APPENDIX.

“Dearly beloved Brethren,—Though I doubt not but that you daily present your humble and earnest prayers unto Almighty God for his Majesty, according to St. Paul his exhortation in these words: Obsecro fieri orationes pro Regibus et omnibus qui in sublimitate sunt, ut quietam et tranquillam vitam agamus in omni pietate et castitate, hoc enim bonum est, et acceptum coram Salvatore nostro Deo; yet, considering these broken times, I could not admit at this present to stir you up now earnestly to the performance of this your duty towards your sovereign, wishing you all and every one of you to exhort the Catholics with whom you converse, and you also yourselves, to have more frequent recourse to Almighty God by prayer, for the peace and quietude of his Majesty’s dominions in these general troubles of all Europe, and for the prosperity of his Majesty, the Queen, and all the royal issue, begging of Almighty God in their behalfs that which the prophet Baruch did for the king and prince under whom he lived, ‘ut sint dies eorum sicut dies cæli super terram, et ut det Dominus virtutem nobis, ut illuminet oculos nostros et vivamus sub umbra eorum et serviamus eis multis diebus.’ And also that their subjects may be indued with the spirit of dutiful submission and obedience, for as St. Paul teacheth us, ‘Non est potestas nisi a Deo, itaque qui resistit potestati, Dei ordinationi resistit. Qui autem resistunt, ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt.’

“Considering the reports which are spread abroad concerning the discontented humours of some of his Majesty’s subjects in Scotland, although I hope they are not so bad as the general voice doth make them, yet in regard that good subjects cannot be too zealous in that which concerneth his Majesty’s service, I do earnestly entreat you all to exhort, move, and insist seriously with the Catholics that as the religion which they profess doth teach them next after God to honour and serve their Prince, and as they themselves have always professed to be ready to lay their lands and goods at his Majesty’s feet, in witness of their allegiance and loyalty towards him, so they would at this present, of their own accord, without expecting to be called on, endeavour and think of some means, every one according to his hability, to make an efficacious and real expression of the same, to the end that his Majesty may understand that if he should have use of them, they are ready in all occurrences that may fall out to serve to the utmost, both with their fortunes and persons, according as his Majesty shall please to command or accept of their service in that kind.”

“Whereas it pleased your lordships to refer unto me the differences in the town of Huntingdon about the renovation of their charter, and some wrongs done to Mr. Mayor of Huntingdon, and Mr. Barnard, a counsellor-at-law [the recorder] by disgraceful and unseemly speeches used of them by Mr. Cromwell of Huntingdon.... I have heard the said differences, and do find those supposed fears of prejudice that might be to the said town by their late altered charter, are causeless and ill-grounded, and the endeavour used to gain many of the burgesses against this new corporation was very indirect and unfit, and such as I could not but much blame them that stirred in it. For Mr. Barnard’s carriage of the business in advising and obtaining the charter, it was fair and orderly done, being authorised by common consent of the town to do the same, and the thing effected by him tends much to the good and grace of the town.... For the words spoken of Mr. Mayor and Mr. Barnard by Mr. Cromwell, as they were ill, so they are acknowledged to be spoken in heat and passion, and desired to be forgotten; and I found Mr. Cromwell very willing to hold friendship with Mr. Barnard, who with a good-will remitted the unkind passages past and entertained the same. So I left all parties reconciled, and wished them to join hereafter in things that may be for the common good and peace of the town.

“December 6th, 1630. “H. Manchester.”

A few months after the earl’s award, Cromwell sold his property at Huntingdon, and removed to St. Ives.—Calendar of State Papers, 1629–1631.

“I do most humbly beseech this judge may be convened at the Council Board, and charged with these two great misdemeanors ... and I am a most earnest suitor to his Majesty and their lordships, that he be not admitted to go that circuit hereafter; and indeed I do most earnestly beseech his Majesty by you, that we may be troubled no more with such a peevish indiscreet piece of flesh. I confess I disdain to see the gownmen in this sort hang their noses over the flowers of the crown, blow and snuffle upon them till they take both scent and beauty off them; or to have them put such a prejudice upon all other sorts of men, as if none were able or worthy to be intrusted with honour and administration of justice but themselves.”—Strafford, Letters and Despatches, i. 129.

Following Wentworth’s advice, Charles agreed to bestow upon the Lord Chief Justice and Lord Chief Baron of Ireland four shillings in the £ out of the first yearly rent raised upon the commission of defective titles. “Now,” wrote Wentworth, “they do intend it with a care and diligence such as if it were their own private. And most certain the gaining themselves every four shillings once paid will better your revenue for ever after at least five pounds.”—Ib., ii. 41.

“It is plain, indeed, that the opinion delivered by the judges, declaring the lawfulness of the assignment for the shipping is the greatest service that profession have done the crown in my time. But unless his majesty hath the like power declared to raise a land army upon the same exigent of State, the crown seems to me to stand upon one leg at home, to be considerable but by halves to foreign princes abroad. Yet sure this methinks convinces a power for the sovereign to raise payments for land forces, ... and if by degrees Scotland and Ireland be drawn to contribute their proportions to these levies for the public, omne tulit punctum ... this piece well fortified for ever vindicates the royalty at home from under the restraints of subjects ... settles an authority and right in the crown to levies of that nature, which thread draws after it many huge and great advantages more proper to be thought on at some other seasons than now.”—Ib., ii. 62.

A description of Wentworth, written by Sir Thomas Roe to Elizabeth, wife of the Elector Palatine.

“My Lord Deputy of Ireland doth great wonders and governs like a king, and hath taught that kingdom to show an example of envy by having Parliaments and knowing wisely how to use them; for they have given the king six subsidies, which will arise to £24,000, and they are like to have the liberty we contended for, and grace from his Majesty worth their gift double; and which is worth more, the honour of good intelligence and love between the king and his people, which I would to God our great wits had had eyes to see. This is a great service, and, to give your Majesty a character of the man—he is severe abroad and in business, and sweet in private conversation; retired in his friendships, but very firm; a terrible judge, and a strong enemy; a servant violently zealous in his master’s ends, and not negligent of his own; one that will have what he will, and though of great reason, he can make his will greater, when it may serve him; affecting glory by a seeming contempt; one that cannot stay long in the middle region of fortune, but entreprenant: but will either be the greatest man in England, or much less than he is; lastly, one that may—and his nature lies fit for it, for he is ambitious to do what others will not—do your Majesty very great service, if you can make him.”

On Thursday (29th May), the royal army sat down before the city. On Friday (30th May), Rupert raised a battery and sent a trumpeter to demand surrender. No satisfactory answer being returned, he caused the battery to play, which by six o’clock made a great breach in the wall. Between twelve and two o’clock at night the town was stormed and taken. Symonds says the garrison was 600 men; Walker, that officers, soldiers, and townsmen in arms together amounted to 1200. Walker says the town was ‘miserably sacked,’ as do Symonds and Sprigge; but Sprigge’s account of the siege lasting four days seems wrong.

Kemble’s fifth canon is, ‘The Witan had the power to depose the king, if his government was not conducted for the good of his people.’

Mr. Stubbs, however, limits the cases of real deposition to the Heptarchic period, a time of unexampled civil anarchy. The instances which he quotes in this period besides Sigebehrt of Wessex are among the Northumbrian kings. Alcred or Ealhred (774) deposed ‘by the counsel and consent of his own people,’ i.e., by the Witenagemot: his predecessor, Ethelwald, deposed at Wincenheale, the meeting-place of the Northumbrian councils (765); Ethelred displaced 779, restored 790, and ‘murdered six years later by equally competent authority.’ The fall of Ethelred the Unready he distinguishes as the result of defeat, and notices that the action of the Witan was more concerned with his restoration than with his deposition.—Stubbs’ Const. History, i. p. 138.

“4th April, 1653, N.S.

“It was debated in the House a fortnight ago whether we should send an ambassador for Holland or no; they seemed much divided about it.... The same day the House debated this, the council of officers at St. James’ had resolved to turn them out, and to have shut up the House doors, had not the general and Col. Desborough interceded, who asked them if they destroyed that Parliament, what they should call themselves, a State they could not be. They answered that they would call a new Parliament. Then says the general, the Parliament is not the supreme power, but that is the supreme power that calls it, and besides the House is now endeavouring a treaty with Holland (which is the only way that we have left for the destroying of the combination of our enemies, both at home and beyond sea), and if we destroy them, neither Holland nor any other State will enter into a treaty with us. This seemed to satisfy them at present, but they have met since, and are framing a petition.”

“May, 1653.

“I will not trouble you with the names of our new Council of State, nor with the proclamation subscribed by the general, because they are in print. The people generally entertain and acquiesce in it, yet in the army are some divisions about it, and there is a party which menace a second purgation because some persons have been refused to sit at the helm whom they propounded. Our general is very sedulous to give satisfaction to all parties, and after he hath made a peace with Holland (which, if once they treat we doubt not of), he will cement all other differences. He is very kind to the old malignant party, and some have found much more favour since the late dissolution than in seven years’ solicitation before. This hath been effected by the Court of Articles, where the honour of the army is much concerned. Mr. Bradshaw is president, who checked a councillor at that bar for saying the Parliament was dissolved, which many of the members will not acknowledge, terming it only a disturbance.”