements, where they had been well received and provisioned, and that they had been directed on the road to Itabitan,[342] where they intended to await the arrival of the brigantines. As soon as he heard these tidings the governor ordered his flotilla to set sail, and departed from the port of Guayviaño, and, having a fair wind, went on navigating up the river. That same day, at nine o’clock in the morning, he reached the port of Itabitan, where he found his cavalry arrived in good condition. They informed him that they had travelled through the country, keeping on good terms with the inhabitants, to whom they had distributed the gifts they had taken with them.

CHAPTER THE FORTY-EIGHTH.

How the horses were embarked in the port.

CABEZA DE VACA remained two days in the port of Itabitan, during which time the horses were embarked and everything concerning the armada arranged in orderly fashion. The country of the Payaguás being now near at hand, he ordered that the Indian interpreter from Ipaneme should be taken on board the leading vessel and give directions as to what had to be done. He then set sail with a fair wind from that port. In order to protect the Guaranís who were with him from the attacks of the Payaguás, he ordered the former to unite their canoes in one body and keep close to the brigantines, and in this way pursue their voyage in good order. At night he directed that all the flotilla should moor alongside the bank, he himself sleeping on shore with a strong guard, the canoes of the Guaranís being attached to the brigantines. The Spaniards and Indians occupied a full league of land along the river, and their numerous camp-fires presented a very pretty sight. During all this navigation the governor provided food for all the people, Spaniards and Guaranís, and supplied them well with everything—fish in great abundance and game, so that they had more than they could eat. In this river there is a kind of wild pig that is constantly in the water, larger than ours in Spain; these animals are aquatic in their habits, remaining on land at night, while in the daytime they are always in the water, and when they see a person they plunge into the river and sink to the bottom, remaining a long time under water.[343] When they reappear on the surface of the water they are at an arrow’s flight from the place where they dived. In the chase of this pig not less than six canoes take part, for, when the animal dives, three go up the river and three go down. The hunters have their bows ready, and, as the animal comes to the surface, they shoot three or four arrows with great rapidity at them before they dive again, and so they pursue them till at length they float on the surface dead of their wounds. Their flesh is considered good to eat by the Spaniards, and there is plenty of it, many parts of this river abounding with these pigs. Our people were so strong and lusty on this voyage that they looked as though they had just arrived from Spain. The horses, too, were in good condition; they were taken on shore several times to hunt deer, tapirs, wild boar, many otters, and other animals.

CHAPTER THE FORTY-NINTH.

How Juan de Ayolas entered the port where he and his Christians were killed.

ON the 12th October the governor arrived at the port of Candelaria, and the country of the Payaguás. It was here that Captain Juan de Ayolas entered with his Spaniards, and hither he returned after his exploration, expecting to find Domingo de Irala, whom he had left in charge of the brigantines, which he had taken with him. Here he remained four months awaiting their arrival, during which time he and his men suffered terribly from hunger. At length the Payaguás, having learned of his weak condition and want of arms, began treating him with familiarity, and offered to receive him and his men into their houses and support them. Then they suddenly fell upon them as they were crossing some marshes full of rushes; every Christian was seized by two Indians armed with poles who struck them several blows on the head, and so they slew Captain Juan de Ayolas and eighty Spaniards, being all that remained of the one hundred and fifty who had gone on that expedition. The blame of their death rests with him who had been left in charge of the brigantines, and who, instead of awaiting their return, abandoned them to their fate, and descended the river to please himself. Had Juan de Ayolas found the brigantines there when he returned, he would have embarked and escaped massacre at the hands of these Indians. But Domingo de Irala acted with bad faith, to the intent that Juan de Ayolas might be slain, and that he might raise a revolt in the land against God and the king. This he afterwards succeeded in, and, to the present day, he is actually in revolt, having destroyed and laid waste all that land, and for twelve years he continues to govern it tyrannically.[344]

The pilots observed here to obtain the elevation of the pole, and found the latitude of that port to be in twenty-one degrees less one-third of a degree.[345] Having arrived here, the armada was assembled before opening communications with the Payaguás and ascertaining where their settlements were situated. The following morning, at eight o’clock, seven Payaguás appeared on the bank of the river, and the governor ordered an equal number of Spaniards, together with the interpreter (who proved very useful), to treat with them, as they were desirous of speaking with them, and of coming to a peaceful arrangement, the captain of the expedition having no other object but that of peace. Having conversed a little while, the Indians asked if these Christians, who had now arrived in the brigantines, were the same as those who formerly went about the country. The Spaniards, who had been warned beforehand, answered that they were not the same as those others, but were newly arrived in the country. Upon this, one of the Payaguás came among the Christians, and was immediately brought before the governor. He asked him, through the interpreter, by whose order he had come. The man answered that his chief, having learned of the arrival of the Spaniards, had sent him to inquire if it were true they were the same people as those who went formerly in the country, and to say that his chief wished to be the friend of the governor, and that all that had been taken from Juan de Ayolas and from the Christians was kept together, and placed in security ready to be restored to the chief of the Christians, in order that peace might be made with them, and to obtain pardon for the murder of Ayolas and the other Christians who had been slain in war. The governor then asked him how much gold and silver they had taken from Juan de Ayolas and from the Christians, and he showed, by signs, that it would amount to sixty-six loads such as the Chanés Indians are accustomed to carry, and that it was all in plates, bracelets, crowns, and axes; also that there were small vases of gold and silver. Alvar Nuñez charged that Indian, through the interpreter, to tell his chief that His Majesty had sent him to that land to establish peace with them and other tribes that would accept it, and that the past wars would be forgiven. He added that if his chief sought friendship, and would be willing to restore all that had been taken from the Spaniards, he should come in person and speak with him (the governor), as he was very desirous of seeing him, and would treat him well, and receive him as a vassal of the king. In token of peace, he sent him several presents, and gave other things as well to the Indian himself, and asked him when he would return with his chief.

This chief, though a fisherman, is lord of this miserable people (for all are fishermen); he is a very grave man, feared and respected by his people, and, if anyone offend him and make him angry, he takes a bow, and shoots two or three arrows into him. If the man be killed, he sends for the wife (if there be one), and gives her a bead to appease her wrath at the murder of her husband. If he have no bead to give her, then a couple of feathers. When this chief wishes to spit, one that is nearest to him joins his hands together so that he should spit into them. These, and such like extravagances, are practised by this chief. All along the river there is no Indian that owns such things as he does. The interpreter promised that he and his chief would be there again the next morning, and so he left the governor in expectation.

CHAPTER THE FIFTIETH.

How the interpreter and those who had promised to come failed to do so.

THAT day and four more having passed without the return of the Indian Payaguá, the governor sent for the interpreter, and asked him what he thought of this delay. And he said that he believed the chief would certainly never make his appearance, because the Payaguás are very sly and cautious; that the chief’s motive for sending an envoy to treat for peace was only to gain time and prevent the Spaniards and Guaranís from advancing and finding out the settlements of the Payaguás, and that while they (the Spaniards) were waiting the arrival of the chief, the Payaguás were removing their settlements, wives, and children, and that he thought they had fled to some place of concealment higher up the river. He advised the governor to follow, as he was certain that he would overtake them, because he knew they would be heavily loaded. In his opinion, the Payaguás would continue their flight till they reached a lagoon formerly inhabited by a tribe called the Mataraes, whom these Payaguás had slain and destroyed and had taken possession of their land because it abounded in fisheries.

The governor immediately gave orders to raise anchors, and brigantines and canoes went on navigating up the river. Wherever he halted, great numbers of the Payaguás might be seen along the bank, who, as the interpreter had said, were going by land with their wives and children, because the canoes could not contain them. After eight days’ navigation the governor arrived at the lagoon of the Mataraes, and entered it, without finding the Indians he was in search of there. He entered with half his people to seek them out and treat with them, but seeing they did not appear, and in order not to waste his provisions, he ordered all the Christians and Guaranís to return. They had found certain canoes with their paddles concealed under the water, and had seen the track by which the Indians had withdrawn; but the governor would not delay any longer, so, reassembling his people and collecting all the brigantines and canoes together, he pursued his navigation up the river, sometimes sailing, at other times rowing and towing, because of the many bends in its course, till he arrived at a part of its banks where many cassia trees grow.

These are very lofty and vigorous trees, yielding a fruit one palm and a half in length and as thick as three fingers. The people ate much of it, and the inside is as sweet as honey. It does not differ the least from that kind which is brought into Spain from other countries, except that it is much larger and rougher to the taste, because it is uncultivated. There are eighty of these trees united together on the bank of the Paraguai. In these parts of the river there was an abundance of wild fruit, which the Spaniards and Indians ate. Among them was one like a lemon of Ceuti in colour, acidity, peel, and smell, but smaller, no larger than the size of a pigeon’s egg. The tree bearing this fruit has leaves like a lemon. There is a great variety of trees and fruits in this country, and a wonderful diversity of fish, the quantity killed by the Indians and Spaniards surpassing belief. Whenever the wind was unfavourable for sailing they hunted the water-pigs and otters (which were also abundant), using for this purpose the light, swift canoes of the natives. This was a great pastime.

As we were now approaching the country of the Guaxarapos Indians, who inhabit the bank of the Paraguai, and are neighbours and traffic with the port of Los Reyes, for which we were bound, and as these Indians might have been alarmed at such a multitude of people and canoes, and might have fled inland, the governor, in order to allay their fears and pacify them, divided his flotilla into two parts, and, taking five brigantines and half the canoes, led the advance, leaving Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza to follow with the other vessels, canoes, and people, charging him to govern all the people kindly and not abuse his authority. He particularly warned him not to allow any wrongs or violence to be committed upon the native riverine population, and to pay for all the provisions he took, so as to keep the peace and safeguard His Majesty’s interests in that land. Taking with him the five brigantines and the canoes, the governor continued his voyage as I have stated, and, on the 18th October, arrived at a settlement of Guaxarapos Indians. Here thirty Indians having come out, he halted his flotilla within earshot, and addressed them through the interpreter, repeating what he had said to the other tribes lower down the river, exhorting them to give their submission to the king, and promising, if they did so, he would regard them as friends. They accordingly submitted; one of their number was a chief, to whom the governor gave presents and promised to do what he could for them.

Not far from the place where we met these Indians flowed another river. It is about half the width of the Paraguai, with a violent current, and it falls into this river, which comes from Brazil.[346] This was the river along which, old men tell, Garcia the Portuguese came and made war in that land. He entered it at the head of a large number of Indians, fought many battles, and destroyed many tribes, having only five Christians with him. The Indians say that he was never seen to return. He brought with him a mulatto named Pacheco, who returned to the country of Guaçani, who killed him on the spot. Garcia returned to Brazil. Of his Guaraní followers many are said to have been lost in the interior, and the natives told us that we should find many of them there from whom we might obtain information concerning the deeds of Garcia and the nature of the country. Some Indians, called Chaneses, had also sought refuge there, and had allied themselves with the Sococies and Xaquetes, who live near the port of Los Reyes.

Having obtained this information from the Indians the governor pushed on to see the river by which Garcia had come, for he was near the place indicated by the Guaxarapos. When he had arrived at the mouth of the river called Iapaneme, he caused soundings to be taken, and the depth was found to be very great. This river has a rapid current, and is bordered on either bank by trees. Cabeza de Vaca ordered one of the brigantines to ascend it for a league and continue the soundings, all of which proved its depth to be great. The Guaxarapos said that along its banks lived various tribes, who cultivated maize and manioc and had large fisheries, obtaining as much fish as they could eat, and extracting oil from these fish, besides killing a quantity of game. The party sent to explore this river reported having seen smoke in several places on the banks—a sign of settlements. It was already late when the exploring party returned, and the governor ordered that the vessels should be moored that night off the mouth of that river, at the foot of a range of hills called Santa Lucia. This sierra was crossed by Garcia. The following morning the pilots observed the elevation, and found the estuary of the river to be in nineteen degrees and one-third.[347] That night a heavy fall of rain, accompanied by a strong wind, caused us great inconvenience. Great fires were made on shore, and many of the people slept by them, while the others remained on board the vessel under coverings of mats and skins.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-FIRST.

How the Guaxarapos spoke with the governor.

THAT morning the Guaxarapos, who had been the previous day to speak with the governor, came again in two canoes with supplies of fish and meat, which they distributed among our people, and, having spoken once more with the governor, and received promises of friendship and protection, took their departure. He told them of the other vessels, canoes, and soldiers that were behind, and begged them to receive them kindly and treat them well, as in such case they would suffer no injury; this they promised they would do, but did not keep their word. The cause of this was certainly a Christian, who was punished for it, as I shall presently relate.

The governor left those Indians, and continued his navigation of the river all that day with a fair wind, arriving at sunset at certain settlements belonging to the same tribe of Indians on the river shore, near the water’s edge; but in order not to lose time, and favourable weather for the voyage, he passed on without stopping. These people are agriculturists, sowing maize and other roots, hunting and fishing a great deal, both fish and game being abundant. Men and women wear the skins of wild animals, except a few, who only cover their privities. They tattoo their faces in points and lines, and pierce the lips and ears. Their canoes are only large enough to contain two or three persons at a time. They are exceedingly light, and the skill with which they manage them is admirable. When going up or down the river, the motions of these canoes are so swift that they appear to be flying. A brigantine (though made of cedar wood), and whether propelled by oars or sail, cannot overtake one of these skiffs, though the latter have only two oars, whereas the brigantines have a dozen. They fight in their canoes on the river as well as on land; nevertheless, they traffic with one another, bartering bows and arrows for canoes, which are supplied to them by the Guaxarapos and Payaguás, besides other things. So they become, by turns, friends and enemies with one another.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-SECOND.

How the Indians come and establish themselves on the shore of the river.

WHEN the waters are low, the people from the interior come and live on the banks of the river with their wives and children, and pass their time in fishing, for the fish are abundant and very fat at this season. They lead pleasant lives, dancing and singing day and night, like persons who are relieved from all anxiety about food; but when the water begins to rise, which is in January, they retire inland, because at that season the floods begin, and the waters rise six fathoms above the banks of the river. At such time the country is under water for over one hundred leagues inland, spreading over everything like a sea, so that even tall palms and other trees are covered, and vessels may pass over their summits. This usually happens every year, when the sun crosses one tropic and approaches the other in the latitude of the mouth of the rio del oro. At such times the natives keep very large canoes in readiness for this emergency; and in the middle of these canoes they throw two or three loads of mud, and make a hearth. The Indian then enters with his wife, children, and household goods, and floats on the rising tide wherever they like. He lights a fire on the hearth to cook his food and for warmth, and thus he voyages for four months of the year, or as long as the floods last. While the waters are rising he lands at certain spots not yet inundated, and kills deer, tapirs, and other wild animals which have escaped the flood. As these retire into their channels, he returns the same way, hunting and fishing, and not leaving his canoe till the banks whereon he is wont to dwell are uncovered.

It is a sight to see the enormous quantity of fish left on the dry land after the waters have subsided. This happens in the month of March or April, when all that country smells awfully bad, owing to the poisonous mud which covers it. At this period all the natives, and we ourselves, were very ill, so that we thought we should die; and, as it is then summer in these parts, it is barely endurable. In the month of April the sick begin to recover.

All these Indians spin the thread, of which they make their nets, of a kind of teasel. These teasels are pounded and thrown into muddy pools; after leaving them there fifteen days, they take them out and scrape them with mussel-shells; the fibre is then clean and white as snow.

This tribe, unlike others, has no chief; they are all fishers and woodsmen, inhabiting the borders of the country. These, and all the other people living on the river by which we were now passing, would not suffer any Spaniard or Guaraní to land. In order that they should not molest his people, the governor distributed some presents among them, and told them of the other ships that were following with his friends, whom he begged them to receive and entertain well.

Continuing the voyage one Friday morning, we arrived at a rapid, where the river passes between steep rocks. Large quantities of gold-fish (dorados) descend this rapid, and it was the largest rapid we had yet met with. We passed it sailing and rowing. Here the Spaniards and Indians caught in one hour large quantities of gold-fish, as many as forty of them being taken by one man. These fish are so big that they weigh half an arroba[348] each, and some as much as one arroba. They are excellent eating, the head being the best part. A quantity of oil is extracted from these fish, and those who eat of it become fat and sleek. Broth made of them, if taken continuously for a month, cures skin diseases and leprosy.

Continuing the voyage with a fair wind, the governor arrived, on the evening of the 25th October, at a place where the river divides into three channels. One arm forms a great lagoon, which the Indians call the Black River; it runs towards the north into the interior of the country. The other arms, in which the water is of a good colour, reunite a little way further down. The governor continued his navigation till he came to the mouth of a river which flows into the interior of the country to the left, towards the west. Here the Paraguai loses itself in a number of other river channels and lagoons. And the navigation is so intricate that the Indians themselves, who are always navigating them, have difficulty in distinguishing one from the other, and often lose their way. The river now entered by the governor is called by the natives Yguatu,[349] meaning “good water.” It flows towards the lagoon in our favour. Hitherto we had been ascending against the current; we now went down stream.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-THIRD.

How they erected three crosses at the mouth of the river Yguatú.

THE governor ordered several sign-posts to be made at the mouth of this river of felled trees. He then had three high crosses erected to serve as signs for vessels, in order that they might not mistake the entrance. During three days we advanced by rowing; then we left the river, and ascended two of its arms which have their source in large lagoons.

On the eighth of the month, one hour before daybreak, we arrived at some high and round craggy rocks in the middle of the river. They are bell-shaped, contracting towards the summit. These rocks are completely barren, producing neither tree nor herb. Their colour is red. We believe they contain much metal, because the country beyond the river is mountainous, forested, and clothed with grass; these rocks, on the other hand, have nothing of the kind, an indication that they contain much metal, because, wherever this is found, neither trees nor grasses grow. The Indians told us that, in bygone times, their forefathers obtained white metal here; but as all our people were ill, and as we had no mining nor founder’s tools with us, nor the implements necessary to probe and search for ore, the governor did not cause search to be made for the metal, leaving it for another time when he passed by that way again, for these rocks are near the port of Los Reyes.

Pursuing our voyage up the river, we entered a lagoon upwards of one league and a half in width at its entrance, and, issuing from it by a second mouth, came to the dry land. At ten o’clock in the morning we anchored at the entrance of another lagoon where the Sacosies, Xaqueses, and Chaneses had established their settlements. The governor did not wish to go any further without acquainting the Indians of his arrival. He accordingly sent an interpreter with some Christians in a canoe to speak with them in his name and summon them to an interview. These envoys returned at five o’clock in the evening, and announced that the Indians had come forth to receive them, showing great pleasure, and telling the interpreter that they already knew of their arrival and were desirous of seeing the governor and the Christians. They reported that the waters had fallen a good deal, and by reason of this it had been difficult to take their canoe there; that in order to pass the shallows and arrive at the port of Los Reyes, it would be necessary to lighten the vessels, as the depth was only one span, whereas the draught of the loaded brigantines was five or six. These shallows were near the port of Los Reyes. The following day the governor ordered the departure of the ships and of all the people, Christians and Indians. They rowed till they came to the shallows, when everybody had orders to get into the water, which did not reach to the knee. Then the Indians and Christians ranged themselves round the sides of the brigantine named St. Mark, and pushed with their shoulders, nearly lifting her out of the water by the strength of their arms without unloading her. That shallow was more than an arquebuss shot and a half long, and the difficulty of passing it was very great. When this was over, the other brigantines were passed in the same way with less trouble, because they were smaller. Having floated them into deep water we disembarked at Los Reyes, where we found a great assemblage of natives with their wives and children waiting for us. The governor and all his people landed, and the natives came towards them. He told them that he had been sent by His Majesty to warn them to be Christians and receive the Christian doctrine, to believe in God the creator of heaven and earth, and to be the vassals of the king. If they did this they would be protected and defended against their enemies and against all who would injure them, and that they would be well treated and looked after in accordance with His Majesty’s orders; if they conducted themselves well he would not fail to give them presents, as he always did to those who were good. He then convoked the clergy and told them he wished a church built where Mass could be said and other divine rites celebrated for an example and comfort to the other Christians; and he charged them to have a special care of these. He ordered a large wooden cross to be erected on the bank of the river, under some tall palms, in the presence of the officers and many others there present. He took formal possession of the country in the name of His Majesty, and in the presence of the notary, as newly discovered land, and, having conciliated the natives by bestowing presents upon them, he ordered the Spaniards and Guaranís to take up their quarters on the shore of the lagoon, cautioning them to do the natives no injury or violence, because they were friendly, and vassals of the king. Moreover, he gave them strict orders not to enter the native settlements and houses, because what the Indians fear and hate most, and what irritates them more than anything, is to see the Christians, accompanied by Indians, entering their houses, disturbing their things, and taking away the few possessions they have. If they trafficked with them, they were to pay for whatever they bought, or they would be punished.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-FOURTH.

How the Indians of the port of Los Reyes cultivate the soil.

THE Indians of this port of Los Reyes are agriculturists, and sow maize and manioc (the cassava of the Indies), and an abundance of mandubies (which are like large filberts). They sow twice a year. The land is fertile, abounding in provisions, game, and fisheries. These Indians rear numbers of geese, as a protection against crickets (as I have described). They also rear fowls, and shut these up at night to protect them from bats, which cut off their combs, and, in this way, cause their death. These bats are an evil kind of animal, and numerous on the banks of the river. They are larger than our doves in Spain, with teeth so sharp that their bite is not felt. They never bite a man except in the toes and the tip of the nose. When several persons are together, and this animal has bitten one, he will not touch the others, but never leaves that one he has attacked. They bite at night, but never appear in the day-time. We had great difficulty in protecting our horses’ ears from them. When a bat enters a stable, the horses become so frightened that they waken all the people in the house, and it is impossible to quiet them till the bat has been killed or driven out. The governor was bitten by one of those animals while he was asleep in a brigantine, one of his feet being uncovered. All night the blood kept on flowing, till he woke from feeling his leg cold, and finding the bed soaked with blood, thought somebody had wounded him; but those on board searched for the place where he was wounded, and, when they found what they knew, by experience, to be the bite of a bat, they laughed. The governor found that a slice of his toe had been bitten off. These bats always bite where there is a vein. They served us a bad trick on one occasion. When we were starting on our voyage of exploration we had six pregnant sows, and hoped to rear a race of pigs. When the little pigs were born, and tried to suck their mother, they could not find her teats, because these had been bitten off by the bats; so the young pigs died, and we had to eat the sows, because they were unable to rear their young.

There are other bad animals in this country; these are very large ants of two kinds, red and black. It is most pitiable to see a person who has been stung by either of these ants, for he utters loud cries, and rolls on the ground for twenty-four hours, during which the pain lasts; and there is no remedy for it. There are very many rays in this lagoon, and, if a fisherman happen to tread on one, it bends its body up, and inflicts a smart blow with the tip of its tail, which is about the thickness of a finger, and has a saw-like edge. This fish is about the size of a xeme,[350] and, if the blow it delivers strike the foot, it goes right through, and the pain is as intense as that from the ant-stings; but it may be stopped at once by chewing and applying to the wound a certain weed the Indians know of. This takes the pain away completely, though the wound does not heal for a month.

The natives of this country are of average height. They are quite naked, and pierce holes in their ears large enough to pass the fist through; in these they insert gourds of a medium size, afterwards replacing them by larger ones, distending the lobe of the ear till it hangs down to the shoulder. For this reason they are called Orejones, like the Incas of Peru. When they fight, they take these gourds or discs out of their ears and roll them up, or else tie their ears behind their heads. The women do not cover their nakedness. Every person lives separately with his wife and children. The occupation of the women is to spin cotton; the men cultivate the fields, returning to their homes in the evening, when they find their meals ready. The women do no other work except at harvest time, when they assist in gathering the maize, and garnering it. From that place the Indians begin to be idolaters; they worship idols made of wood; but, according to the reports brought to the governor, those farther inland have idols of gold and silver.

The governor tried, with kind words, to turn the natives of Los Reyes from idolatry, persuading them to burn their idols, and believe only in God, who created heaven and earth, man, the sea, fish, and every living creature, and that he whom they worshipped was the devil, who deceived them. They burned some of their idols, but their chiefs were frightened, saying the devil would kill them, and that he would be angry with them. As soon as the church was built, and Mass had been said, the devil fled from that country and left the Indians in peace and tranquillity. This was the first settlement of the campo; it was a little over half a league in extent, and contained eight hundred houses of agriculturists.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-FIFTH.

How the Indians of Garcia settled in this place.

HALF a league off there was a small village of about seventy houses, belonging to the same tribe of Sacocies, and four leagues farther two villages of Chaneses, who settled in this country, and took wives when Garcia came from the interior. A number of them came to see the governor, and said they were friendly with Christians because of the kind treatment they had experienced from Garcia[351] when they followed him from their own country. Some of them had glass beads and other things which they said Garcia had given them. They are all agriculturists, and rear geese and fowls, the latter like those of Spain. The governor treated them well, and gave them presents, receiving them as vassals of His Majesty. He begged them to be faithful to the king, and good to the Christians, adding that, if they conducted themselves well, he would favour and treat them better than they had yet been treated.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-SIXTH.

How they spoke with the Chaneses.

THE governor informed himself through these Chaneses about the interior of the country, and concerning its settlements, how many days’ journey these were from the port of Los Reyes. The chief of the Chaneses, who was about fifty years of age, said that when Garcia brought them from their country they accompanied him through the lands of the Mayáes[352] to those of the Guaranís, who slew the Indians he brought with him, and this chief and others of his tribe escaped, and fled along the bank of the Paraguai, up this river till they came to the settlement of the Sacosies, who received them. They durst not go home the way they came with Garcia, for fear lest the Guaranís should overtake and kill them. They could not say, therefore, how far it was to the villages of the interior; this circumstance, and their ignorance of the road, prevented them from returning to their country. The Guaranís, however, inhabiting the mountainous region knew the way, and could show it, for they were accustomed to come and go in their wars against the Indians of the interior. In answer to questions put to him about the inhabitants of his country, their manner of life, and mode of making war, he said that all the people in his land obeyed one chief, who was over all, and many of his tribe were at war with Indians, called Chimencos and Carcaracs, and there were numerous other tribes in that land, known as the Gorgototquies, Paysunóes, Esterapecócies and Candirées, who had all their own chiefs, and made war. Their weapons are bows and arrows, and they are mostly agriculturists. They rear animals, sow maize, manioc, potatoes and mandubies, and keep geese and fowls like those of Spain. They also rear large sheep (llamas), and make war one upon the other. They barter bows and arrows, mantles, and other things for bows, arrows, and women. Having given this information, these Indians went away well satisfied. Their chief offered to accompany the governor on his expedition of discovery, saying that he would return to his country with his wife and children, and what he most desired was to live in his own country.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-SEVENTH.

How the governor sent to find out the Indians of Garcia.

HAVING obtained all the information he could from the Indian chief, the governor ordered some Spaniards to go and find out the Guaranís of that land, in order to get information from them and guides for his voyage of discovery. Some Guaranís of those he had brought with him accompanied the Spaniards, who set out preceded by guides. At the end of six days they returned and reported that those Guaranís had left the country, for they had found the villages and houses deserted, and the whole region depopulated since they had gone for ten leagues round it, without finding a living soul. Having heard this, the governor asked the Chaneses if they knew into what part the Guaranís had gone. They answered that the natives of that port and island had joined together, and made war against those Guaranís, and had killed many of them; the remainder had fled into the interior. They believed that the Guaranís would join with other tribes of the same nation, who lived near to a people called Xarayes, against whom, and other tribes, they were at war. According to their information, the Xarayes possess gold and silver given to them by the Indians of the interior; in that direction all the country is inhabited, and he might go to those settlements. The Xarayes, they added, are agriculturists: they sow maize and other seeds in large quantities, rear geese and poultry like those of Spain.

The governor asked how many days’ march it was from the port of Los Reyes to the Xarayes’ land, and they answered that the journey could not be made by land, because the road was very bad, owing to the numerous swamps and lakes, but that if he chose to go thither by water in canoes, it would take eight or ten days.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-EIGHTH.

How the governor held a council with his officers and informed them of what was passing.

SOON after this the governor convoked the officers and the clergy, and having told them of the report made concerning the Xarayes and Guaranís living on the frontier, it was decided that two Spaniards and two Guaranís should go with some natives of the port to speak with the Xarayes, and find out what kind of land it was, and collect information concerning the settlements and tribes of the interior, and the road thither; they were also to speak with the Guaranís, as from them they would be more fully and surely informed of the truth. That very day the two Spaniards started, and their names were Hector de Acuña and Antonio Correa, interpreters of the Guaraní language, with ten Indian Sacosies, and two Guaranís. The governor ordered them to tell the chief of the Xarayes that they were envoys sent to speak with him, and contract friendship with him and his people; that he begged him to come and see him, as he wished for a personal interview. The Spaniards were moreover desired to obtain information of the tribes and settlements in the interior, and of the route leading thither. Alvar Nuñez gave the Spaniards several presents, and a scarlet cap to present to the chief of the Xarayes, and another one for the chief of the Guaranís, to whom they were to say the same as to the chief of the Xarayes.

The following day Captain Gonzalo de Mendoza arrived with his troops and vessels, and reported that on the eve of All Saints’ day, while navigating past the country of the Guaxarapos, after speaking with this people, who gave themselves out as friends (saying that they had done the same with those who had passed before), the wind being contrary, and the Spaniards about to moor the brigantines, just as the five leading vessels were turning an elbow of the river, under sail, and one brigantine, commanded by Agustin de Campos, was behind, being towed along the shore, the Guaxarapos, seeing that its crew were all ashore, attacked them, and killed five Christians; and that Juan de Bolaños, while trying to swim to the vessel, was drowned. Our people had thought they were so safe, and were so confident, believing the Indians to be friendly, that they were not on their guard. Had not the other Christians escaped to the brigantine, they would all have been killed, because they were entirely unarmed. The death of these Christians did great harm to our reputation, for the Guaxarapos, who were in the habit of coming in their canoes to the port of Los Reyes, spread the news how they had slain the Christians, asserting that we were not valiant, and that our heads were soft, that the natives of that port ought to kill us, and that they would help them to do this. From that time these natives began to cherish evil designs against us.

CHAPTER THE FIFTY-NINTH.

How the governor sent an expedition to the Xarayes.

EIGHT days after Antonio Correa and Hector de Acuña, with their Indian guides, had set out, as we have stated, for the country and villages of the Xarayes, they returned to the port and told the governor what they had seen, done, and learned about the country, the people, and their chief. They brought with them an Indian whom the chief of the Xarayes had sent as a guide for the discovery of the land. Antonio Correa and Hector de Acuña said that, the very day of their departure from the port of Los Reyes, they arrived at a village of Indians called Artaneses, who are big men, and go naked. These people are agriculturists, but they sow little, for they have not much land fit for cultivation, because most of it is inundated, and covered with arid sand. They are poor, and subsist chiefly by fishing in the lagoons near their villages. Their women are very ugly, tattooing their faces with the tip of the ray’s tail, which they keep for this purpose, and they cover their nakedness.

These Indians are also hideous, owing to the habit they have of piercing a hole in the lower lip, and inserting in it the husk of a fruit of a certain tree, which is as large and round as a tortero.[353] This weighs down, and distends the lip in a manner frightful to see. Antonio Correa and his companion reported that the Indians had received them well, and had given them what they had to eat. The next day they brought them a guide. They had taken water to drink on their journey in gourds, and had marched all that day through swamps,[354] sinking at each step to the knees in mud, and withdrawing their feet with great difficulty. The mud was so heated by the sun that it scorched their legs, and produced painful wounds on them. That day they certainly thought they would have died of thirst, for the water in the gourds only lasted half the day. They slept on the open ground, between swamps, overcome with fatigue, thirst, and hunger. The following day, at eight in the morning, they came to a small lagoon of very muddy water, where they refilled their gourds, which the Indians carried, and marched the whole day through inundated land, as they had done the day before, except that they found some lagoon water with which to refresh themselves, and a tree with a little shade, where they reposed, and ate the remainder of their provisions, without leaving anything over. The guides told them that they had still a day’s march before them to reach the settlements of the Xarayes.