NOTES (continued 5)

394. of: comp. 38/134; 112/11; 132/15: but ‘alesede hem eche deaðe,’ OEH ii. 5/26. Lines 393-4 are echoed in ‘And yef þat eche lif · þat neuere ne haueþ ende. | Hwanne vre soule vnbynd · of lykamlyche bende,’ OEM 53/551, 2. licames: J D M agree with T.

395. ȝyue: lete J; leue M. swilc: swichne D; suicchne M.

396. After this J adds, Bidde we nu leoue freond · yonge and ek olde. | þat he þat þis wryt wrot · his saule beo þer atholde. Amen.; which I take to be a prayer for the scribe himself, not for the composer of the Moral Ode.

iv. ... A leaf is lost after f. 8 f 8

Other MSS. are v. Digby A 4, Bodleian D “D” added by author

The dialect of PM is South-Eastern printed as shown: error for “M” alone?

ēa is ea in deaþe 182 paragraph break added by transcriber for consistency

.... ā + g produces aȝ, aȝen 30 (5), maȝe 29, but ahen 161: final : invisible

For sw ... qu is the regular equivalent of cw cw misprinted as italic instead of bold

ēa is mostly ... but ie in bien 389 “ie” misprinted as bold instead of italic

gēar, ȝier 142 corrected by author from “gear”

a + g ... ǣ₁ + g is ei æ₁

ēa + h in heie 16 ea

... þþ is simplified in seðen þ

Accidence: ... d. -e, gode 73 -e misprinted as italic

s. g., are 179, s. d., 53 s. d. 53

... The s. d. regularly terminates in e “e” misprinted as italic

Remnants of the strong declension ... (with woreldes f.) woreldes f)

The infinitives ... past: I a. biȝiete 105, forȝieten 98 forȝieten, 98

18. ... (comp. Fr. être < stare) être > stare

82. ... OEM 56/682 OEM.

142. ... Orm ii. 149/14482 number “ii.” missing

153. ... OWScand. skǽrr, clean. OW Scand.

185. ... maȝhe . . . mei e meie (one word)

201. ... read iþenchð, iðencð iþenchð, iꝥencð corrected from Zupitza

257. ... wes has fallen out after wif. wif misprinted as plain (non-bold)

265. ... to those to whom. to whom,

292. ... where þe is preceded by another dative þe misprinted as plain (non-bold)

361. ... in Bartsch & Horning Hornung

385. alle &c.: to alle derlinges J. printed as shown, with bold “&c.”

IX. ANCRENE WISSE

Manuscripts: i. Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, 402 (A); on vellum, 215 × 150 mm. The fly-leaf fastened down has the mark S. 15, then follow three leaves with writing in a seventeenth-century hand (? Joscelin), mostly a translation of the piece beginning in Morton, p. 6, ‘Nan ancre bi mi read,’ then 117 folios, on the first of which is a marginal rubric, J þe feaderes ⁊ i þe sunes | ⁊ i þe hali gastes nome | her biginneð ancrene | wisse, as at the beginning of SJ (139/1) and SM in MS. Bodley 34. On the lower margin of f. 1 r in a fourteenth-century hand is Liber ecclesie sancti Jacobi de Wygemore: quem Johannes Purcel dedit | eidem ecclesie ad instanciam fratris Walteri de Lodelawe senioris tunc precentoris. The Abbey of Wigmore was dedicated to S. James (Dugdale, vi. 344). There are glosses in red pencil and words underlined in red. The revival of Anglo-Saxon studies under Archbishop Parker, partly prompted by the desire to use in defence of the Reformation the evidences as to the tenets of the early Church in England, caused such books as this to be carefully read. William L’isle extracted from it some of the prayers (in Morton, 26, 28, 30) and, treating them as debased Anglo-Saxon, turned them into the latter speech as he understood it. His efforts are recorded in MS. Laud Misc. 201; they have led Dr. Heuser (Anglia, xxx. 103) to conclude that the Ancren Riwle is not a ME. but an OE. document.

The MS. belongs to the second quarter of the thirteenth century. It cannot be earlier than 1225 A.D., for it mentions the Dominicans and Franciscans, and it is probably later than 1230. It is the most correct, but it has additions to the original, such as 62/46-64/62, 64/73-78. See further A Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in the Library of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, by M. R. James, vol. ii, pp. 267, 8.

ii. Caius College, Cambridge, 234 (B); on vellum, 124 × 93 mm.; 368 pages; late thirteenth century. Pages 1-185 consist of extracts from the AR, but not in the order of the other manuscripts (ES iii. 536). It is addressed to ‘friends’ 55/1, not sisters, and the second passage printed here is not in this MS. The contents of the manuscript are given in A Descriptive Catalogue of the MSS. in the Library of Gonville and Caius College, by M. R. James, vol. i, p. 298.

iii. Cotton Nero A 14, British Museum (N); on vellum, 146 × 114 mm.; written in the second quarter of the thirteenth century. Its contents are ff. 1-120 r, the Ancren Riwle; 120 v-123 v, The Orison, printed at pp. 132-7 of this book; 123 v-131 v, the pieces printed in OEH i, pp. 200-17. It forms the text of Morton’s edition.

iv. Cotton Titus D 18, British Museum (T); on vellum, 158 × 120 mm.; 148 folios in double columns, written from f. 14, where AR begins, to the end, about 1220 A.D. Its relationship to two other manuscripts in respect to their contents is shown by the following table:

Manuscripts. SK SJ SM Sawles Warde HM Wohunge AR

Royal 17 A 27 — — — —

Bodley 34 . — — — — —

Titus D 18 . — — — — —

For the Royal and Bodleian MSS. see the introduction to No. xvi.

v. Cotton Cleopatra C 6, British Museum (C), on vellum, 196 × 140 mm.; 196 folios of 19 to 26 lines to a page in a peculiar angular hand, written about 1240 A.D. The scribe, after finishing the book, had access to another manuscript, either A or one closely resembling it, and interlined or put on the margin passages from it which were not in the first exemplar. C was presented to Legh Abbey, Co. Devon, by Matilda de Clare, by whom the Abbey was converted into a Nunnery about 1285 A.D. (Dugdale, vi. 333).

vi. The Vernon MS. of the Bodleian Library (V), a very large book, written in two columns of eighty lines to the column, has a fourteenth-century version of the AR, which begins at folio 371 v². It contains our first extract, but only a fragment of the second.

vii. Another version of portions of the AR, written at the end of the fourteenth century, discovered by Miss Paues, exists under the title of the Recluse in the Magdalene College MS., Cambridge, Pepys 2498 (P).

viii. A fragment in a hand of 1330-40, corresponding to p. 138, l. 25 &c. of Morton’s edition, was described by Napier in the Journal of Germanic Philology, ii. 199-202.

ix. Magdalen College, Oxford, 67 (M). A Latin version in writing of the end of the thirteenth century; on f. 1 r it begins, Hic incipit prohemium venerabilis patris Magistri Simo|nis de Gandauo episcopi sarum in librum de uita solitaria | quem scripsit sororibus suis Anachoritis apu`d´ tarente. It ends on f. 95 r, Explicit liber septimus de uita solitaria: Octauus omnino taceatur:—with the addition in a later hand, eterna taciturnitate. The second extract is therefore not represented in this version.

x. Cotton Vitellius E 7 (L): fragments of a Latin version rescued from the fire of 1731, said by Macaulay to be the same as the Magdalen MS. version, but with the addition of the eighth part. In Smith’s Catalogue (1696) it is said to have had the note, Regulae vitae Anachoretarum utriusque sexus scriptae per Simonem de Gandavo, Episcopum Sarum in usum suarum sororum. Hunc librum Frater Robertus de Thorneton, quondam prior, dedit claustralibus de Bardenay. Bardney Abbey is in Lincolnshire (Dugdale, i. 623).

xi. Cotton Vitellius F 7 (F). A French version, written about 1300 A.D., but retaining many forms of the considerably older manuscript from which it was copied. This manuscript also suffered in the fire; the top half of the folios is scorched and shrunken, and a line or two is lost on each page: it consists of 164 folios in double columns. In Smith’s Catalogue it is described as, La Reule de femmes Religieuses et Recluses; sive de vita solitaria & anachoretica per Simonem de Gandavo, Episcopum Sarisburiensium in usum sororum ipsius.

Facsimiles: Of T. Palaeographical Society; Second Series, plate 75. Of C. Ibid., plate 76. Of P. The Recluse, ed. J. Påhlsson. Lund, 1911.

Editions: The Ancren Riwle, edited and translated by James Morton, B.D. Camden Society, no. lvii, London, 1853. Mätzner, E., Altenglische Sprachproben, ii. 8-41 (the second part of AR with introduction and notes). Shorter extracts in Sweet’s First Middle English Primer, 19-41, Emerson and Kluge. The text of all the preceding is from MS. N. Heuser, W., Anglia, xxx. 108-10 (passage from MS. A). Påhlsson, Joel, The Recluse, Lund, 1911.

Literature: Bramlette, E. E., Anglia, xv. 478-98 (the original language of AR); Brock, E., Philological Society, 1865, 150-67 (Accidence in N); Dahlstedt, A., The Word-Order of the AR, Sundsvall, 1903; Heuser, W., Anglia, xxx. 103-22; Kölbing, E., ES iii. 535, 6; ix. 115-17; xxiii. 306; Lemcke’s Jahrbuch, xv. 179-97 (collations and dialect); Landwehr, M., Das grammatische Geschlecht in der AR, Heidelberg, 1911; *Macaulay, G. C., The ‘Ancren Riwle’, Modern Language Review, ix. 63-78, 145-60, 324-31, 463-74 (collation of A and general discussion); Mühe, T., Über den im MS. Cotton Titus D. xviii enthaltenen Text der AR, Göttingen, 1901; Anglia, xxxi. 399-404; Napier, A. S., Modern Language Review, iv. 433-6; Ostermann, H., Lautlehre des germanischen Wortschatzes in der von Morton herausgegebenen Handschrift der Ancren Riwle. Bonner Beiträge, xix, Bonn, 1905; Påhlsson, J., ES xxxviii. 453, 4; Paues, A. C., ES xxx. 344-6; Redepenning, H., Syntaktische Kapitel aus der ‘Ancren Riwle’, Berlin, 1906; Williams, Irene F., Anglia, xxviii. 300-4 (language of C); Wülker, R., Paul-Braune, Beiträge, i. 209-39; Zupitza, J., Anglia, iii. 34.

Sources and Illustrations: Ælredi Regula, in Lucae Holstenii Codex Regularum Monasticorum et Canonicorum, Augustae Vindelicorum, 1759, vol. i, p. 420; also as Ailredi Rhievallensis de Vita Eremitica ad Sororem, in S. Augustini Opera, Antwerp, 1700, vol. i, p. 640; English version of ch. xxi-lxxviii from the Vernon MS. in ES vii, pp. 304-44; Vita S. Gileberti Confessoris: Institutiones beati Gileberti in Supplement to vol. vi, pt. 2, of Dugdale, W., Monasticon Anglicanum, London, 1830; Eckenstein, Lina, Woman under Monasticism, Cambridge, 1896; Cutts, E. L., Scenes and Characters of the Middle Ages, London, 1872.

Phonology: (1) of A. Oral a is a, calices b 17, cat b 2; a before nasals and lengthening groups is o, dronc 21, gomen 83, brondes b 161, wombe, 97; þen, þenne, hwen, hwenne, selthwenne b 195 are the usual forms, but once hwon b 116: and is ant 26 &c., man, indefinite, me 16. æ is usually e, bres 103, ed b 121, efter b 12, gedereð 87 (gæderian), hetter b 28, oðerhwet b 177, neppes 94, þet b 126, wes b 3, wicchecreftes 7, esken 79, 85 (æsce), weschen b 145, vesscheð b 112 (wæscan), but ea, an EME. writing for æ in bearuot b 39, bleasie b 162 (blæse, sb.), feader b 173, b 231, feaste b 42 (3), gleadliche b 186, measse b 83, readliche b 94, noðeleater b 169, weater b 94, inohreaðe 43 (hræþe), and a in awakenet 24, awakenið b 61, b 91 (awacenian), blac b 23, warliche b 148 (flexion forms), cappen b 45: habbe 25 &c., nabben b 130 descend from LWS. forms in a: quoð b 76 (cwæþ) is due to loss of stress. e is regularly e, bedde b 25, bereð 64 (but beore b 136), spekeð b 57 (but speoke b 132); before lengthening groups, ende 100, englene 76. Between w—f, e is rounded to eo in tweolue b 112; before a palatal it is raised to i in rikenin 25, rikeneres 82: stude b 171, sullen b 12, 14, swuch b 18 are due to OE. forms in y. i is regularly i, bidde b 237, binimeð b 221 (but neome b 34 &c.); before lengthening groups, blod binde b 69 (binde), bringen 49, child 22, but u in wule 72 and other forms of willan, nute b 130 (nyte). o is normally o, biuoren 57, hosen b 39, word 65, but a in an(an) b 87; nalde 90, walden 42, iwraht b 24 are Anglian. u is u, cume b 90, cuppe 103, sunderliche 24, wunder b 63, but i in kimeð 94, b 200 (cymeð; Bülbring, Ablaut, 74). y is u, brune b 160, sundreð b 161, sungið b 191, but i in pilche clut 68: mycel is muchel b 91, muche 82; sturne b 195 represents styrne.

ā is regularly a, are b 229; before two consonants, gast b 231; length is indicated by doubling in aa, b 162, b 234: man b 8 is *mān. ea for ā appears in eanes b 34, b 189, easkin b 181, easki b 78, easkeð b 118, b 203, wreaðfule 32, 63, coming from forms in ǣ. ā is o in cop b 142 (cōp), e in se b 67 &c., but swa 73. ǣ₁ is, as a rule (41 times), ea, ageasten 58, arearen b 159, asneasen 69, eani 8; before two consonants, eauer 54 &c., leafdi b 235, wreaððe b 153, b 166, but e in þer b 155, and before two consonants in flesch b 26, flesches b 91, fleschlich b 78, fleschliche b 75, leste b 37, b 54 (beside leasse 61 (4), leaste b 188), and a before two consonants in attri 12, attreð b 80 (? analogy of āttor). ǣnig is mostly ei 8 (possibly shortening of eiðer,—Holthausen); ǣlc is euch 34 &c. ǣ₂ is e (32 times), dreden b 196, her b 141, neddre 31, wepmen b 22, but eo in leote b 131, b 19, feorle 100. ea appears only in ileanet 16, read b 13, b 37, reade b 2 (but reden b 188, redeð b 223, b 224, b 228, ired b 235): þear 41 is probably a scribal error for þer, but comp. þiar 39/165. The difference in the representation of ǣ₁, as ea, rarely e, and ǣ₂, as e, rarely ea, is also found in the Katherine group, and is Anglian (Stodte, p. 31). ē is always e; ī, i, but wummon b 21 (5) after w; ō is o; ū, u; ȳ is regularly u, fur b 160, hudest b 57; before two consonants, cuððe b 144, fulðe b 113, but i in schriden b 85, beside schruden 90.

ea before r + cons. is ea, bearm 71, nearewe b 204; before lengthening groups, bearnes 75, heard b 44, but a in scharp 64, 65, 67 and always after w, warde b 231, -ward as in frommard b 165, inward 36, toward b 89, utward 37, warm b 23, warneð 11. ea in chearre b 238, wearien b 6 represents æ, i-umlaut of unbroken (Anglian) a. ea before l + cons. is regularly a (Anglian), alle 7 &c., falleð 6, halden b 193. The i-umlaut has ea = æ from unbroken a, ealde b 124, healden b 197, both before a lengthening group. eo before r + cons. is regularly eo, heorte 51, keorue b 34; before length. groups, eorðe 85, sweord 65, Beornard b 219, but Anglian smoothing is seen in werkes b 62, b 67, b 81. To the wur group belong wurðen 88, forwurðen 23, forwurðe b 95: warpere 64, warpeð 66 are Scandinavian; WS. forms are weorpere, wierpð. The i-umlaut is wanting in heordemonne b 6, iheortet 31; wier, wyr words have u, vnwurðe b 108, b 219, wurse 16, 56, b 37, iwurset b 191. eo before l + cons. is eo in seolf 59, seoluen b 204 &c. ea, the u- and å-umlaut of a, is seen in eateliche 58, 69, eawles 67 (awul), meaðeleð 73, 96, streapeles b 42, vnsteaðeluest 5; fearen b 197, misfearen 13, and analogically (Bülbring § 228 anm.), feareð 79, b 120, forfearinde 29, gleadie b 232, heatien b 141, ?peaðereð 81, ?skleatteð 53. This umlaut is specifically Mercian. eo, u-umlaut of e, gives heouene 3, b 185, but world 40, worldliche b 79 &c.: eo, å-umlaut of e, beoden b 124, b 206, b 237, breoken b 20, eoten 99, ȝeouen b 71 (from Mercian ġefan), and analogically, beore b 31, b 136, forbeoren b 149, breoke b 216, eote b 127, eoten b 150, ȝeoue b 131, b 173, b 233, forȝeoued b 200 (but ȝef 102), speoke b 132, speoken b 138: an Anglian feature. eo, u- and å-umlaut of i, is seen in cleopede 9, 11, bicleopet b 192, leoðeliche b 28 (liþig, OWScand. liðugr), neomen b 72, b 174, neome b 34, neomen b 189, neomunge 7, seoue 21, seouene 4, seolc b 69, seoluer 84, sweoke b 160, teolunges 6, but hare 5 &c. is the regular representative of heora, suster b 4 &c., of WS. sweostor, Anglian wike b 189, of WS. wucan (*wiucu). ea after palatals is a, schal 42 &c., ischauen b 101, schape b 146, but e in ȝeten b 128 (WS. gatu), eo before nasal, scheome b 51: schapieð b 70 is a ME. formation. ie after ġ is e (Mercian monophthong), ȝef 102, 104, ȝeueð b 68, ȝelden 15, b 7, forȝelde b 175, ȝelp 37; this e with å-umlaut gives forms in eo, ȝeouen &c. as above. ȝef, EWS. gief, is ȝef 9. eo after ġ is u, ȝungre b 132; after sc, schule 99, schulde 22 &c. (Anglian). eom is am b 236 (Anglian), heom, ham 4 &c.

ēa is regularly ea, beate b 31, deade 41, eadmode b 119, greatluker b 157, reaflac 15, but e in chepeð b 12, chepilt b 11, cwedschipe b 93, eð b 214, edscene b 147, and a in chaffere b 11, chapmon b 12, shortening due to stress on following syllable: its i-umlaut is e (Anglian), bemen 39, 76, bemere 42, bemin 43, dremen b 206, ȝeme b 190, ȝemeles 10 &c., ȝemeð 16, ȝemen b 98, iȝemen b 90, ihereð 53, leue b 174, b 207, leue b 36, misleue b 182, lefunge 7; but greattre b 67 is grēatra. ēo is eo, beon 4, cneon b 150, feondes 92, feorðe 21, but e in seke b 108, secnesse b 111, before c. The absence of its i-umlaut is Anglian, deore 71, feond s. d. 34 &c., neod b 1, neodeð 88, istreonede 23; e in nedlunge b 8, tene b 112. Absence of palatalization, characteristic of Mercian, after ġ, sć is seen in ȝer b 101, schende b 52 (Bülbring § 289), schon b 38, but scheos b 39, ischeoed b 40. ȝīet is ȝet b 193, the second element in edscene b 147, is gesīene.

a + g is ah, dahes b 105, drahe b 53, draheð 36, mahen 50 &c.; isleine 33 is geslegen; seið 46, 89, sægð; dreaieð b 233 (comp. dreaien 147/153, dreihen, 146/122) descends from *dreagaþ, form with å-umlaut (WS. dragaþ). æ + g is regularly ei, deies b 21, feier b 123, heiward b 6, mei 4 &c., meiden b 96, seide 46, b 117, iseid 26: mahe b 148, b 180 comes from LWS. mage. e + g is also ei, abreiden 75, aȝein 5 (ongegn), toȝeines b 56, eie b 18, eili b 9, leið b 152, pleien 67, b 139, b 146, pleieð 64, but plohien b 218 which descends with shifted accent from *pleogan with å-umlaut (comp. pleogede in a SW. Mercian text of Bede, ed. Miller, ii. 82). The MS. has in other places pleien as above, but the noun in Morton’s text pleowe 184/4, pleouwe 218/8 is in MS. A regularly plohe, in MS. C ploȝe. i + g, h, pliht b 97, ipliht 18, sihðe b 61, onsihðe b 55, wriheles b 49, but sygaldren 6: lið 71, b 93 is līþ < ligeð, il in ilespiles b 31, īl < igil. In twien b 210 from twiga the spirant has disappeared, as in monie b 168. Final ig is regularly i, bisi b 89, dusi 18. o + h, g is oh, bitohe b 225, dohter b 52, but dehtren b 15 with e from the dative singular. u + g, duhen b 59, muhen b 44: y + g, h, buð b 11, b 187, drihtines 41, b 206. ā + g, h, ah 17, ahne b 61, ahnes b 207, ahte b 181, lahe b 141, b 152, wah b 58. ǣ₁ + g, h, ahte 84, bitaht 16, tahte b 75, but eiðer 53 (ǣgþer). ē + g, iueitsomet b 168, iheiet b 234: ī + h, wrihen b 50 (*wrīhan inf.), wriheð b 58: ō + g, inoh b 79, inohreaðe b 41, ibroht b 214, þohten 39. ea + ht: lahtre 50, mahte b 213 come from Anglian forms in æ; the i-umlaut gives mihte b 230, niht b 215, but a in lahhen b 139, lahheð 97, monslaht 24 also represents Anglian æ. eo + ht, riht 51, rihten b 99: sist b 57, sið b 89, b 159 are Anglian forms corresponding to WS. siehst, siehð with i-umlaut (Bülbring § 217). ēa + g, h, deh b 66 (North, dēg), ehe 51, ehnen b 63, heh b 186, hehe b 185, neh b 90, b 120, but þah b 7, b 63, as if from Ang. *þæh. ēo + g, h, dreheð b 233, but lihte b 39, lihtliche b 3, b 87. īe + h, nest b 26, b 29 (North. nēsta), lihtin b 101. ā + w is aw, blawen 40, icnaweð b 201, itawet b 24, nawiht b 9, nawt b 53, sawle 94, slaw 12, but nowðer b 48 represents OE. nōwþer, nohwer b 33, b 41, nō(h)wǣr, similarly nohwider b 126, eawiht b 235, eawt 52 (*ǣwiht with i-umlaut, NED.); sehe b 139 is Anglian sēge, WS. sāwe. ǣ₁ + w is also aw, rawe 33, slawðe 11, 18. ēa + w, þeawes b 81, þeawfule b 106, but schawin 38. ēo + w is ow, fowr 39, b 101, trowðe 18, ow 99 &c., ower b 1; eo finally in gleo 47: neowe b 137 has no umlaut; the WS. form is nīwe (Bülbring § 306, anm. 5).

Unstressed swā is se 15 &c., but swa 73: a occurs for o in anan b 87; e for o in streapeles b 42, sunderliche 24, vnsteaðeluest 5; i for e in drihtines 41, b 206; u for i in dimluker 43, greatluker b 157, monluker b 110, as in the Katherine group; e is lost in earst b 52, meidnes b 106, b 183, added in luðere 32, ȝiuere 92; o is lost in unbischpet 19. The prefix ge is i; ǣr, ear in earunder b 209; æt is ed b 178; þǣr is syncopated in þrin, þrinne, þrof, þron, þrefter, þruppe, forms characteristic of the Katherine group, found also in MSS. C, T, but not in N.

w is assimilated in frommard b 165; isehen b 62 descends from gesegen, not from gesewen. Metathesis of r is seen in iwraht b 24 (late North. wroht). ll is simplified in druncwile 105; mm in grim 62. n is lost in earunder b 209, and often in iþe 1, i 25 for in, o 7 for on; nn is simplified in monluker b 110. p is inserted in nempneð b 48: bb is simplified in neb b 54. f is regularly u between vowels, or vowel and liquid, biuoren 94, heaued 8, froure b 221, bearuot b 39, underueð 74, vnsteaðeluest 5, but lefunge 7; once v appears initially, vet b 42, but not u. t is doubled in hetter b 28, lost in best b 43, olhnin b 6; d for t occurs in ed b 121 &c., edhalden 13, b 73 (but ethalt 87), prude 30: t is assimilated in ȝisceunge 14, 16 (gītsung), ȝiscere 79: milce b 182 is milts, milci b 175 miltsie: tt is simplified in cat b 2. d has disappeared in mungunge b 52; it is doubled in foddre b 5: t for d appears in ontfule 31, worltlich 36, b 107, b 108 (but worldliche b 139): mið 53 is Anglian for mid: dd is simplified in bidest b 238. Initial þ often becomes t after t, d, te 5, 32, b 178, b 216, tis 83, teo b 179, ter b 196, but þe b 43, b 171, þah b 196, þat b 215; it is lost in forfearinde 29, d is written for it in edscene b 147, ladlich b 7, t in leste b 37. For s, ce appears in ȝisceunge 14, 16; ȝiscere 79 is gītsere: sć is regularly sch, schrift 19, schende b 52, weschen b 145, but ssch in dissches 93. The stop c is commonly written k before e, i, kemese b 83, kene 69, kimeð 94, awakenet 24, lokeð b 215, makien 48, rikenin 25, stikeð 92, and ck after another consonant in þonckið b 228, also in easkeð b 203, esken 79; in other positions c, cat b 2, com b 74, cumeð 41, locunge b 143, exceptions are kues b 5, kun b 72: ah 25 is Anglian ah, WS. ac: k is inserted as a glide sound in skleatteð 53; see Archiv cxxxi. 305. č is ch, chearre b 238, cwencheð b 165, brech b 41, iþench b 237, kealche 103, swuch b 18, but keorue b 34, keoruinde 65, conformed to curfon, corfen. čč is cch in wicche(creftes) 7; isticchet b 142 is a ME. formation descending from OE. stiče; contrast stikeð 92 (Bülbring § 499, anm. 5). cw is usually preserved, cwide 13, forecwidderes 57, but quoð b 76. Palatal g is regularly written ȝ, biȝete 12, ȝemeð 16; h is written for g in murhðe b 221, orhel 38, teoheði 12; g is lost in sygaldren 6; čǧ is gg, liggen b 28, seggen b 72. Initial h is lost in lahheð 97, lahtre 50, lud 38, lust 54, ring b 64; hh is simplified in laheð 83 and h doubled in crohhe 94 (crōh).

(2) Of B. The principal divergences from A are noted. Some of them are due to the scribe’s inexperience; his handling of the consonants in particular is confused. eo in eondfule 48 for o from a before length. group is a French writing; similar is neolden 89. æ is a in bras 103, inohraþe 42, hwat 9, nappes 94, þat 16, craftes 7. cwude 12 is from cwyde; liki 50 is a mistake for loki; u is o in open 64 (uppan); y is i in mint 97. In leouerð 49, eo is for o from ā; ea 53 represents ā, ever; comp. nea L 1552, 1555. ǣ₁ is a in agastan 57, ilad 4, 19, e in asnesen 68, hest 17, lesse 60, wredfule 32, ae (= æ) in aetri 31, ea in eawer 72, 99: ǣnig is ai 8, 15, ei 7. ǣ₂ is e in ilened 15, as generally in A.

ea before r + cons. is a in barm 70, e in bernes 74, sherpe 64, but sharpe 63, 66: eo before r + cons. is e, swerd 64, but sweordes 68. There is no å-umlaut in ateliche 57 (but eateliche 68), vnstaþelfast 5, fared 78, forfarinde 29, paþered 80, as in A: skletteð 53 is OWScand. sletta. seofon is sewe 28. ēa is e, drem 37, 75, reflac 14; ēo is also e in strenes 28, thehewen 12: gief is gif 9. æ + g gives mai 4, 25; ā + w, out 51, slauwe 70, slaþ 11 miswritten for slaw; ǣ₁ + w, areawe 32, slauþe 20, slouþe 10; ēo + w, trouþe 17. In syllables of minor stress a appears for e, bemares 36, galnasse 23, warpare 63; e for æ, ethalden 12, i for u, neominge 7; e for ō, te 15 &c., tegederes 79: on is a 74. e is often inserted medially between consonants, bolehed 85, iboregen 41, deoueles 42, deouelen 57, iugelurs 46, wigeled 96.

For w, u is written in uule 72. l is lost in fundes 12, n in cunen 46, druch 20. For p, b is written in unbischbed 17: f medial occurs in bifore 39, biforen 60, vnstaþelfast 5, but biuoren 62 as in A, deoules 70 and w for u in biworen 94, eawer 72, 99, giwere 105, keorwinde 64, 69, kniwes 62, underweng 73. For t, d appears in bihald 82, blend 80; ts is ss in gissere 78, gissunge 14, but giscunge 13; d is lost in an 25 (but and 86 and consequently ⁊ þe 31, 73); it is unaltered in ondfule 31, wondrede 76, worldlich 35, where A has t: t is written for d in hont 60, lauert 95, ð for d, leouerð 49; d is often written for ð, beod 19 &c., drahed 35, gemed 15, libbed 33, puffed 36, serued 34, shuled 52, slead 30, tutelid 71, wid 2, wredfule 32, wigeled 96, wurden 87; t for þ, fondet 29, gat 2, w for þ, thehewen 12, warwið 89. sc is regularly sh, dishes 93, shal 87, shruden 90, &c.: etheliche 76 is miswritten for echeliche; in richkeneres 81, k was added above as a correction of ch not deleted; cw is qu in forquiddares 56. g is used for ġ, agein 5, bigete 11, ge 1. cht for ht is frequent, drichtines 40, iplicht 17, richte 14; þ for h occurs in þwitel 89, th for h in þothten 38, for t in thehewen 12.

(3) Of N. For an account dealing with the whole of Morton’s text see Ostermann: the examples given in the following summary illustrate such differences as exist between N and A. Oral a is a, blasie 143 (blase, sb.), wasshen 124, wassheð 95; gledie 204 is influenced by glæd: a before nasals and length. groups is o; hwon 6, 87, seldwhonne 179 are the usual forms, but þeonne 5, 144, 181 by influence of heonne. æ is regularly e, keppen 38, veder 154, ueste 37, gledliche 168; occasionally ea, heater 29, readliche 77; a in hateren AR 104/24, later 151, was 3 (Bülbring, Ablaut 62), water 76, and the flexion forms baruot 34, warliche 127. e is e, blodbendes 64; raised to i before a palatal, sigge 110, 130, siggen 152 (South-Eastern and Kentish); u in stude 153, sullen 12, swuche 18 &c. i is i, but u in hwuder 103, wute 138, nute 107. o is o: u is u, kumeð 184: y, u, drunch 187, wurcheð 70. ā is regularly o, anon 69, boðe 105, mone 8, more 196, but oa in moare 154, woanes 19 (comp. woaning 2/15, 2/25); eo in beoðe 173, 182, and a in lates 127 (Scand. lát). ǣ₁ is regularly e, clene 22, eni 93, geð 100, wreððe 133, but ea in arearen 140, unweawed 119, heale 193. ǣ₂ is mostly e, leten 108, lete 19, but ea in heare 36, readeð 208, weaden 125, and a in hwarse 95, hwarto 126. The representation of ǣ₁ and ǣ₂ is therefore practically identical. ē is e; ī, i, but u in hwule 71, 198, ihwulen 73, swuðe 197, wummen 171: ō is o; ū, u; ȳ, u, hure 167, schruden 67, but ui, expressing length, in huire 6, 164, 205.

ea before r + cons. is mostly e, hermes 7, hermie 9, neruwure 189; before length. groups, herde 28, herdure 189, and a, after w, urommard 146, warme 25; in other conditions occasionally a, sparke AR 296/13, or ea, schearpe AR 82/11; a in warien 6 is to be explained as ea in wearien 60/6. ea before l + cons. is a, halue 174, before length. groups o, holden 177; the i-umlaut is seen in elde 100, helden 181. eo before r + cons. is mostly eo, heorden 28, leornen 79, but e in hercnen 73, werc, werke 70, werkes 62; to the wur group belongs forwurðen 77; wyr words are iwursed 174, wurðe AR 38/17: the i-umlaut is wanting in heordemonne 6. eo before l + cons. is u in sulf 32, suluen 189. The u- and å-umlauts of a are not represented. eo, u-umlaut of e, occurs in heouene 167, but worlde 206, worldliche 90, 115; eo, å-umlaut of e, in beoden 100, ueole 33: eo, u- and å-umlaut of i, in bicleoped 175, seolke 64, but hore 105, sustren 1, wike 172. ea after palatals is a, schal 27, 181, ischauen 84, ea in ȝeate 105, scheape 125, but often e, ȝet AR 74/12; schepieð 65 is from sćeppan. ie after ġ is i, ȝiue 155, 205, uorȝiueð 185, e in ȝelden 7, forȝelde 156: gef is ȝif 20 &c. eo after ġ is u, ȝungre 108; after sć, schule 66, schulde 72. eom is am 210, heom, ham 188. ēa is regularly ea, cheapeð 13, cheapild 12, cweadschipe 75, but e in chepmon 13, cheffare 11, gretluker 137, gretture 62; its i-umlaut is e in ȝeme 173, ȝemen 80, ȝemeleaste 175, leue 156, 193, misleue 165, but ea in dreamen 192. ēo is regularly eo, but e in seke 91, secnesse 93; the i-umlaut has e in nede adv. 9, but neode 20, neodeð 26. Palatalization after ġ, sć is absent in ȝere 83, schon 33. gīeta is ȝete 176; gesīene is represented in eðcene 126.

a + g is aw, dawes 88: auh 54 is the equivalent of Anglian ah, WS. ac. æ + g gives ei, deie 94, feir 100; muwe 163 is LWS. muge for earlier mæge. e + g is also ei, eilie 9, weie 100: seihtnesse 139 is sæhtness. o + g, bitowen 198: o + h, iwrouhte 25. u + g, muwen 37, 67. ā + g, owen 167, owune 67, 190: ā + h, ouh 10, 80, ouhte 163, louh 121, lowe 118, louwe 131, nouhwuder 103. ǣ₁ + h, eihte 3, 8. ī + g, iueied 149, iheid 206. ō + g, inouh 36, 210, þouht 10. ea + h, muhte 116. ie + h, nihtes 22, isihð 23, 71, 140: lauhwen 115 corresponds to lahhen in A. eo + h, rihte 136. ēa + g, deih 56, eien 54, heie 168, 176: ēa + h, neih 72, heie 118, but þauh 7 &c., as if from þah > *þĕah. ēo + g, drieð 205. īe + h, nexst 27. ā + w, nout 10, nouhtunge 145, nouðer 112, 159, but drawe 11, itauwed 25 (forms from the scribe’s exemplar), iseie 116. ō + w, touward 71, 112, 199. ēa + w, þeaufule 89. ēo + w, four 83, our 91, ower 175, seouweð 65.

Swā is so 62 &c., once se 187, and in composition hwo se 29, hwer se 60. For e, a is written in demare 176, for on in akneon 129; for o, e in strapeles 37; e is added in heuede 197, sunegeð 174, ȝeorneliche 177, u in gretture 62, herdure, neruwure 189: in contrast with A, syncope is rare. The suffix -lēas is unchanged in wimpelleas 37.

w is assimilated in urommard 146, uppard AR 216/28. iwrouhte 25, corresponding to iwraht in A, has metathesis of r. ll is simplified in griðfulnesse 4; for l, r appears in irspiles 30. Final n is lost in iðe 83, o 141, but it is otherwise very regularly retained; it is simplified in monluker 93. f is kept in the combinations fd, ff, fs, ft, lefdi 208, cheffare 11, ofte 19, lufsumere 54; as a final, strif 134; initially after a word ending in a voiceless sound, foddre 5, fondunge 74, forwurðen 77 (with exceptions at 54, 90, 150, 172); also before u, ful 36, fur 142, 146, þeaufule 89, to avoid uu. Otherwise it is u, v, at the beginning of a sentence, Vor 5, Uorði 23; after a syntactical pause, vor 72, 94; after a word ending in a voiced sound, uet 37, ueond 69, or a liquid, uor 69, ueste 124, uere 110; or medially, iuestned 10, luuien 180. But f is exceptionally written sometimes after d, for 14, four 83, especially after and 147, 156, 204, 209, where the exemplar had ant, as well as in flesshes 74: of is shortened to o 195, 208; w is written for u in unweawed 119. ts is c in milce 157, 165. þ is assimilated in ette 160, but and te 189 is due to ant te in the scribe’s exemplar; þ is d in lodlich 7. For s, c is written in eðcene 126: sć is initially sch, schal 27, schon 33, medially ssh in flesshes 74, wasshen 124, but fleshe 27. c [k] is c before consonants, clene 22, hercnen 73, but akneon 129, iknotted 36, iknowed 185; k is regular before e and i, keppen 38, makien 129, and as frequent as c before other vowel sounds, kat 2, kom 75, kume 102. č is ch, but ecchenesse 207: istihd 119 is miswritten for istichd. Palatal g is regularly written ȝ; rg is rw in midmorwen 162; ng is nc in strencðe 18; čǧ is gg, liggen 29, sigge 110. hs is written xs in nexst 27.

(4) Of T and C. According to the careful investigation of Mühe, MS. T exhibits a varying mixture of Anglian and Southern forms, the former being predominant. MS. C differs in no main feature from A. As in the Lambeth MS. of the PM (317/6) ch for h is frequent, olchni 6, þocht, nawicht 10, iwracht 25, þach 53, echnen 54; noteworthy is the interpolated y sound in muchȝen 67 (mugon), sechȝe 116, lachȝe, hechȝe 118, iueiȝet 149 &c.

Accidence: (1) of A. Strong declension of masc. and neut. nouns. In the s. n. sune b 231 represents sunu. Gen. -es, gastes b 165, bearnes 75: d. -e, bedde b 25, bure b 186, chearre b 238, hame b 122 (WS. hām), but the inflection is wanting in more than half the instances, clað b 23, hus b 148, &c. The pl. n. a. of masculines ends in -es, bemeres 36, brondes b 161, but scheos b 39, and schon b 38, a weak form: neuters, with the exception of word 65, have taken the masc. termination, felles b 24, b 31, gomenes b 218, þinges b 140, werkes 62, wordes 96, &c., or have joined the weak declension, beoden b 124, b 206, deoflen 58, 67, sygaldren 6: wa b 186, pl. a. is indeclinable: genitives are cunne b 30, englene 39, 76, þinge b 200; datives have mostly -es, breres b 32, streones 5 and 19 others, but beoden b 237, cneon b 150 (Mercian cnēom), ȝeten b 128, siðen b 19, b 101; mel b 177, þing b 129 are acc. in form. The fem. nouns of the strong declension have -e in the s. n., fulðe b 113, hure b 184, neode b 17, b 202, þuftene b 123; exceptions are heast 18, b 115 (hǣs), neod b 1, b 20, b 217, þuften b 119; the acc. also has -e. Gen. -e, helle 76, heorte 86: dat. -e, honde b 121, worlde b 234, sawle b 175, b 176, but uninflected half 40, 52, help b 75, hond 34, 95, luft 52, world 40, b 234. Pl. n. are teolunges 6, esken 85, weden b 146; d., esken 79, honden b 14, sunnen 21, talen b 106, wunden b 198, sawles b 176; a. ahte b 3, kemese b 83, leasunges b 140, secnesses b 36, glouen b 65, honden b 29, spechen b 139, sunnen 24, talen b 137. The extension of the weak declension at the expense of the strong is Southern. Nouns of the weak declension have -e in all cases of the singular; exception, leafdi s. a. b 235. Pl. n. are neddren, tadden 88, ancres b 188, leafdis b 46, b 79; pl. d. bemen 39, 76, cappen b 45, earen b 206, ehnen 48, b 63, heorden b 27, hosen b 39, nomen 25; pl. a. earen 54, b 136, blodbinde, huue b 69, teone b 187 (Anglian absence of n). The minor declensions are represented by vet s. d. b 42; wummon s. n. b 41, monnes s. g. b 58, wepmonnes b 56, mon s. d. b 220, chapmon b 12, wummon b 47, s. a. b 21, cunnesmon b 144, men pl. n. 99, monne pl. g. b 15, b 70, wummone b 194, heordemonne b 5, wepmen pl. d. b 97; boc s. d. b 223, (o)boke b 134; brech pl. a. b 41; kues s. g. b 5; niht pl. n. b 215; feader s. n. b 173; broðer s. n. b 75, breðer s. d. b 76; moder s. n. 21; dohter s. n. b 52, dehtren pl. n. b 15; suster s. n. b 4, sustren pl. n. b 1, b 232, sustres ?pl. g. b 208; child s. n. 22, godchild s. a. 20, childrene pl. g. b 96; feondes s. g. 92, feond s. d. 34, 63, b 159; hettren pl. a. b 70 (hæteru): hetter s. d. b 28 is a ME. formation.

Adjectives which in OE. end in e retain that termination in all cases, as cleane b 21, softe b 198, swete b 43. Instances of weak inflections are s. n. eadmode b 119, fleschliche b 75, hehe b 185, swote b 43; g. sunfule b 51; d. dredfule 76, grurefule 40, hehe b 192, wide 103; a. greate 97, ondfule 50, rihte 15: a solitary strong inflection is linnene s. a. m. b 26. All other adjectives are uninflected in the singular, as ful b 93, heh b 186, riht 51. Those in -ig lose g, almihti b 231, attri 12; druncwile 105 represents druncwillen; lute b 116, lȳtel; mycel is mostly muche, but s. n. muchel b 18 (3); d. muchele 60, b 225; a. b 226; pl. a. 80: āgen gives s. n. ahne b 61; g. ahnes b 207; d. ahne b 205; pl. n. 57. The pl. ends in e, bĭsie b 121, idele b 137; exceptions are hāli b 14, idel b 87. OE. āna is ane b 2 &c.; ān is an, a; s. g. anes 14: nān is nan, na; s. g. nanes 51; pl. a. nane b 68, b 137, b 218. Adjectives used as nouns are inflected, as s. gode b 238, idele 74, nearewe b 204, slawe 71, wide b 205, wreaðfule 63, wurse 56; pl. neodfule 90, ontfule 31, prude 30, wreaðfule 32; exceptions are ȝemeles (predicative) 10, 12, god 53, 73: feorle 100 represents fǣrlic. Comparatives end regularly in e, lufsumre b 64, except dimluker 43, greatluker b 157: of superlatives only leaste b 188 is inflected.

The personal pronouns are ich, me, us, þu, þe, ȝe, ow b 37, b 196. The pron. of the third person is s. n. he m. 66, ha f. b 4 &c., heo b 127, hit neut. 5; d. him m. 88; a. him m. 69, hire f. b 89, hit neut. b 2; pl. n. ha 33, 51, 53, b 147, b 191, heo b 143, b 149; d. ham 4; a. 58 &c. Reflexives are ow b 106, ow seoluen b 85, him 27, him seolf 81, b 208, him seoluen b 234, hire b 30, b 33, hire seolf b 32, ham b 166, b 170, ham seolf b 138, b 194: definitive is ham seolf 59: possessives are mi s. b 91, mine pl. 99, b 1, b 232, þin b 162, ure b 173, ower b 1 &c., his 11, hire b 9, hare pl. 5 &c. The definite article is mostly þe, te after t; inflected forms are þet s. a. neut. b 205, þer s. d. f. b 155, þen s. d. neut., in ear þen b 126. Þet is used demonstratively 52, 53, 54, b 152, þet ilke b 152, b 153, b 161: the article is also used pronominally in þeo þe, those who b 86, which 25, þeo, that one b 122, teo, those b 179: þer buten, without that, b 103. The compound demonstrative is þes s. n. m. 74, þeos s. n. f. b 117, þis 82, þis s. n. neut. b 158, s. d. f. b 223, s. a. neut. b 188, tis 83, þes pl. n. 81, þeos 20, 56, þeose pl. d. 28, 43, b 115, pl. a. 97. The relatives are þe, þet b 126; þe sometimes means he who 11, she who 21, b 103. Interrogative is hwuch 9; its correlative is swuch b 18, b 65, b 146; ilca is ilke b 152; þyllic, þullich 104, þulliche pl. 3, 20. Indefinites are hwa se 15, hwam se d. 73, hwet se b 183; me 16, b 7; sum 27, summe pl. 47, b 46; eiðer 53 &c.; oðres s. g. 14, oþer s. d. 8, 47, oþre 66, b 239, pl. n. 26, oðer pl. g. b 15; oðerhwet b 177; euch 34, euche s. d. b 188, b 223; ǣnig is mostly ei 8 &c., but eani 8, b 111, b 213; nowðer b 48; eawt 52, nawt b 15, b 89; monie pl. 80, b 168; al s. n. a. 82, 72, alle s. g. b 207, s. d. b 149, pl. n. 20, d. 7, a. 24, mid alle b 20.

Three-fourths of the infinitives end in -en; those of the second weak conjugation mostly in -ien, as makien, þolien; with -in are bemin 43, grennin 59, hungrin 99, lokin 51, b 145, rikenin 25, 82, schawin 38 and the ME. niuelin 59, olhnin b 6, toggin b 145, wimplin b 51; with -i, teoheði 12; with -e, cume b 90, drahe b 53, forwurðe b 95, habbe b 2, teache 19, wrenche 48; contract verbs are underuon b 100, wreon b 50. The dat. inf. is inflected in forte donne b 227, to witene 17. Presents are s. 1. bidde b 237, hopie b 224; 2. hudest, sist b 57; 3. attreð b 80, bodeð 66, forms in -ið are þreatið 97, winkið 51, contract verbs, sið b 89, b 159, sleað 30, contracted forms, being about one-fifth of the total number of 3rd presents, bihalt 83, 97, ethalt 87, blent 82, buð b 11, b 187, hat b 135, leið 72, b 152, lið 71, b 93, punt b 6, seið 89, send b 127, understont 83, went b 204; pl. 2. dreheð b 233, feleð b 111, makieð b 80; 3. bihateð b 201, bodieð 57, makieð 38, in -ið, awakenið b 61, leornið 61, sungið b 46, b 191; also seoð b 22: subjunctive s. 3. arise b 55, beate b 31; in -i, biblodgi b 32, binetli b 33, easki b 78, eili b 9, frouri b 232, hearmi b 9, milci b 175; in -ie, bleasie b 162, gleadie b 232, makie b 18, b 155, b 217, trukie b 183; from contract verbs, seo b 143, wreo b 54; pl. cussen b 156, dreden b 196, heatien b 141, makien b 150, plohien b 218, þolien b 43; in -in, bemin b 206, lokin b 147; with apocope of n, ȝeoue b 131, segge b 172, ticki b 219; from contract verb, underuon b 151, underuo b 130: imperative s. 2. ȝef 104, ȝeot 103, loki b 9; pl. 2. ariseð 40, schurteð b 106, schapieð b 70, seowið b 70, talkið b 105, þonckið b 228, forȝeoued b 200, driue ȝe b 11, fondi(n), leue ȝe b 36, makie ȝe b 67, b 80, wite ȝe b 15, gruchesi ȝe b 177. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. s. 3. quoð b 76; subj. s. 3. sehe b 139: I b. s. 3. com b 74, b 93: I c. s. 3. dronc 21, swonc b 236: V. pl. 2. edheolden, underuengen b 73. Participles present: I c. keoruinde 65, 69, singinde b 124: II. bitinde b 199: III. lutinde b 152: IV. drahinde 45, forfearinde 29: V. wallinde 103; past: I a. isehen b 62: I b. iboren b 213, ibroken b 21, utnume adj. b 221: I c. iborhen 42, icoruen b 141, fordrunke adj. 96, ilumpen b 19: II. iwritene 28: II, III. bitohe b 225: III. bilokene 26: IV. ischauen b 101, isleine 33: V. edhalden b 215, ileten b 103, ilete b 104. Past of Weak Verbs: s. 1. cleopede 9, hefde b 225, seide b 117; 3. schende b 52, gulte b 157, tahte b 75, ondswerede b 76; pl. 3. liueden b 14, þohten 39. Participles present: suhinde b 199, wundrinde b 76; past: awakenet 24, biburiet b 76 and 28 others in -t, ilead 4, igurd b 28, istreonede 23, iturnde b 147, ontende b 168 and six others in -d. Minor Groups: nat 1 pr. s. 3, wat pr. s. b 7, nat 10, wite pr. s. subj. b 226, nute b 130, witen pr. pl. subj. b 158; ah pr. s. 17, ahen pr. pl. b 184, ahte pt. s. b 181 (with present meaning); duhen inf. b 59, deh pr. s. b 66; con pr. s. b 134, cunnen pr. pl. 47, b 171; schal pr. s. 42, schulen 2 pr. pl. b 28, schule 99, b 105, b 191, schulen pr. pl. 58, 89, schule ȝe 2 s. imp. b 71, schulde 1 pt. s. b 90, pt. s. 22; mei pr. s. 4, mahen 2 pr. pl. b 29, b 85 (4), pr. pl. 50, b 79, mahe pr. s. subj. b 148, b 180, muhen 2 pr. pl. subj. b 44, mahte pt. s. 25, b 140, b 213; mot pr. s. b 5, mote pr. s. subj. b 208; beon inf. 4 (9), beo b 4 (4), to beonne dat. inf. b 195, beonne b 74, forte beon 41, am 1 pr. s. b 236, is pr. s. 2, nis 5, beoð 2 pr. pl. b 104, b 223, pr. pl. 3, 20, 26, beo pr. s. subj. b 9 (9), beon 2 pr. pl. subj. b 203, pr. pl. subj. b 38 (5), beoð 2 pl. imp. b 45 (3), beo ȝe b 86, wes pt. s. b 3, were pt. s. subj. b 96; wule pr. s. b 53, b 160, wulleð 2 pr. pl. b 101, b 113, b 205, wule pr. s. subj. 72, b 27, wullen 2 pr. pl. subj. b 45, nalde pt. s. 90, walden pt. pl. 42; don inf. b 22 (3), do b 226, forte donne dat. inf. b 227, to fordonne 30, dest 2 pr. s. b 60, deð pr. s. 50 (3), doð 2 pr. pl. b 67, b 227, pr. pl. 38, 82, do pr. s. subj. b 154, don pr. pl. subj. b 180, b 205, dude pt. s. 22, idon pp. b 176; gan inf. 19, b 39, geað pr. s. b 124, gað 2 pr. pl. 1, 2 pl. imp. b 210, ga pr. s. subj. b 124, b 126, b 129, aga b 160.

(2) Of B. This differs from A in being somewhat more fully inflected: divergences from A are noted. londe 2, schrifte 18 have dative inflection; domes 40 is probably a mistake for dome; sunnen 26, earen 71 are s. d.: þes 82, 92 is s. g. m. of the article, þen 103 s. d. m., 32 pl. d.: ha 60 is probably miswritten for hare. In the inflection of the verbs i is occasionally found, skirmin inf. 66, seruin 46, seruid pr. s. 48, tutelid pr. s. 71, shuli inf. 47, liki (loki) 50: other noteworthy forms are agastan 57, a survival, maken 47 inf. of the second weak conjugation, ablent 84 contracted pr. s., bitahted 15 pp.

(3) Of N. The inflections are generally better preserved than in A. Strong masculine and neuter nouns have -e in the dat. sing., deie 94, weie 100 &c.; exceptions are cloð, drunch 187: mele 158, þinge 90 are pl. d., blodbendes 64, pl. a. Of the strong feminines n. s. are neode 20, seihtnesse 139; s. d. ȝemeleaste 175, halue 174, hwule 198; s. a. hwule 21, 71, leasunge 117, ?mone 8; pl. d. soulen 157; pl. a. eihte 3: weak is ancren n. pl. 171. In the minor declensions ueonde 139 is s. d., monne 9, 109, 124, pl. d. The adjectives godere 182, heie 168 are s. d. f., sorie 91, pl. n., worldliche 90, pl. d. ān is on, o 138, g. ones 193, d. one 94, 208, on 29, a. one 22; nān, non 27, no 23, g. none[s] weis 3, a. m. nenne 20, 23, 108, no 27, a. f. none 11, 101, a. neut. no 11; pl. d. none 9, 109, 124: āgen is represented by owune s. d. 67, 190. The n. s. f. of the pronoun of the third person is heo: possessive mine 73 is a. s. f.: ēower is our 91, ower 175, heora, hore 105. Inflections of the article are s. n. þe m., þe f., þet neut. 140, d. þer f. 130, 170, a. þene m. 6 (4), þeo f. 21, 71; pl. a. þeo 88. The compound demonstrative has s. d. f. þisse 195, 208, s. a. f. þeos 209. The relative is þet; swuche 18, 92, 125 is s. d., sume 140, s. a. f., 90, pl. d.; ueole pl. a. 33; eueriche 195, s. d. m.; ǣnig is eni 8, 93.

Infinitives end in -en, those of the second weak conjugation mostly in -ien, but loken 124; forms in -in, -i are absent. An inflected infinitive is forto donne 199, in other cases the simple form is preceded by uorto, uorte, for to, except to schruden 67. Inflected forms with -i are not found in any part of the verb. The contract verb sēon gives isihð pr. s. 23, 71, 140: contracted forms of the pr. s. occur about as frequently as in A: the pr. pl. ends in -eð, drieð 205, sunegeð 174, but iseoð 23; the pr. subj. ends in -e, -en, eilie 9, gledie 204, hermie 9, milce 157, sigge 130, siggen 152, but iseo 119. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. iseie subj. s. 3. 116: II. wrot s. 3. 209. Participles present: I c. singinde 100: II. bitinde 183: III. lutende 131; past: I a. iseien 53: I b. ikumen 19: II, III. bitowen 198. Past of Weak Verbs: heuede 1 pt. s. 197. Inflected past participles are isette a. s. f. 164, iwrouhte pl. 25. Minor Groups: wot pr. s. 198, wat 7, wute ȝe imp. pl. 138 (Anglian); ouh pr. s. 10, 80, owen pr. pl. 167, ouhte pt. s. 163; deih pr. s. 56; schullen 2 pr. pl. 29, schulen 87, 175; muwe pr. s. subj. 163, muwen 2 pr. pl. subj. 37, 67, muhte pt. s. 116; beon inf. 4, pr. pl. subj. 24, to beon dat. inf. 179, was pt. s. 3; uorto don dat. inf. 199, don 2 pr. pl. subj. 62; uorto gon dat. inf. 34, geð pr. s. 100, go pr. s. subj. 100 (4).

(4) Of T: mainly a statement of divergences from A. In the strong declension of masc. and neut. nouns, wede s. n. 125 represents OE. gewǣde; heordes 6 is s. g. As in A, the dat. sing. is mostly uninflected, but ȝate 105, hame 98, rihte 164, tune 109. schon 33 is a weak n. pl., beodes n. pl. 192, a. pl. 100 has masc. termination, þinge 184 is pl. g.; datives have mostly -es, -s, cneos 129, 135, giltes 150, wahes 19, but siðe 19, 83, þinge 117; meal 158, þing 106, 188 are acc. in form. Strong declension of fem. nouns: somentale n. s. 139 represents -talu; dat. -e, lokinge 18, but uninflected are hond 97 (hond), rest 92; acc. -e, without exception: fondinges 74 pl. n. has masc. termination, tales 89 is pl. d., acc. are gloues 56, leasinges 117, speches 115, tales 114, ahte 3. Nouns of the weak declension are s. g. ancres 8 (4), chirches 66, schirches 32 (= chirches), d. deme 176, eare 192, fere 110, anker 165, lauedi 155, lafdi 112; pl. n. ancres 171, d. ehne 54, hose 35, heordes 28, a. cappes 38, eares 112. The tendency to substitute the terminations of the strong declension for those of the weak is Midland. In the minor declensions namon 9 is s. d.; sustre 204, pl. n.; childrene 78, pl. g.

An adjective inflected in the sing. is hehe 176: plurals have -e, with the exception of bisi 97, idel 69, sari 91: pl. a. is nane 115. Beside ich 86 (3), i occurs 72 as pers. pronoun. The n. s. f. and n. pl. of the pronoun of the third person is ho 4, 122; hom 167 is miswritten for ho; heora is hare 125, 127, hore 126. The relative pronoun is þat: the demonstrative þā, those, is seen in (⁊) ta 68, 161: the indef. is mon 8 (5); hwat as noun occurs at 145, 159; āwiht is oht 208; alle is s. d. 128, pl. d. 116.

Infinitives are divided equally between -en and -e; those in -ien are hatien 117, þolien 87, 169, in -ie, werie 27, but loke 124; forms with -in, -i are absent. Dative infinitives are for to biginnen 199, for to puffen 143, to habben 56, with four others in -en; to breke 20, to haue 11, to lose 94, to reare 140. The 3rd pr. s. ends in -es, askes 188, blawes 190, and 32 others, none being contracted forms, but lis 76, seos 71, 140, and bueð 170; the 3rd pr. pl. in -en, bihaten 186, hauen 208, and 13 others, but suneheþ 174; the subjunctive pr. s. in -e, blawe 148, cume 102, blodeke 32, eile 9, like 35, make 135, but blasie 143, gladie 204, trukie 166, werie 27, seo 23, pl. in -en, bemen 192, hauen 66, nabben 106, halden 202 (but halde 147), luuien 180, makien 129; imperative s. 2. in -e, loke 9, were 30, pl. in -es, biddes 201, haues 21, habbes 26 and twelve others, driue ȝe 12, gruse ȝe 158, &c. Past of Strong Verbs: I a. subj. s. 3. sehe 116: I c. s. 3. swanc 210: III. pl. 2. drehden 205, a weak form; comp. HM 37/6. Participles present: II. bitende 183: III. lutende 131; past: II, III. bitohen 198: V. bifallen 19, ileten 85, 87. Past of Weak Verbs: s. 1. hafde 197. Participles present: seiende 100, suhiende 184; past: bicleopet 175, iset 164, ifest 149 and 8 others in -t, idodded 83, ilaced 37, iturnde 126, gurd 30, red 208, icnotten 36. Minor Groups: duhen inf. 24, deah pr. s. 56; cunnen pr. pl. 172, cunen 152; schule 2 pr. pl. 175, schuln 29, schule pr. pl. 122; mai pr. s. 4, muhen 2 pr. pl. 67, 89, 173; beon inf. 53, 196, beo 4 (6), to beon dat. inf. 179, arn 2 pr. pl. 87 (5), pr. pl. beon 126, 147, 149, beos 97, beo pr. s. subj. 148, 206, beon 2 pr. pl. subj. 189, pr. pl. subj. 33, 105, beos 2 pl. imp. 188, 201, beo ȝe 69, was pt. s. 3, were pt. s. subj. 198; wile pr. s. 28, 168, nule 29, wiln 2 pr. pl. 96, 191; don inf. 89, for to donne dat. inf. 199, to do 199, dos pr. s. 142, 189, don 2 pr. pl. 200, 201, pr. pl. 129, 157, 2 pr. pl. subj. 62, do 191, idon pp. 157; to gan dat. inf. 34, gas pr. s. 100, ga pr. s. subj. 100, 141. The termination of ladli adj. 7, gladli adv. 168, nomeli 149 is due to Scand. -ligr, -liga; nedinge 9 represents OE. nēadinga; wið prep. 20, 22 (in N mid), ni conj. 55 &c., and til conj. 172 are noteworthy.

(5) Of C. This differs little from A. Nouns of the weak declension are ancres s. g. 8, blodbinden pl. a. 64. The pronoun of the third person s. n. f., pl. n. is ha 4, 122. While the pr. s. of the verb regularly ends in -eð, makes 8, 20 survives from the Midland original; so too don 2 pr. pl. 200 beside doð 201, beon 126, 149. iburð pr. s. impers. 56, befits, represents OE. gebyreþ; other verbal forms are sechȝe pt. s. subj. 116, segginde pres. p. 100, nach for ne ah pr. s. 80, achȝen pr. pl. 167, muchȝen 2 pr. pl. 67, muȝen 92, wullet 2 pr. pl. 96, 191 beside wulled 84, wullen 38. The adv. nedunge 9 represents OE. nēadunga.

Vocabulary: The Scandinavian element is large: ai T 206, arn T 87 &c., blast T 144, eskibah 79, flutte b 182, geineð b 163, grið(fullnesse) b 4, hesmel N 118, lah b 143, lahe b 152, lane 13, lastunge 56, lates b 147, meoke b 38, b 66, nai b 48, b 76, riue b 83, riueð b 82, riuunges b 83, sahtnesse b 158, (but seih[t]nesse N is English), scale 95, semes T 3, skile b 118, skleatteð 53, tiþinges NT 114, tidinges b 138, C 114, til TC 172, wanes b 19, warpere 64, warpeð 66 (worpare, worpeð N are English), windowe b 59, wontreaðe 76, wursnet T 174: probably baðe T 105, T 156, T 187, brendes C 141, hird B 33, hwitel 89, lustni b 90, lustnen T 73, meaðeleð 73, 96, rukelin 80, rukeleð 86, ruken 81, somen (tale) T 139, suhinde b 199, suhiende T 184, suwinde N 184, umben b 229, TC 201: possibly dusten 68, glopnen T 56/58. The French element is very extensive; many of the words appear for the first time: accidie 11, amendeð N 65, mendið b 70, amices b 78, angoise 60, apostle b 50, atiffi b 63, untiffet b 64, tiffunge b 53, aturn b 146, augrim 81, best N 2, beastes 28, boistes b 16, broche b 65, caliz C N 17, chaliz T 17, canges 82, celer 92, change b 222, ichanget b 117, chartres b 16, cheres 48, complie b 179, criblin b 81, curt 34, cuuertur 89, cyrograffes b 17, dame b 129, (deuleset TC 198), disceplines b 35, dute N 79, eise b 187, eise b 223, eoli b 197 (Bonn. Beitr. xv. 110), familiers T 113, figures 81, folliche 18, frut b 177, gloire b 80, glutun 92, grace b 174, graces b 171, greueð b 105, gruchunge b 135, haire T 36, hurte b 214, hurten b 213, inobedience 6, iuglurs 47, large b 203, laz b 69, ilacet b 42, leattres b 99, leon B 30 liun 30, manciple 92, mantel C 120, imantlet C 121, meistre b 2, imembret b 65, meoster 35 mester B 48, mustreisun b 80, noise 38, obedient b 129, ore 7, parures b 79, penitence b 169, poure b 70, pouerte b 114, prophetes 57, religiun b 74, riwle b 116, rund b 59, sacrement 8, scoren b 16, scurge b 32 schurge N 31, seinte C 46, semblant 60, seruant b 181, seruin 47, seruise 43, silence b 180, skirmi 67, sot(schipe) b 111, spece 5, stamin b 27, strif b 154, isturbed N 163 isturbet b 181, suffreð N 205, surpliz b 66, taueles b 82, temptaciuns b 35, tendre b 73, terme 15, tohurten b 164, triccherie 17, vnicorne 32, ures b 135, vampez b 40, veiles b 45, veine b 80, uestemenz b 17. Latin borrowings are auez b 134 auees C 111, cuchene 93 (pre-Conquest), false 6, falsliche 19, paternostres b 134, presumptio 9, purses b 68, scapeloris C 120, unbischpet 19, venie b 150.

Dialect: The AR has hitherto been generally regarded as Southern, partly because of the prevailing Southern dialect of the manuscript printed by Morton, and partly because of the fancied connexion of the treatise with Tarrant Kaines in Dorsetshire. But the presence of Midland and Northern forms to a greater or less extent in all the manuscripts, although four of them at least were written by Southern scribes, points to the Northern border of the Midland area as the home of the original, while the large Scandinavian element in the vocabulary and the absence of the characteristic u in unaccented final syllables (-ud, -un, -us, -ut) decide for the East against the West Midland. MS. N is a copy made by a scribe of the Middle South; his alterations of the inflections are systematic, but with occasional lapses like timbrin Morton, 12/24, blescið 18/11, seihtni 28/19, kalenges tu 54/2, wenes tu 54/5 (beside wenest tu 54/20), muhtes 304/13 (but muhtest 270/3) &c.; more frequently he copies Anglian sounds from his exemplar. He also substitutes, as far as he can, English and French words for Scandinavian, e. g. hercnen 73 for lustnin, yet he retains such purely Northern elements as suwinde 184, and the suffix in godleic Morton, 136/15, ureoleic 192/25. Peculiar to the scribe are his representations of a + h, ā + h, ō + w (touward occurs in Layamon). MS. A presents the characteristic features of the Katherine Group; it is a copy by a scribe of the Northern border of the South. The Midland element in its sounds is considerable, but the inflection is mainly Southern; the u- and å-umlauts of a appear to be due to the scribe and not to the original. MS. B is closely related to A, but it is somewhat more Southern in preservation of the inflections; the scribe was more accustomed to French than to English. MS. C also closely resembles A, but in the flexion North-Midland forms appear more often by inadvertence. In MS. T, both sounds and inflections are predominantly Midland: still in other parts of the manuscript the Southern element is more evident than in our extract. This manuscript stands nearest in dialect to the original; it appears to be a copy of a North-Midland text made by a scribe not long enough resident in the Midland area to have quite forgotten his native Southern speech.

Style: MS. N is not only the most remote from the original in dialect, it has also been altered in language more than the others, partly from a desire to make the meaning plainer, partly from a dislike of any singularity of expression. The changes made may be classified as i. insertion of connecting particles, ‘and,’ ‘vor,’ ‘þeonne,’ N 144 &c.; ‘so uorð so’ in A is altered into ‘uor so’ Morton, 136/13: ii. expansions like ‘ȝe habbeð’ N 95, ‘he nout’ N 101, ‘to þer eorðe’ N 130, ‘þeo þinges’ N 160: iii. re-arrangement of words in a prose order, ‘kume hom’ N 102, ‘so’ N 115, ‘dreamen wel’ N 192: iv. substitution of nouns for pronouns, ‘nenne mon’ N 23; the writer has a peculiar affection for the word mon, so, ‘ase deð, among moni mon, sum uniseli ancre,’ Morton 128/23, where A has ‘monie’ without noun: v. elimination of words and expressions used in a figurative way, ‘hit is’ N 99 for ‘driueð,’ ‘kumeð—heouene’ N 170, destroying the alliteration. These alterations have tended to obscure the peculiar rhythmic movement of the prose, which was a feature of the original as of Sawles Warde, the Katherine Group, Hali Meidenhad and some smaller pieces. It is discernible in the other manuscripts, especially in elevated passages, as b 182-7, b 205-8, b 231-5, and the scribe of MS. A often shows by his punctuation that he recognized its existence.

Introduction: The Ancren Riwle, as it was called by Morton, the Ancrene Wisse (the Anchoresses’ Guide) as its title is in MS. A, was written for the instruction of three sisters, ‘gentile wummen,’ of whom the author says ‘ine blostme of ower ȝuweðe, uorheten alle worldes blissen ⁊ bicomen ancren’ (Morton, 192). Their dwelling is under the eaves of a church, they are ‘under chirche iancred’ (M. 142); there is but a wall between them and the Host (M. 262). They live in separate cells, for they send messages to one another by their attendant maids (M. 256), and they are fully provided for, ‘euerich of ou haueð of one ureond al þet hire is neod; ne þerf þet meiden sechen nouðer bread ne suuel, fur þene et his halle’ (M. 192). They are greatly beloved, ‘vor godleic ⁊ for ureoleic iȝerned of monie’ (M. 192); their whole life in so strict an order is as a martyrdom, ‘ȝe beoð niht ⁊ dei upe Godes rode’ (M. 348).

As they were not subject in their anchorhold to any recognized monastic rule, they sought some regulations for their way of life, and the treatise they received is represented, so far as the matter is concerned, best by MS. N. But a book so helpful was certain to be copied for the use of other anchorites, with suitable adaptations and possibly additions; such a copy is MS. A, made a considerable time after the original. It omits the important reference to the author, found only in MS. N, wherein he speaks of the practice of the lay brothers of the community to which he belonged (Morton, 24), the word ‘leawude’ in ‘ure leawude breðren’ (M. 412/8), and the passage addressed by the author to the ladies for whom the book was composed (M. 192) containing the biographical details quoted above: of the numerous additions the most interesting is that in which reference is made to the general adoption of the rule by anchoresses all over England, with such unanimity that it is as though they were all gathered within the walls of one convent at London, Oxford, Shrewsbury, or Chester (M. L. Review, ix. 470). As MS. T is imperfect at the beginning, its first leaf corresponding to Morton, p. 44, it cannot be known whether it left out the first passage (Morton, 24) mentioned above, but it does omit the second passage (Morton, 192), and further eliminates commendatory references to the sisters found in Morton, 48/2-4, 50/20-24; it is therefore adapted like A. So too is the French version; it contains some of the additions of A, and is subsequent to it. A third stage is reached when the book is recognized as profitable reading for others who are not anchorites, for nuns, as in the Latin version of MS. M, in which the first ritual part is abridged and the last wholly left out as inapplicable to those who have a definite rule of their own, such as the Cistercian sisters at Tarent, for whom Simon of Ghent may well have executed this translation. Similarly the extracts of MS. B were probably made for the use of seculars.

Hitherto no plausible guess as to the author has been made. Simon of Ghent, who died in 1315 A.D., is manifestly out of the question. Bishop Poor (d. 1237) has been drawn in solely because of his connexion with Tarent (Dugdale, v. 619), of which he was the principal benefactor. From internal evidence it may be gathered that the writer was a disciple of S. Bernard (1091-1153), whom he quotes some twelve times expressly, and from whose Liber Sententiarum he says he takes most of his sixth book; ‘hit is almest Seint Beornardes Sentence,’ Morton, 348/14. He was acquainted with Ailred of Rievaulx and with the treatise which Ailred wrote for his sister the anchoress (Morton, 368), of which he made extensive use. He belonged to some monastic order, for he speaks of ‘vre leawede breþren,’ and ‘ure ordre’ (Morton, 24). He appears to have been acquainted with other anchoresses (Morton, 102, 192, 410). There is a note of weariness at the end of the book, as of one already advanced in years, and indeed the accumulated experience of a long life must have gone to its making. He was a widely read man; he quotes from many authors, of whom, after S. Bernard, S. Augustine and S. Gregory were the chief, but he drew on the Bible twice as often as on all the others put together. Finally, the Scandinavian element in his native speech was exceptionally large, and French was so familiar to him as to colour his English far more than that of any previous writer.

There were two men living towards the end of the twelfth century who might answer to this description, Gilbert of Hoyland, Abbot of Swineshed in Lincolnshire (Dugdale, v. 336), and S. Gilbert of Sempringham. The former completed the treatise on the Canticum Canticorum begun by S. Bernard, in which the mystic interpretation is quite different from that which runs all through the Ancren Riwle. But for S. Gilbert (1089-1189) I think a good case can be made out. He was brought up in South Lincolnshire, where the Danish element was strong, and not far from the northern border of the Midland area, for Lincolnshire north of the Witham was more Northern than Midland. In later years his visitations took him often to his houses of Watton and Malton in Yorkshire. He received his early education mostly in France, and he probably visited that country often in later life; he spent more than a year there in 1147, 1148 A.D. To no other person would the recluses have been so likely to apply for a rule, since he was famous as the greatest director of pious women in England; ‘vir eximiae religionis, in feminarumque custodia gratiae singularis,’ says Trivet in his Annales; ‘vir plane mirabilis, et in custodia feminarum singularis,’ W. of Newburgh. His own foundation for women and men, the order of the Gilbertines, had its beginnings in an anchorhold which he built for seven maidens against the north wall of his own church of S. Andrew at Sempringham sometime about 1131 A.D. (Dugdale, vi, pt. 2, *ix). For these he framed a Rule, ‘dedit . . . eis praecepta vitae et disciplinae,’ and provided servants ‘puellas aliquas pauperculas in habitu seculari servientes.’ When, after a long visit to S. Bernard, he returned to England with his Institutiones confirmed by Eugenius III, his order was regularly founded, with himself as Master. The Rule of his nuns was framed on Cistercian lines, but with modifications from many sources. While it differs of necessity from regulations suitable to the life of the recluse, it shows the same extraordinary attention to details (‘non solum magna et maxime necessaria, verum etiam minima quaedam et abiecta . . . non omisit,’ Dugdale, *xiii) which is displayed in the Ancren Riwle. And the two Rules often agree in these details, as will be seen in the notes; the most remarkable example is the similarity of the devotions of the lay brethren of the order to which the writer belonged, as described in the AR (Morton, 24), to the rule for the Hours of the Fratres in the Sempringham Order (Dugdale, *lx). There are numerical differences in the number of Paternosters and Psalms, but the Gilbertine Rule, as we have it, is a revision, probably a relaxation, of Gilbert’s, and the principle is the same. This method of saying the Hours is given by the writer to the recluses as an alternative use to the more elaborate one already prescribed, and he adds, ‘Gif ei of ou wule don þus heo voleweð her, ase in oþre obseruances, muchel of ure ordre.’ Gilbert was intimate with Ailred of Rievaulx, and sought his advice in the case of the nun at Watton (Twysden, Decem Scriptores, i. col. 420). Unfortunately, no authenticated writing of his, save a formal letter addressed in his last days to the Canons of his Order (MS. Digby 36, f. 189 b), has come down to us. But the first of his biographers tells us that, when in the course of his constant visitations of his houses he rested for a time anywhere, he did not eat the bread of idleness, but among other occupations wrote books, ‘scripsit quandoque libros’ (Dugdale, *xv), and the writer of the Nova Legenda Anglie, i. 471, says ‘libros multos scripsit; verba eius nichil aliud quam sapientiam et scientiam sonuerunt.’ The first members of his Order would surely multiply copies of the works of their founder, and it is not likely that all of these have disappeared. The Ancren Riwle was probably one of them. But there is besides a group of writings which are seen in their true setting when regarded as a product of the Gilbertine movement; the table on p. 356 gives the contents of three manuscripts which are in my opinion collections of the works of S. Gilbert. Among them is that ‘Englische boc of Seinte Margarete’ (M. 244/20) possessed by the recluses, as the writer of the AR knew.

There has been much dispute as to the language in which the AR was written. The older scholars, Dr. Thomas Smith (1696 A.D.), Wanley (1705), Planta (1802) had no doubt that it was Latin. Morton (1853) championed the English version, but some of his arguments were refuted, others shaken by Bramlette. Muhe, holding the priority of the Latin proved, was obliged to adopt an involved and improbable view of the relationship of MS. T to the other manuscripts. It should be observed that these scholars were unable to take into account the Corpus MS. and the French version. The first to pronounce from a knowledge of all the materials was G. C. Macaulay in the M. L. Review, xi. 61. He appears to have disposed effectually of the claim on behalf of the Latin version, but his arguments in favour of French as the original language are not convincing. It must suffice here to say that nothing he adduces appears to be so crucial as the passage at 58/79, or even 56/38, 56/54, 70/170. In a general comparison, the English has all the vigour and raciness of an original work, while the French gives the impression of being unidiomatic and wanting in spontaneity.

In the foot-notes p. 60, l. 12, add C after chepilt: p. 61, l. 17, read chirche: p. 65, l. 62, add C after grettere: p. 67, l. 96, read wullet C for wulh C., also at p. 75, l. 191.

A. The Seven Deadly Sins.

The references throughout are to the Corpus MS., unless otherwise stated.

1. wildernesse: of the world; he has already said, ‘Iþisse wildernesse wende ure Louerdes folc, ase Exode telleð, touward tet eadie lond of Jerusalem . . . ⁊ ȝe, mine leoue sustren, wended bi þen ilke weie toward te heie Jerusalem,’ AR 196/28-30. Comp. ‘alse longe se we iðese westen of þesser woruld wandrið,’ OEH i. 243/3; ‘Claustrales in huius mundi deserto exulantes,’ Alanus de Insulis, 65. þer . . . in, in which; see 1/3: ‘ou vous aleȝ enȝ,’ F.

3. beastes . . . wurmes: The Lion of Pride, the Serpent of Envy, the Unicorn of Wrath, the Bear of Sloth, the Fox of Covetousness, the Swine of Greediness, the Scorpion of Lechery, each with its whelps. The conception comes from S. Jerome, ‘quasi inter scorpiones et colubros incedendum ut . . . iter per insidias saeculi huius et inter venena faciamus possimusque . . . terram repromissionis intrare,’ iv. 796. Comp. also, ‘Per superbiam enim quasi a leonibus lacerantur, per invidiam tanquam viperarum morsu percutiuntur,’ Cesarii Sermo lx, in S. August. v. App. 301 B. It is not in the manner of the Bestiaries, where the lion and the unicorn are types of Christ, though the influence of the Bestiaries is often shown in the AR.

4. ilead . . . to, traced to, classified under; ‘reduci ad,’ M; ‘menee od,’ F.: a rare use; comp. 54/20. seouene: in the older English literature the number is eight; Superbia being followed by Vana Gloria. See Max Förster, Über die Quellen von Ælfric’s Homiliae Catholicae, Berlin, 1892, pp. 47-9 for a good summary of the changes in the lists. seoluen B: so T seluen.

5. streones: ‘hweolpes,’ AR 198/7; ‘engendrures,’ F. vnsteaðeluest: ‘Destable,’ F. literally, unstabled. nis hit &c., is it not the species of Pride called Disobedience? CTN agree with B; the meaning is the same: T reads, nis hit of prude. Jnobedience. Her to falleð sigaldres: M has ‘Jnconstans fides. contra sacram doctrinam. nunc ex superbia inobediencie est: ad hoc pertinent sortilegia.’ The division in Morton is therefore wrong: P has Inobedience ne falleþ it to sigaldrie. ‘Þe vifte hweolp [of þe Liun of Prude] hette Inobedience,’ AR 198/17.

6. Herto falleð, come under this head; comp. ‘alle þe þing ꝥ lust falleþ to,’ AR 52/24, 58/9; ‘⁊ falleð to biȝete,’ SK 24/471. false teolunges, wrongful practices, especially in treatment of the sick by means of herbs gathered with incantations and of other pagan devices; comp. ‘Se cristena mann ðe on ænigre þissere gelicnysse bið gebrocod, and he ðonne his hælðe secan wyle æt unalyfedum tilungum, oððe æt wyrigedum galdrum, oþþe æt ænigum wiccecræfte, ðonne bið he ðam hæðenum mannum gelic,’ Ælf. Hom. Cath. i. 474/19-22. These ‘unallowed practices’ are, at the same place, contrasted with ‘true leechcraft,’ the skill of a doctor: comp. ‘uncundelich lechecreft,’ 62/36, and see the Homilia de sacrilegiis, ed. Caspari, ch. iv and notes, for abundant illustrations of these superstitions. Comp. also, for a wider use of teolung, ‘to æghwylcre neode man hæfð on cyricbocum mæssan gesette and tilige man (= let one set to work) georne mid þam . . . þæt is hwene betere, þonne man to wiccan, and to wigleran tilunge (= treatment) sêce æt ænigre neode,’ Wulfstan, 171/7-12 (B-T). Morton translates ‘false reckoning,’ which hardly comes under the head of unsteadfast belief; ‘fals takynges’ P.

7. lefunge o swefne · o nore: this order is peculiar to A. For the Dream Books of mediaeval England see Förster in Archiv cxxi. 33, cxxv. 39, cxxvii. 31. o nore: so BCT; N has on ore ⁊ of swefnes; PV have nothing corresponding; M is vague, ‘ad hoc pertinent sortilegia · ⁊ quecunque infidelitas · credere sompniis · ⁊ huius modi’: in F the place is at the damaged top of the folio; it has, apparently, ‘credence en estrenies en songes ⁊ toutes manieres de sorceries.’ ore cannot represent OE. ār, which has no meaning like luck, nor can it be connected with L. augurium, the contemporary French form of which is eür. I think it is F. oré, favourable weather, favourable occasion, as in ‘Nos n’avrons ja tens ne oré | Desci que li vienge a plaisir,’ Roman de Troye 5952, 3: the particular form of ‘unsteadfast belief’ meant being the trusting to the system of favourable and unfavourable days for different kinds of work &c., embodied in such books as the Calendar printed in M. L. Review, ii. 212-22, where it is stated that the first day of the month is good for beginning a piece of work, the second for marrying, the third is a bad day for taking up one’s abode in a town, and so on (for the literature see Archiv cx. 352). The collection in Caspari’s note on § 12 of the Homilia already cited shows that the superstition was often attacked in sermons as pagan; he quotes ‘Nullus Christianus observet, qua die de domo exeat, vel qua die revertatur, quia omnes dies Deus fecit; nullus ad inchoandum opus diem . . . attendat,’ Pseudoaug. Sermo cclxxviii. Comp. ‘time,’ OEH ii. 11/13 and VV 27/22-29.

8. heaued sunne: Orm’s ‘hæfedd sunne,’ 98/2728; peccatum capitale: ‘cum mortali peccato,’ M. Comp. ‘Nu syndon eahta heafod leahtras,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 354/267.

9. ‘þe ueorðe [hweolp of þe Liun of Prude] is Presumptio,’ AR 198/14.

10. ȝemeles: so BPV, negligent, adj. for noun, negligence, carelessness: N has the noun ȝemeleste; C scheomeles. under, classified under the head of: ‘þe seoueðe [hweolp of þe Bore of heui Slouhðe] is Gemeleaschipe,’ AR 202/13.

11. For uuel C has lure: NT have incorrectly lure for biȝete; so in M, ‘Qui non premunit alium de dampno uel incommodo.’ Not to warn a man against something hurtful is slothful negligence; not to apprise him of something to his advantage is venomous envy. The sins are different and come under different heads. The first half of the sentence is in effect hypothetical, and equivalent to, if a man does not warn &c.; so 54/21; 66/120, and F, ‘Ki ne garnist altre de son mal ou de son gaig[ne]; nest ceo perescouse negligence ou venimouse envie.’

12. For slaw ȝemeles C has slauðe scheomelese. teoheði mis: Contrast ‘rihtliche teðien,’ OEH ii. 215/32; ‘giuen rihte tiðinge,’ id. 129/32; ‘theoþe ryht vnder his honde,’ OEM 77/149. teouðen C; tiheðe T; Mis iteoðeged N, the being mistithed; a remarkable use of the participle; ‘male decimare,’ M; ‘mes doner,’ F, a vague expression, which looks like a translator’s failure. How S. Gilbert once dealt with a ‘mistither’ may be read in his life, printed in Dugdale, vi., pt. ii., p. *vii. mis is aphetic for amiss, wrongly; comp. 56/48.

13. edhalden: edhalde C; OE. oþhealden, withhold; so at 64/73: comp. ‘Lante ⁊ thyng me was taght | I held ouer-lang as i noght aght,’ CM 28398. oðer—mis fearen, or treat badly, is peculiar to A.

14. ȝisceunge: ‘Þe Vox of ȝiscunge haueð þeos hweolpes: Tricherie ⁊ Gile, Þeofðe, Reflac,’ AR 202/18. ⁊ anes cunnes is peculiar to A.

15. strong reaflac: ‘rapina,’ M. hwa—mei, if one is able to pay it: peculiar to A. þe—ȝisceunge: ‘species cupiditatis,’ M; ‘qi est desouȝ couoitise,’ F.

16. It is sinful ‘biseon ȝemeleasliche eni þing þe me mide uareð, oðer ouhte to ȝemen,’ AR 344/6.

17. þen—hit, than the owner of it thinks right: M has here prius for peius. ȝemeles of slawðe, negligence, a subdivision of Sloth. The author has already classified under Gemeleaschipe, ‘miswiten ei þing þet heo haueð to witene,’ AR 202/14. C reads scheomeles of slauðe.

18. alswa is dusi: alswa · idusi C: apparently OE. gedysig. longe—unbischpet: ‘diu esse sine confirmacione,’ M.

19. falsliche, insincerely. abiden, put it off: N connects it with what follows by reading uorte for ne.

21. moder: so he writes of the ‘seoue moder sunnen,’ AR 216/21.

23. istreonede, pp. as noun: ꝥ te istreonede T; ꝥ þe streonede C. strong monslaht: ‘fort homicide,’ F; ‘homicidium,’ M.

24. galnesse: comp. ‘þe Scorpiun of Lecherie; þet is, of golnesse,’ AR 204/15. awakenet, originated; comp. 64/61, 66/91, 143/70; AR 44/9, 220/9; HM 27/8, 31/5; ‘woden . . . whence first awoke the West-Saxon bloud royall,’ L’isle, Divers Ancient Monuments, sig. f 3 v. of galnesse awakenet are not represented in M, though necessary to the argument.

25. nomeliche, particular, proper; exceptionally an adj. here; in l. 27, as usually, an adv. corresponding to OE. namcūþlīce; comp. ‘ne ne muhte, ase ich wene, mide none muðe nomeliche nemen ham,’ AR 226/6. ‘touȝ peccheȝ seueralment par lour propre nouns; ne porreit nul hom contier,’ F.

26. beoð bilokene: ‘includuntur,’ M: comp. ‘Auh ine þeo þet beoð her etforen iseid alle þeo oðre beoð bilokene,’ AR 226/7. ilokene CT.

27. understonden him, perceive; see 13/34 note and comp. ‘þenne aȝe we to understonden us | from alle uuele he scal blecen us,’ OEH i. 57/63, 64; ‘Peter · anon þer after · hyne vnderstod · | Hwat his louerd hedde iseyd,’ OEM 45/297, 8. of: the genitive of the thing perceived is found in OE., ‘ðe hiora ðeninga cuðen understondan,’ Cura Past. 3/4.

28. imeane, ‘general heads,’ Morton, evidently taking it for the adj. used as a noun: it seems better to regard it as the adv. generaliter, referring each species of sin to its genus. T omits; B alters by inserting þat, which I indicate. ‘Nec est aliquis ut puto qui [non] possit intelligere suum peccatum sub aliquo predictorum contineri,’ M.

29. anlich: comp. ‘he (S. John Baptist) . . . wende into onliche stude iðe wildernesse,’ AR 160/7. þe—for donne: nothing corresponding in M. for fearinde: forð farinde CT; uorðfarinde N; ‘passanȝ,’ F.

31. hehe . . . iheortet: comp. ‘ase of prude; of great heorte; oðer of heih heorte,’ AR 342/24. hehe, adverb; LWS. hēage, comp. 68/142. ouerhohe: ouerhoȝe C; ouer hehe T; ouer heie N. Apparently they all mean, too loftily; the forms with o may be due to the influence of ouerhowien (comp. 28/323): ouerhowe, contempt, occurs as a noun, ‘ouerhowe of eorðliche þinges,’ AR 276/3, HM 43/4 (comp. OE. oferhoga, a contemner): for hehe in B is corrupt. M has ‘elatos corde.’

32. iþonket: iþonked C; iðoncked N, is explained as a new formation from iþanc, OE. geþanc, thought, thus meaning thoughted, but the versions connected it with þankien, OE. þancian, ‘Serpens uenenosus inuidos ⁊ ingratos,’ M; ‘La venimouse serpente lenuious ⁊ ceauȝ qe sunt de male voluntee vers lour bienfetours,’ F. T has ‘þe ondfule ⁊ te luðere iþohtet: ꝥ beon malicius ⁊ luðere aȝain oðere’; luþere J·hertet V. The unicorn stands for Pride, not Anger, in the patristic literature; comp. Cohn, Zur literarischen Geschichte des Einhorns, ii. 8.

33. o rawe, in their order, in succession. to—isleine: ‘Interfecti quo ad deum,’ M; ‘qant a dieu; il sunt tueȝ,’ F. Comp. ‘mest al þe world, þet is gostliche isleien mid deadliche sunnen,’ AR 156/9.

34. hond, control: the MSS., except V which has warde, agree with B: ‘in eius excercitu,’ M; ‘de sa meignee,’ F. of: comp. 56/48; a locative use = in.

35. falleð, is proper to, is in accordance with his nature; comp. 54/6: ‘quilibet de officio ad se pertinente,’ M, ‘qe a lui apent,’ F.

36. draheð wind: the germ of this comparison is possibly, ‘Qui inflantur superbia, vento pascuntur,’ Isidore vi. 241/4. Comp. also, ‘Dominus cuidam heremite ostendit in spiritu tres homines quorum unus in monte excelso trahebat ventum ore aperto . . . Hii sunt vani et superbi homines qui vane glorie ventum attrahunt et multa opera faciunt ut ab hominibus laudentur,’ Jacques de Vitry, ed. Crane, 68/2.

37. hereword: comp. 84/69; ‘don hware þuruh me buð þene kinedom of heouene, ⁊ sulleð hit for a windes puf of wor[l]des hereword; of monnes heriunge,’ AR 148/2; OEH ii. 83/20; ‘vent de veyn glorie,’ Bozon 89/25. idel ȝelp: comp. ‘Se seofoða leahter is iactantia gecweden | þæt is ydel gylp on ængliscre spræce,’ Ælf. Lives, i. 356/300; OEH i. 103/29; VV 5/20; Orm 10/391; SK 470.

38. orhel, pride: so T; oreȝel C; horel N; gle P; craft V; ‘pompose melodie,’ F, confusing it with orgel, organ.

39. o—world, in four quarters of the world: comp. ‘æt þissum feower endum middangeardes,’ BH i. 95/13; ‘þenne sculen engles mid bemen blauwen on fower halue þe world,’ OEH i. 143/18. As to the form of the expression, N reads, a uour halue þe worlde; P, on foure half þe werlde; all the other MSS. have uninflected half and world (word B), and omit of. For the ellipsis compare the similar construction of side: half apparently follows the analogy of pound and similar words of measure.

40. grurefule . . . grisliche: see 120/95. Ariseð: see 58/77.

42. iborhen: iboreȝen C; iboruwen N; iburhen T; ‘saluabitur,’ M.

43. inohreaðe: a favourite word with our author, comp. 62/41; 143/74, and not found outside AR and the group associated with it. It means literally, quite quickly, quite readily, but in AR it is mostly a sentence adverb meaning, quite possibly, probably; comp. ‘ant so ofte inouhreðe ne dest tu hit nout i rihte time,’ AR 270/6. inochraðe C; inohraðe T: ‘parauenture,’ F. dimluker: of this comparative, descending from an OE. *dimlīce, there does not appear to be any other example: for the termination see 125/270. Elsewhere in ME. dim is used of the voice. ‘minus sonarent,’ M; ‘plus coiement sonereient lour busme,’ F.

44. Jeremie: sein Jerem’ T; sein Jerome C. solitarius: ‘assuetus in solitudine,’ Jer. ii. 24. M has ‘Onager in desiderio . . . sui ·i· vane glorie.’ T omits sui.

45, 46. N, apparently puzzled by seið ABCT, remodels, Of þeo ðet draweð wind inward uor luue of hereword · seið ieremie; ase ich er seide. The other MSS. agree with A, but T has prud for wind, and C omits in. seið, means; ‘And seið syon ase muchel on englische leodene ase heh sihðe,’ HM 5/6. P omits seið—seide.

47. iuglurs: joculatores, called ‘menestraus,’ AR 84/11; ‘nebulones,’ W. of Malmesbury, ii. 438, were usually a combination of minstrel, storyteller, tumbler and buffoon, but those in the text are limited in their means of making mirth.

48. makien—ehnen, pull faces, twist their mouths awry, look obliquely with their eyes: ‘mutare uultum. curuare os. obliquare oculos,’ M; ‘faire cheres besturner la bouche ⁊ trestourner les eoilȝ delesclent,’ F. schulen, schuleð, l. 53, are found only in this passage: OE. (be) scȳlan; dialectic sheyle, shyle. T has schuldi (? through confusion with scyldan), but sculeð at l. 53: P, sculleh (for scullen, scowl); V, staren.

49. seruið: comp. with this and the following paragraphs a passage from an anonymous sermon of the fourteenth century, ‘Nota quam bonos (servos) habet diabolus qui ad nutum sibi obediunt, imo qui nutum eius praeveniunt. Habet suos ioculatores, scilicet lascivos; suos traiectores qui trahunt de sacco plus quam sit in sacco, omnes male iudicantes et maledicos; suos thesaurarios, omnes avaros; suos gladiatores, omnes contentiosos; suos advocatos, omnes detractores; suos insidiatores, omnes invidos; suos latrinarios, omnes gulosos; et sic de aliis. Certe periculosum est servire tali domino,’ Hauréau, Notices, iv. 101. bringen o lahtre, induce to laugh; a curious expression, which seems to be without parallel: ‘ut ad risum prouocet,’ M, ‘pur mettre en risee,’ F.

50 B. liki is a scribe’s mistake for loki. Comp. ‘Riht so hit farþ bi þan ungode | Þat nouht ne isyhþ to none gode,’ ON 245, 6.

51. þider: þiderwart C; þiderward N. riht—heorte: comp. ‘þa eagan minre heortan,’ Ælf. Lives, ii. 28/425, 38/559; ‘mid þe eȝene of his horte,’ OEH i. 157/28, 203/11; ‘Ablinde þe heorte, heo is eð ouercumen,’ AR 62/10, 90/22, 178/16; ‘opene to vnderstonde þe ehne of þin heorte,’ HM 3/15; ‘espiritel sacrement | Ke nus od le oil de cuer ueum,’ Adgar, 175/283. See also 115/119, and comp. ‘lay to the eere of thy herte,’ Rule of St. Benet, 1/3. For ehe C has echȝe. winkið: the writer had perhaps in mind, ‘Annuens oculo fabricat iniqua . . . novissime autem pervertet os suum, et in verbis tuis dabit scandalum,’ Ecclus. xxvii. 25, 26.

52. o ꝥ half: on C; oþere half N. He closes the eye which looks in the direction of the good deed: ‘Sed ex parte illa conniuent oclis,’ M. The readings of the passage which follows are, ⁊ bi halt o luft · ȝef þer is eawet to edwiten oðer · ladliche þiderwart schuleð wið eiðer · C; ⁊ biholdeð oluft ⁊ asquint · ⁊ ȝif þer is out to eadwiten · oðer lodlich; þiderward heo schuleð mid eiðer eien · N; ⁊ bihaldeð oluf ȝif þer is eyt to edwiten · oðer loken laðliche þiderward · sculeð mid eiðer hwen &c. T. A means, turn away their unclosed eye to the left and suspiciously try to pick holes in the good, or else they scowl wickedly at it with both eyes. BCV seem to have lost an infinitive after oþer. In N lodlich agrees with out. M has ‘⁊ quasi a sinistris vident · si quid sit ibi quod reprehendant · uel displicenter se habent’: F ‘regardent del senestre sil i ad rien qe reprouer ou laid cele part regardent en esclench · dautre part qant il oient le bien,’ &c. o luft, on the left side, askance, an expression of suspicion, Milton’s ‘squint suspicion,’ Comus 413, or of incredulity as to the genuineness of the good deed. But ‘ibi’ in M suggests another explanation; he looks in another direction to see if he can there find something else to find fault with.