Chapter III

MOUNT MORIAH AND ITS ENVIRONS—HISTORY IN THE TIME OF ABRAHAM, JACOB, DAVID, SOLOMON, ZERUBBABEL, ALEXANDER THE GREAT, ANTIOCHUS EPIPHANES, THE MACCABEES, POMPEIUS, CRASSUS, THE HERODS, TITUS, HADRIAN, CONSTANTINE, JULIAN THE APOSTATE, OMAR, ABD-EL-MALEK, VALID OR ELULID, THE CRUSADERS, SALADIN, SELIM I., SOLYMAN I.—GENERAL EXAMINATION OF MORIAH, WITH DETAILS OF THE INVESTIGATIONS.

Mount Moriah, forming the south-east part of the Lower City, is one of the points in Jerusalem whose situation can be fixed with the greatest certainty, from the evidence of the place itself with its ruins and remains, and from the testimony of ancient authors and local traditions. At the present day it is surrounded by walls and buildings enclosing the great plateau, in the middle of which rises the majestic Kubbet-es-Sakharah (Dome of the Rock), on the site formerly occupied by the Temple of the God of Israel. The followers of Islam, on their conquest of Jerusalem, dedicated this spot to the service of their own faith, under the name of Beit-el-Mokaddas-es-Sherîf (the Noble Sanctuary). They esteemed it the holiest place on earth, after Mecca and Medina, and, as usual, strictly forbade all unbelievers to enter it. An accurate and scientific examination of it was not made, so far as we know, in the days of the Crusaders, and since then, though many have attempted it, none have succeeded. Ali Bey's description, made A.D. 1807, is correct enough for a traveller, but does not touch upon questions of archæology; Catherwood, Bonomi, and Arundale, during Ibrahim Pasha's occupation of Syria, A.D. 1833, commenced a survey with plans and views; but were hindered and finally stopped by the fanaticism of the Arabs, and so obliged to bring to a hasty conclusion a work carefully begun. Many have spoken before scientific societies and written on this subject in various publications; some after looking at the place from the Mount of Olives or the terrace of the Barrack at the north-west corner of the enclosure, others after a hurried visit; but no one since the time of its destruction by Titus has examined the ground, no one has carried on careful and systematic investigations there; all have been content to speak of what appeared above the soil, and were consequently ignorant of the objects of far greater interest below.

In consequence of the late war in the East, Mohammedan fanaticism was somewhat abated, and Kiamil Pasha, Governor of the city, several times allowed travellers to visit the Haram[171], and kindly gave me frequent leave to enter it alone, without forming one of the train of some distinguished visitor; at other times I went in disguise with Arab friends; but on all these occasions I could only use my eyes, and now and then venture to measure a distance by stepping it. This was not what I wanted, for I had determined to construct plans and thoroughly examine the ground in every direction. My wishes were carried into effect by the great kindness and powerful protection of Surraya Pasha, who attached me to his service as honorary architect, and then gave me every opportunity and assistance in accomplishing my design, during a period lasting from the beginning of 1857 to August 1861, when I returned to Europe. I have accordingly examined this celebrated place, patiently and perseveringly, and with no small sacrifice of time and private means[172]. I have penetrated into the subterranean works, sought out and classified the conduits and ascertained their course, constructed plans[173], and now present the details of my labours to the reader, in confidence that, even if I have not fully accomplished my design, I am the first to bring forward many facts useful to archæology, and that if others continue the researches (when that is possible) many great problems will be solved.

The first mention of Moriah in the Bible is when Abraham, in obedience to the divine command, came to it to offer up his son Isaac, and the Almighty, satisfied both of the faith of the father and the obedience of the son, arrested the knife, and substituted another victim[174]. It is possible that this mount may have been the scene of Jacob's dream[175], and not the Bethel usually supposed; where at a later period the golden calf was set up by Jeroboam. Had it been the latter place it is rather improbable that the patriarch would have halted at so short a distance from Shechem, when he fled from the vengeance of the neighbours of Hamor[176]. Moriah is not directly mentioned in the account of David's conquest of Jerusalem, nor in the history of his reign, but it is indirectly when his country was smitten by a pestilence, after that, led astray by pride, he had numbered the people[177]. He repented and entreated God, who checked the destroying angel's hand, as his sword was stretched out over Jerusalem. Bidden by the prophet Gad, the King went out from the city to raise an altar to the Lord on the threshing-floor of Araunah the Jebusite, near to which he had seen the angel. He found the owner with his four sons threshing wheat, purchased the floor for 600 shekels of gold, with the oxen for sacrifices, the grain for meat-offerings, and the instruments for wood; built an altar there, and called upon the Lord. The fire of heaven descended upon it, and the angel thrust back his sword into the sheath. He continued to sacrifice there, saying, "This is the house of the Lord God, and this is the altar of the burnt-offering for Israel[178]." From the above narrative we see that the threshing-floor was without the city, and the property of a Jebusite, that it was a sacred spot, chosen by the Lord himself for his House, and identical with Moriah. Josephus[179] informs us that this was the very place to which Abraham brought his son Isaac to offer him as a burnt-offering.

Here it will be well to digress a little to describe a 'threshing-floor' (Goren) of this period. It consisted of a plot of ground, usually rocky, levelled to allow of the crops being spread out to the air and sun, ready for the labourers, yet so situated as to be sheltered from the full force of the prevailing wind. For greater security it was usually near a dwelling; and, either within the enclosure or in the immediate neighbourhood, cisterns were hewn in the rock, some to catch the rain-water, others to hold the grain and other farm produce[180]. The purposes for which these were designed can be determined from their form. Those for water have only one chamber, with a shaft (about 2-3/4 feet wide) opening out into the middle of the roof; the rest have two chambers, one below the other, communicating by a hole (about 4 feet wide) in the middle of the floor of the upper[181], which itself opens to the threshing-floor by a sloping passage (about 3-1/2 feet wide). The lower cavern is deeper and larger than the upper.

I have met with very many of these cisterns during my frequent journeys in Palestine, where they are still applied to their ancient uses; they are especially common in those Arab villages which stand upon sites mentioned in the Bible; as at Beth-shemesh, on the road from Jaffa to Jerusalem just at the east of the village of El-Atrun, at Neby Samwîl (formerly Ramah the home of Samuel), at Gibeon and Beth-horon, at Beit-zacaria, the ancient Bath-zacharias[182], at El-Kebab in the plain of Sharon, and in many other places.

In the threshing-floor of Araunah there are many cisterns, but I wish to call especial attention to two very near each other, to the north of the Kubbet-es-Sakharah[183] and to one inside it, beneath the sacred rock; of which the visitor can only see the hole on the north-east side and the upper part, but can convince himself by the hollow sound of the existence of the lower cave. These are, in my opinion, the strongest proofs of the identity of the position of the mosque and its platform with the ancient threshing-floor of the Jebusite. I will hereafter explain how I contrived to explore the interior of the cisterns in a place of such sanctity.

David collected materials, and instructed his son to build the Temple on the spot where he had offered sacrifice; and when Solomon had established himself upon the throne, he commenced the work, which was to perpetuate the glory of his reign. As his own dominions were not able to supply suitable wood for the building, and as his people had not as yet made sufficient progress in art to enable him to execute his magnificent designs, he asked Hiram king of Tyre to furnish him with cedars from Lebanon and Phœnician masons[184], with a skilful artist to direct the work[185]. His request was granted, a treaty was made between the two kings[186]: timber was prepared and brought to Jaffa[187] by orders of Hiram, while Solomon had great blocks of stone, of 8 and 10 cubits[188], quarried and transported to the spot ready for use, so that "there was neither hammer, nor axe, nor any tool of iron heard in the house, while it was in building[189]." Before laying the foundations of the Temple itself he executed great works to enlarge and strengthen the ground[190]. Josephus indeed states that the summit of the mountain was so abrupt and surrounded by precipices, that it was hardly large enough to support the sacred house and the surrounding buildings, and that in consequence a wall was built on the east, rising 400 cubits from the bottom of the valley, and the intervening space filled up with earth to support a portico[191]. The work began in the fourth year of his reign in the month Zif (April-May) and lasted seven years[192].

I agree with Munk that it is impossible to give an exact description of this Temple; those found in 1 Kings vi. 7 and 2 Chron. iii. and iv. are very incomplete, and often hard to reconcile; besides the meaning of the architectural terms used in them cannot readily be determined. That given by Josephus frequently differs, especially in dimensions, from those given in the Bible, and the details which he adds seem based upon mere conjecture. The numerous modern accounts[193] are very dissimilar and present great difficulties, when elevations are made from them. We may therefore conclude that a correct idea of the proportions and architecture of Solomon's Temple cannot be obtained; consequently I have put aside during my researches all considerations about the height, style, and ornamentation of the building, referring my reader to Josephus[194] and Munk[195], and concerned myself only about the details relating to the ground-plan. This was an oblong, 60 cubits in length from east to west, and 20 cubits wide. At the entrance of the Temple on the east was a portico called Oulam, measuring 20 cubits from north to south, and therefore corresponding with the house, and 10 cubits from east to west[196]. The Temple itself was divided into two distinct parts; that in front on the east, called Hechel (Palace), now the Holy Place, was 40 cubits long; inside it, on the right or north, was the table of shewbread, on the left the seven-branched candlestick; between these in front of the veil, the altar of incense. The inner part, Debir (the Holy of Holies), was twenty cubits square, and contained the ark alone, in which were the two tables of stone, placed there by Moses at Horeb[197].

The Temple was surrounded by two courts. The inner is mentioned in 1 Kings vi. 36, but its dimensions are not recorded; it was probably an oblong, enclosing the building, which stood near the west end, so as to leave a considerable space in front, where the holy things, used in the Jewish ritual, were arranged; as none but the Priests could enter this, it was called the court of the Priests[198]. Besides this there was the 'great' or 'outward' court[199], where the people assembled to worship. In the middle of the inner court, opposite to the entrance of the Sanctuary, was placed the great bronze altar of burnt-offerings, which was 20 cubits square and 10 cubits in height[200]. South-west of this and south-east of the Temple, was the large laver called from its size the 'sea of bronze,' 10 cubits in diameter and containing 3,000 baths[201] of water, used for the lustrations of the priests[202]. Besides this there were ten other vases, 4 cubits in diameter, five on either hand, each containing 40 baths[203]; these were used in washing the burnt-offerings[204]. The effect of these works was to change entirely the appearance of the Moriah of Abraham and David; but the threshing-floor of Araunah, which had sustained the original altar, was handed down to posterity by the succession of events which identified the spot, and the indelible traces of antiquity, yet to be found there.

As Solomon had built in the Temple enclosure houses for the Levites[205], besides the laver and altar of burnt-offering; it was necessary for him to construct conduits and cisterns to bring, to keep, and to carry off water for the religious ceremonies and the various purposes of daily life, as well as to remove the blood of the victims and other refuse. On this point the Bible is silent, but we can easily see that there were not any sources of drinkable water in the Temple and its vicinity, or indeed in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem; and that the rain-water alone could not be depended upon for a supply sufficient for the wants of the place; we may therefore assert with confidence that Solomon must have made great works to bring water from distant sources, as from Etham (Eccl. ii. 6), where an abundant quantity could always be obtained; with cisterns to keep it, and conduits attached to convey it to different parts of the platform of the Sanctuary.

We are told that the victims were slain on the north, the blood sprinkled about the altar, and the refuse cast away towards the east, in the 'place of the ashes[206],' and the Priest's chambers built on the north side of the altar of burnt-offerings[207]. Hence it follows that drains must have existed at the altar of burnt-offerings, on the north-side, and at the 'place of the ashes.' That these and many other things were constructed by Solomon, we shall presently see from my investigations in the Haram-es-Sherîf; I have now only alluded to the account given in the Bible of the ground-plan of the building, in order to be more easily understood in describing them.

Although the Temple was sacked in the reign of Rehoboam by Shishak king of Egypt[208], and under Amaziah by Joash king of Israel[209], and repaired by Joash king of Judah[210], it did not undergo any material change up to the time of its destruction by the Chaldeans. It was set on fire by order of Nebuchadnezzar, with the rest of Jerusalem, and in a few days became a heap of ruins. So fell the first Temple of the Lord, rather more than four centuries after its first foundation[211]. This done, the Chaldeans carried away a part of the people into captivity, but left the poorer class to cultivate the land; over whom Gedaliah, their countryman, was set as governor. He fixed his residence at Mizpah[212], the abode of Jeremiah, and under his good rule the number of inhabitants rapidly increased, the fugitives returned from all quarters, tranquillity and order were established, and the people began to devote themselves to the vintage and the harvest of summer-fruits[213]; but before long a traitor, Ishmael, overthrew the hopes of this remnant of Judah by the murder of Gedaliah[214], after which the greater part of them, fearing the anger of the king of Babylon, migrated into Egypt, and settled in the land of Tahpanhes[215], five years after the destruction of Jerusalem. From these facts, derived from the Bible, it is evident that the country was never wholly cleared of its inhabitants during the captivity; and that, as Jeremiah mourned for five years over the ruins of the city, so might many others follow his example during successive years; so that the recollection, not only of the site of the Temple, but of its very details, would be preserved, together with the traces of the ancient threshing-floor of Araunah, and the cisterns, which must have escaped the flames.

Cyrus ascended the throne of Persia B.C. 536, and in the first year of his reign allowed the Jews to return to Palestine and rebuild the Temple[216]; fifty-two years after the destruction of the city, and sixty-three after the exile of King Jehoiakim[217], a numerous band, headed by Zerubbabel and Joshua, set out for Judæa, and arrived there after a journey of four months[218]. The next year, B.C. 535, in the second month, Zerubbabel began to rebuild the Temple, and the new walls rose among the joyful shouts of the young men, who saw them for the first time, and the tears of the old, who remembered the greater glories of the former House[219]. Hence we see that persons, worthy of credit, who had seen the first Temple, were alive when the second was built; and therefore cannot but believe that it stood on its ancient foundations. The Samaritans, ever the rivals of the Jews, wished to share in this work; and when their offers were rejected, harassed the workmen and interrupted its progress, until, at last, by sending exaggerated and false reports to the King, they obtained an order suspending it[220]. After a lapse of fifteen years, in the second year of Darius, Zerubbabel[221], instigated by Haggai, re-commenced the building; which was finished and solemnly inaugurated[222], in the sixth year of Darius B.C. 517, on the third day of the month Adar (February-March). We do not find any description of the dimensions and appearance of Zerubbabel's Temple: according to the decree of Cyrus[223], it was to be sixty cubits broad and as many high; but these dimensions cannot be relied on, because we are told that the new edifice was not in any respect equal to the former[224]. It was visited by Alexander the Great B.C. 332; and if we can credit Hecatæus of Abdera, a contemporary of the conqueror, it differed considerably in style and size from Solomon's Temple; the dimensions of the enclosure in which it stood were six plethra (606 feet) long and 100 cubits wide; the great altar of burnt-offerings was built of large white unpolished stones, being 20 cubits square and 12 high. According to the assertion of Herod the Great, quoted by Josephus[225], the second House was not so high as the first.

Antiochus Epiphanes entered Jerusalem B.C. 170, and after killing many of the Jews and plundering the Temple, withdrew to Antioch. After two years he returned, persecuted the people more barbarously than ever, and profaned the House of the Lord, despoiling it of all that had been left on the former occasion. He built a fortress in the lower city in a commanding position, and placed therein a Macedonian garrison to harass all who went to pray at the Holy Place[226]; still the form of the Temple and its enclosure remained unaltered during this calamitous period.

Never have more glorious deeds been done by any nation than by the Jews under the rule of the Maccabees, men ever ready to die rather than break the laws of their God and country. The Temple was recovered and cleansed from pollution; the sacred things, which had been carried away by the Syrians, were recaptured; the altar of burnt-offerings, having been defiled by heathen sacrifices, was destroyed and a new one erected[227]; the walls surrounding the Temple, which had been pulled down by Antiochus Eupator, were rebuilt by Jonathan, and strengthened by towers[228]; the neighbouring fortress on the hill Acra was captured by Simon, the Macedonian garrison expelled, and the building razed. The hill itself was levelled, so that it no longer commanded the Temple: three years of incessant labour, night and day, being spent on the work. He afterwards fortified Moriah, and built his house upon it[229], probably on the site at the north-west corner, where his successors built the castle Baris[230]. In this dwelt Aristobulus, son of Hyrcanus, by whose orders his brother Antigonus was murdered, at a place in an underground passage, leading to the castle, called Strato's Tower[231]. I shall return to this again, as I think that I have discovered it, or at least been the first to identify it.

At the time of Pompeius the Great the Temple was joined to the city by a bridge, which was destroyed by the followers of Aristobulus, as they retreated within the sacred walls, and prepared to defend themselves against their assailants, who had called the Roman forces to their aid. On the north it was protected by high towers and a deep ditch, excavated with great pains in a valley; and on the west by precipices, which could not be scaled when the bridge was broken down[232]. The Roman conqueror entered the sanctuary, but respected its treasures, and permitted the Jews to carry on their worship without interruption. Crassus, on the contrary, though only passing through Jerusalem, did not imitate the moderation of Pompeius, but despoiled it of its treasures and sacred vessels. The last calamity that befell it was when some of the cloisters were burnt, during the siege by Herod the Great[233].

Of all the great works executed by this King, the most important for several reasons was the Temple of Jerusalem. In the eighteenth year of his reign he convoked a national assembly, and set before them the necessity of rebuilding it, giving as his chief reason that, at the time of its restoration by Zerubbabel, it had not been made of the proper dimensions or on the right plan. No doubt a house, raised five centuries before, by a poor colony, with funds supplied by the King of Persia, must have had a paltry appearance, contrasted with the magnificent buildings erected by Herod in the highest style of Grecian art. The Jews hesitated to consent to his scheme, fearing that after he had demolished the old Temple, he might be unable or unwilling to finish the new. He reassured them by promising not to begin to pull it down, until he had collected all the materials required for so great an undertaking. He kept his word; two years were spent in preparation[234]; the sanctuary itself was completed in eighteen months, and the courts and their cloisters in eight years; but the works in the outer buildings were carried on for a much longer time[235]. This wonderful pile rose upon the summit of Moriah, now enlarged by the labours of many centuries, and surrounded by solid walls and deep valleys, more like an impregnable fortress than a house of prayer; therefore the Apostles, beholding with wonder the huge blocks of stone, bound with clamps of lead and iron into a mass as firm as the rock itself, said one day to our Saviour, "Master, see what manner of stones and what buildings are here!" The truth of His reply may still be seen at the place itself[236].

I must now describe the ground-plan of the Temple sufficiently to enable my readers to understand my investigations; referring those who are desirous of entering more minutely into the subject, to the two accounts of Josephus[237], and the description of Munk, to which I am greatly indebted[238]. The area, enclosed by the outer wall, (called in the Mischna 'the Temple Hill,') was a square of 500 cubits, or, according to Josephus[239], of one stadium. This was divided into a series of platforms, rising one above the other, and the Sanctuary was situated rather nearer to the north-west corner, on the highest ground. This arrangement produced a magnificent effect, and rendered the building visible from every part of the city[240]. In the outer wall were several gates; five, according to the Mischna[241], two on the south, and one on each of the other sides; but in Josephus[242] it is stated that there were four on the west alone, the numbers on the other sides not being mentioned. Cloisters were built round the wall on the inside, those on the east, north, and west were double, being supported by three rows of columns, and thirty cubits wide; that on the south, called the 'Royal Cloister,' was triple, and supported by four rows of columns[243]. The Temple-market was held in this court; for all, even foreigners, were allowed to enter it; hence it has been called by modern authors the 'Court of the Gentiles[244].' It was bounded on the inside by a stone balustrade, in which columns were placed at certain intervals, bearing inscriptions forbidding the Gentiles to pass them. In this fence, according to the Mischna, were thirteen gateways from which fourteen steps (each half a cubit in height and breadth) led up to a platform ten cubits wide, called by the Mischna, Hêl (before the wall), above which rose the wall enclosing the sacred precincts. This was 25 cubits high, and had nine gates, four to the north, four to the south, and one to the east; these were approached by five steps; consequently the enclosure was higher than the Hêl. It was divided into two courts, one on the east, another on the west. The eastern gate led into a court, 135 cubits square, devoted to the women, and called after them Azarath naschîm (court of the women). This was divided from the western court by a wall, in the middle of which, opposite to the entrance into the women's court, was 'Nicanor's Gate[245],' approached by five steps circular in form; the western court was therefore raised above the eastern. It surrounded the Sanctuary, and was 135 cubits from north to south, and 187 from east to west. The wall on the inside was surrounded by columns; and on the north, east and south were a number of chambers, devoted to various purposes, among which was the Hall of the Sanhedrim, Lischcath Hagazîth. This court was divided by a balustrade, 11 cubits from the east end, in the middle of which were three flights of steps[246], from which the Priests blessed the people. The part devoted to the men (135 cubits from north to south, and 11 from east to west) was called the 'Court of the Israelites,' Azarath Yisrael: the other, the 'Court of the Priests,' Azarath Cohanîm.

The Temple itself was 100 cubits in length, and as many in height; its east front was formed by a vestibule, 100 cubits wide, measuring from east to west 11 cubits, according to the Mischna, and 20 according to Josephus. The rest of the building was 60 cubits wide (according to the Mischna 70), therefore the vestibule projected 20 (or 15) cubits on each side; twelve steps led up to the open door of the vestibule, which was 25 cubits wide. The Hechal, or Holy Place, was 20 cubits wide and 43 long, and was divided from the Holy of Holies (20 cubits square) by a curtain. The sacred things were arranged as in Solomon's Temple. The bronze laver stood in the Priests' court, south-east of the Sanctuary; a certain Ben Katîn made twelve outlets for water in it, so that the same number of Priests could purify themselves at the same time; he also contrived a machine to bring the water into it from a well[247]. In the middle of the court opposite the entrance of the Temple, north-east of the laver, was the altar of burnt-offerings, made of unhewn stones, as ordered by the law of Moses[248]. According to Josephus it was 50 cubits square and 15 high, terminated at each corner by a kind of horn, and approached by a gentle slope on the south side. The Rabbins say that it rose in steps, the base being 32 cubits square[249], and that at the south-east corner was a conduit, draining off the blood into the torrent Kidron. North of the altar were marble tables to receive the flesh of the victims[250]. In the Holy Place, the table of shewbread stood on the north, the seven-branched candlestick on the south, and between them the altar of incense; all made of gold. The Holy of Holies was empty, since there was no ark in the second Temple, as it was lost when the first was destroyed. According to a tradition, it had been hidden for security by the prophet Jeremiah in a cave on Mount Nebo, which could not afterwards be found[251]. A stone, about 2 inches high, called by the Rabbins Schethiyya (foundation), occupied its place, on which the High Priest placed the censer on the day of Atonement[252].

Herod did not restrict his liberality to the Temple alone, but executed some other great works in the same part of the city. He extended the sacred enclosure on the north[253], strengthened its fortifications, restored the ancient tower Baris[254], built by the Asmonean princes at the north-west corner of the Temple, and called it Antonia, after his patron, Marcus Antonius. As altered by him it was a square[255], half a stadium each way; so that the whole perimeter of it and the Temple together was six stadia. The outer wall enclosed a palace and four towers, one at each angle; three of them 50 cubits high, and the fourth, at the south-east corner, nearest the Temple, 70; from its summit the Roman sentinel could see what was going on in the several courts[256]. The fortress was joined by a subterranean passage to a tower near the east gate of the Temple, so that in case of a popular tumult the king could easily escape into the Antonia[257]. At the present day, a plot of levelled ground, a rocky knoll on the north of the Haram-es-Sherîf, and a few shapeless fragments of masonry, are all that remain of the splendid buildings of Herod.

All the buildings connected with Herod's Temple were finished at the time of our Saviour's ministry[258]. He frequently taught in its courts, and twice expelled those who profaned them with merchandise. He prophesied the destruction of the place; and in its citadel His sufferings commenced; for the Prætorium of Pilate was in the tower Antonia, which was the residence of the Roman Governor and his garrison[259]. There the sentence was proclaimed to the infuriated people, who called down on their own heads the curse of the innocent blood; in a few years so terribly avenged.

The description of Josephus, who was an eye-witness of the scene, has been followed by all who have written on the siege and fall of Jerusalem; it bears every mark of truth; and I shall give a brief sketch of the part relating to the Temple and its environs, in order that the account of my researches on the spot may be more intelligible to the reader. On the first day of the month Thammuz (June-July) the Romans assaulted the tower Antonia[260] and made a breach in the wall; but were surprised to find that a second had been built up behind it. This was carried on the fifth of the same month, and the Jews were driven within the walls of the Temple courts. The greater part of the fortress was razed during the next seven days, and the assailants erected mounds for their engines on the space thus cleared, and battered the walls of the Temple. Meanwhile the Jews burnt the north-west cloister, fearing that it would open a communication with the main building for the Romans, who themselves burnt the north cloister on the twenty-fourth day. This was in no way opposed by the Jews, who considered that their position was improved by the destruction of the cloister, and on the twenty-seventh, by a feigned retreat, they decoyed a number of the Romans on to the roof of the west cloister, and then fired a quantity of combustible material, which had been previously heaped up below; so that numbers of their enemies perished in the flames. The Romans having battered the west wall of the inner inclosure during six days, and tried in vain to undermine the north gate, were ordered to carry the cloisters by escalade. On the eighth day of the month Ab (July-August) they mounted the ladders without opposition, but when they had arrived on the roof, they were fiercely assailed by the Jews, and driven back with the loss of some standards. Titus, seeing that the attempt had failed, set the gates on fire; these were quickly destroyed, and the flames spread to the cloisters in both directions. The fire continued till the next day, when Titus, wishing to open a passage to the Temple for his troops, and to save the building itself, if possible, ordered it to be extinguished. During this day the Jews remained quiet; but on the morrow they renewed the attack, determined either to drive the Romans from the Sanctuary, or to perish beneath its ruins. By a sortie from the east gate they forced back the enemy; but Titus, seeing from the Antonia the retreat of his soldiers, went to their aid, and at last, about the fifth hour, the Jews were again driven within the walls. He determined to wait and collect his forces before making the assault; but this was a fatal day, being the anniversary of the destruction of Solomon's Temple by the Babylonians, six centuries and a half before[261]. The Jews made another sortie upon the Romans, who were occupied in extinguishing the flames in the inner inclosure, and were forced back as far as the buildings in the neighbourhood of the House itself; these were set on fire by a Roman soldier without orders, and the flames quickly spread to all the chambers. Titus, in vain, commanded his troops to extinguish them; his voice was drowned in the tumult; the Jews, with loud shrieks, fought furiously in defence of the last bulwark of their nationality; but it was now too late; the sacred building was in a blaze, and its obstinate and heroic defenders perished beneath the ruins. After the Temple had fallen, Titus tried to induce John and Simon, who had retreated into the Upper city, to submit, and a parley was held at the bridge by the Xystus[262]. These proud and blood-thirsty tyrants would not hearken to him; the siege was carried on, and before long the whole upper city was in his power. He ordered the Temple and the rest of Jerusalem to be levelled with the ground, leaving only some of the western fortifications to mark its former magnificence[263]. Thus ended the political existence of the Jewish race.

The Christians came back from Pella to Jerusalem soon after its destruction, and some of the Jews returned there to mourn over its sacred ashes; so that the place was not wholly deserted even in the darkest days of Trajan's persecution. Therefore tradition, as well as the heaps of ruins, pointed out the site of the Sanctuary to Hadrian, when, in order to humiliate the Jews and extinguish every hope of its restoration, he built thereupon a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus.

When the idol temples were destroyed by Constantine the Great A.D. 332, this too was demolished; but he took no care of Moriah, and allowed two statues of Hadrian to remain there; neither did he attempt to clear it of ruins, nor prevent its becoming a receptacle for rubbish; as if he wished every trace of the departed glory of the nation to disappear. However, the wretched descendants of David visited the place in solitude, to anoint with oil and bedew with tears the 'perforated stone,' which they considered a relic of their Sanctuary[264].

The accession of Julian the Apostate renewed the hopes of the Jews. Wishing to prove the words of Scripture[265] false, he determined to rebuild the Temple; and supplied the necessary funds, giving the business in charge to Alypius of Antioch, Governor of Great Britain. The Jews came in crowds to take part in the work, but their attempts to lay the foundations were frustrated by flames, which issued from the excavations with such peals of thunder, that the workmen fled affrighted, mistaking in their ignorance a natural phenomenon for a miracle[266].

The Emperor Justinian was the first to begin to clear away some of the ruins from Moriah, A.D. 527. He endeavoured to identify the places mentioned in the Gospels, and ordered a basilica to be erected on the south side dedicated to the Presentation of the Virgin, not far from the site of the Temple[267]. Some buildings were also constructed on the north side, and perhaps on the east, as I will presently shew.

The Mohammedans, commanded by Khaled and Abu Obeida, besieged the Holy City, A.D. 636. The Patriarch Sophronius capitulated to Omar himself, and the new master of the place converted the basilica of Justinian into a mosque (Aksa); purified the sacred rock (Sakharah), the ancient threshing-floor of Araunah[268], and ordered a mosque to be built over it, which was commenced A.D. 643. William of Tyre reports that in his time Arabic inscriptions existed in the building, mentioning the date of the foundation, the founder's name, and the cost of the work[269]. However, from the account of Said-Ebn-Batrik, it appears that the mosque was afterwards enlarged by Abd-el-Malek-Ibn-Meruan, fifth Khalif of the race of the Ommiades, who ascended the throne the 65th year of the Hejra (A.D. 684), and died in the 86th (A.D. 705)[270]. His eldest son, Valid or Elulid, embellished and enlarged the mosque, enriching it with a dome of gilded copper, which he took from the church of Baalbek and placed over the Sakharah[271]. The completion of the building must therefore be attributed to him; although it was from time to time improved by the Khalifs his successors, being considered second only in sanctity to Mecca and Medina; so that when, during the Khalifat of Al-Moktadar (Hej. 229 = A.D. 950), the pilgrimages to the former place were interrupted by the invasions of the Karmali, the Kubbet-es-Sakharah took the place of the Kaaba[272]. It is evident that the present mosque is not in every respect identical with that built by Omar, from the words of Adamnanus (an author of the eighth century) in a book on the Holy Places, compiled from the accounts of Arculf, who had passed nine months at Jerusalem. He says (speaking of the mosque) "but on that celebrated spot where once the magnificent Temple stood, near the wall on the east side, the Saracens have now meanly built with uprights and great beams, a quadrangular house of prayer over some ruined remains, which they frequent; it is large enough to contain three thousand men at once[273]." William of Tyre however asserts that on the building seen by him (which was different from the one described by Adamnanus), the name of Omar its founder was inscribed. One of the existing Arabic inscriptions seems, at first sight, to cause some difficulty; it runs as follows: "May God render illustrious the great king, son of Meruan, who enlarged this majestic temple, and grant him mercy." 65th year of the Hejra (A.D. 684, the first of the reign of Abd-el-Malek[274]). This at first sight appears to contradict the assertion made above, that Elulid, son and successor of Abd-el-Malek, was the Khalif who added to the splendour of the mosque, but it is very likely that if he completed the work of restoration, he would inscribe not only the name of the first founder Omar, but also that of his father. In other respects William of Tyre gives no detailed information, in speaking of the mosque of Omar; only alluding to it in general terms[275]. During my frequent visits to the Haram, I often thought of copying all the inscriptions, but was always pressed for time, and afraid that each visit might be the last; therefore, as the examination of the subterranean vaults was by far the most important matter, I thought it better not to turn aside to a work, which others may easily execute by degrees.

It is evident that the mosque remained in the hands of the Mohammedans from the commencement of Omar's building, A.D. 643, to the arrival of the Crusaders, A.D. 1099. These soldiers of Christ, forgetful alike of charity and mercy, slaughtered numbers of the followers of Islam in the building[276]: they also converted the mosque el-Aksa into a dwelling-house, and after altering the interior of the Kubbet-es-Sakharah, consecrated it as a Christian church, on the third day after Easter, A.D. 1143[277], under the name of Templum Domini[278]; because the first Temple to the honour of God had been erected by Solomon on that spot. Saladin, the champion of toleration, magnanimity, and generosity[279], restored the worship of Islam in the two mosques, A.D. 1187[280]; and from his time the Haram-es-Sherîf has remained in the hands of the Mohammedans as one of their holy places.

Selim I., Sultan of Constantinople, who conquered Syria and Palestine, A.D. 1517, restored and improved the two mosques; doubtless the internal and external mosaic decorations, with the various arabesque ornaments still existing, are due to his liberality, and that of his successor, Solyman I., with his favourite Sultana Rossellane; who, according to the works of authors preserved in the Mohammedan archives, spent large sums of money in adorning the whole of the Haram, and in erecting there schools and other philanthropic establishments.

From the above narrative I draw the following conclusions: that history and an unbroken chain of events prove that the whole Haram-es-Sherîf is the ancient Mount Moriah; that the present mosque of Omar stands upon the ancient threshing-floor of Araunah; that the levelled rock on the north-west, and that rising at the barrack mark the position of the tower Antonia, and that the mosque el-Aksa is the original basilica of Justinian.

Let us now proceed to a detailed examination of the whole area, within and without, pausing at each object, which, either from its antiquity or other causes, seems to merit special attention. The barrack, which, according to ancient tradition, stands on the site of the Prætorium, touches the western part of the north side of the wall enclosing Moriah[281]; east of the barrack are buildings of the period of the Crusades, or not much later; and near the north-east angle of the wall the Pool of Bethesda[282]. Before proceeding to examine these places, we must notice some objects in their immediate neighbourhood, which are worthy of the most careful attention.

The Society of the Daughters of Sion bought (November, 1857) a plot of land a few yards to the north-west of the barrack[283], on which stands the north pier of the arch of the 'Ecce Homo[284];' and requested me to survey it. In December, after removing with considerable difficulty the accumulated rubbish of centuries, I came upon a small arch, close to the larger one, which from its style, masonry, and materials, evidently was part of the same building. I at once tried to examine the south side, belonging to the Kusbeck dervishes, but as in this place excavations were impossible, I was obliged to restrict myself to what appeared above ground; and found, in the line of the large arch, a fragment of an ancient wall, which from its form and position seemed to have belonged to a pier supporting an arch corresponding to the one I had discovered. Both the arches are semicircular, with a single archivolt composed of a narrow fillet, a wide ogee moulding, and a band of the same breadth, supported by a cornice, formed by two fillets, separated by an ogee moulding. In the west face of the north pier is a semicircular recessed niche, above a projecting cornice of the same width and pattern as the one just described. Early in the year 1860 I took charge of the already commenced buildings of the new convent of the Daughters of Sion, which abut upon the arch mentioned above; and consequently had an opportunity of examining the foundations of the piers, and convincing myself that both their materials and masonry are of the Roman period; because the blocks of stone, being neither rusticated nor clamped with iron or lead, are not earlier than the time of Hadrian, and are not sufficiently finished for so late an age as that of Constantine or Justinian. Some think that the large arch was built before the capture of Jerusalem by Titus; but how in that case could it have escaped the general destruction of the city, and especially of the adjoining tower Antonia, of which it was actually a part, in the opinion of those who believe that from it our Lord was shewn to the people? But would the Romans, who razed the tower and reduced the Temple and whole city to ruins, have spared this insignificant building; or would the fire have left its architectural features uninjured? The conformation of the ground itself shews us that the arch could not have been standing at that time; because, in its present position, there was then a valley or ditch, separating Moriah from Bezetha. I found the rock, supporting the piers, 18 feet below the surface (as I have before stated), and to the north and south are vaulted cisterns excavated in it, in the natural slopes of Bezetha on one side and Moriah on the other. It is therefore highly improbable that an arch would have been built in such a position with reference to the fortress.

My predecessor had laid the foundations of the east wall of the convent, but being ill acquainted with the nature of the ground at Jerusalem, he discovered too late that they rested, especially on the north-east, on unsolid ground, namely, on the vaulted roof of a subterranean building, and as the walls rose they began to crack. Some of the masons were just aware of the existence of the vault when I came; but no one had entered, or measured it, or examined its whole length, so that I was the first to do this and determine its age. In order to build a buttress at the north-east corner, and at the same time to lay new foundations in a small plot of land on the north, I was obliged to dig a hole, 18 feet deep, below the level of the street, which rises towards Bezetha: and on the 3rd of June came upon a layer of large slabs, each 4 or 5 feet long, 3 or 4 wide, and 9 or 10 inches thick. On removing two of these I found a square hole, through which I entered, or rather fell, into the vault I was looking for, but the intense heat and foul air compelled me to beat a hasty retreat, and have the aperture enlarged to permit the air to circulate more freely. Meanwhile I continued excavating a little to the north, and met with the wall bounding the vault on that side, and found, 4-1/2 feet below its top, (measured from the outer surface,) the original entrance; by which I obtained easy access for myself and afterwards for many others.

The end of the east side of this gallery is just at the south-east angle of the building on the north, separated from the body of the convent by a small level street; and it terminates at the north-west angle of the Haram-es-Sherîf; the floor throughout the whole length slopes slightly and is formed in the rock: though the place was partly filled with earth at the north end, and with filthy stinking mud at the south, I thoroughly examined it and made a plan and elevation. At the entrance a stone staircase, with steps about 2-1/2 feet wide, afforded an easy descent; but unfortunately I was obliged to mutilate this, in order to construct a pier to sustain the weight of the north-east corner of the building above. The side walls are founded on the rock, which appears above the level of the floor, at a distance of 69 feet from the entrance, and gradually rises in them up to the southern extremity. They are built of squared blocks, generally 3-1/2 feet long, and from above 2 to 3 high, perfectly fitted together. The semicircular vaulting is admirable, being formed of oblong stones, 2-1/2 feet long, and 8 inches high. Its exact regularity is its most striking feature.

I consider that this gallery was remodelled during the Roman period, because some holes in it to admit the water are no part of the original design. In the east wall is a semicircular arched door, built up, whose width and height shew that it was formerly the entrance of a passage. Along the side walls are semicircular headed apertures, which, together with the two openings of the same shape, opposite one to another, near the south end, are also no part of the original design. These two are the beginnings of conduits, one of which ran eastward down to the Pool of Bethesda; the other westward, into the Tyropœon valley. The accumulated water and filth did not allow me to make a close examination of these, but, as far as I could see at the openings, the masonry and shape of the stones led me to think that they formed part of a Roman restoration. A short distance from these the gallery is closed by a wall, entirely of Arab work; but I made a temporary opening in it, and was able to continue my examination as far as the Haram-es-Sherîf; the ground of which is about 8 feet above the top of the vault. The quantity of water, earth, and filth, prevented my approaching the rock at the end, and ascertaining the means of communication with the surface at the Haram, but as I saw that the south-east corner was built up, I have no doubt there had been access at that point. It immediately occurred to me that the vault had originally been a passage between Bezetha and Moriah, and was the 'Strato's Tower,' where Antigonus, younger brother of Aristobulus, (the sons of John Hyrcanus,) was murdered by the treacherous devices of the Queen Alexandra[285].

After completing the examination of the interior I applied myself to the exterior, and found that the side walls rose one foot above the top of the vault; the space thus made being filled with strong masonry, so as to form a level surface of the same size as the gallery; which was covered over along the whole length by large slabs, of the size mentioned above; these, being firmly cemented together, bound into one mass the two side walls and the vaulting.

At the same time, during the progress of the excavation another interesting discovery was made, namely, the arched opening of a sewer, 3-1/2 feet wide and 4 feet high, by the side of the entrance to the gallery on the east. It was choked up with dirt, but appeared to come from the north, and ran along the east side of the vault of the gallery as far as the middle of the Via Dolorosa, where it turned to the east. Afterwards upon making further examinations I discovered that it bent again towards the south, opposite to S. Ann's church, and came out on the north side of the Pool of Bethesda. I followed it down for 112 feet from the entrance, and found that after 22 feet the vaulting gave place to a covering of large slabs. The floor rested upon made ground, and was also formed of large slabs, strongly cemented together. I was unable to continue my expedition by reason of the filth it contained, in which I had a disgusting bath through a fall, caused by a sudden change of level in the downward course of the sewer: so to make sure of its direction, by the permission of the Pasha, I excavated in the middle of the Via Dolorosa, opposite to the projecting north-east angle of the barrack, and over against the tower commonly called the Antonia; and so verified what I have already stated, and ascertained with greater certainty that it rested upon made ground; another proof of the existence of a valley in this part of the city. The sewer was made centuries after the first construction of the gallery.

I have however not yet exhausted the objects of interest afforded by the property of the convent of the Daughters of Sion. On continuing the excavation to the north in order to lay new foundations, at a depth of 36 feet below the street, water was met with in abundance. At first I supposed it had filtered through from some cistern, but as it did not increase or diminish, I had the excavation deepened and enlarged, and then discovered, to the north of the water, a perpendicular face of hewn rock; and on digging deeper a small conduit cut in it, through which the water ran from north to south. I was anxious to follow it in these directions, but was prevented by the depth of the soil, the houses in the neighbourhood, and above all by the customs of the country, and so was obliged to restrict my researches to that spot, and even there the owner did not allow me to do much, fearing to attract the attention of the Mohammedans. I ascertained however that this water did not enter the gallery, because after drawing off all that was found there, no more appeared beyond what drained from the street after rain, while the stream flowed continuously southward, yielding a constant supply for building purposes. During the first three days its water was muddy and brackish, but afterwards it gradually became clearer, but always had a disagreeable taste and contained the same ingredients as that at the springs of the Hammam-es-Shefa and at the fountain of the Virgin in the Kidron valley. From the day of its discovery (June 12, 1860), to the end of January, 1861, it yielded a daily supply of from 200 to 250 gallons without any diminution, and was not affected by the fall of rain or snow. At this time I resigned the charge of the works to a master-mason, as all the difficulties had been overcome, but I am told that the water continued to flow, and has done so abundantly up to the present date (April, 1863). From several investigations which I will mention in the chapter on the waters, I infer that this stream enters the well of the Hammam-es-Shefa[286].

My plan and sections shew all the ancient cisterns, both excavated and built, which occur in this small compass, and some remains of masonry either of the age of the Crusades or of Arab work. This spot is an excellent example of the great and frequent changes that the ground of Jerusalem has undergone, and shews the difficulty that all have to encounter, who attempt to form an opinion without taking them into account.

Let us now examine the north side of the Haram. I have already mentioned the depth of the foundations of the north walls of the barrack[287]; but on the south the masonry rests upon the bare rock, which here rises 35 feet above the level of the Haram-es-Sherîf as is shewn in the drawing[288]; its north face being 55 feet above the bottom of the valley. Hence I cannot admit the common tradition that the barrack stands on the site of the Antonia, but consider that the rock above named is the true position of the north side of the ancient tower. This opinion, I think, is in accordance with all that Josephus says of its height and situation, divided from Bezetha by a valley and ditches[289]. If its southern side had coincided with that of the barrack (which the height of the rock mentioned above entitles us to assume), I cannot understand why it was built in so bad a position, where it would be completely commanded by Bezetha, and from which it could not have been separated by any work of defence. Besides, where are we then to place the pool Struthium[290]? We must remember that the shape of the Antonia was a square, each side being half a stadium; it must therefore have extended to the north right across the valley. Now if it had stood in this position, Titus would not have been obliged to batter its walls with engines, and to throw up banks to support them and to enable his troops to make the assault; because he could have poured upon it such a storm of stones and combustibles from the summit of Bezetha, that the garrison would have been obliged to evacuate so untenable a post. Moreover, Josephus states, that the perimeter of the Temple and the Antonia together was 6 stadia[291]. Now according to every estimate of this measure, this condition cannot be satisfied unless the latter is placed within the north-west angle of the Haram, as the description in Josephus seems to require[292]. We are also told that it was razed by Titus; the place which I assign still bears traces of this; and as a still stronger proof, there remains, in the middle of the rock that has been thus levelled, a fragment of the ancient Herodian wall; which I believe to have formed the south-east corner of the inner buildings of the tower, i.e. of the Prætorium. On the west is the house belonging to the Pasha, governor of Jerusalem, and there I have seen, by means of excavations, the rock in the foundations and, resting against it, the earth which conceals the valley filled up by the Asmoneans. Lastly, there is a vault, which starts from the position I assign to the Antonia and goes towards the present Golden Gate. This I discovered by descending into two cisterns on the north of the Haram, and by the fall of the west portion of an old wall, near the north-west corner of the above gate, which, being washed away by the rain, exposed the other end. I was not able to pass along its whole extent, as it was nearly filled up by rubbish, but by examining the two extremities at these places, I convinced myself that they belonged to a continuous building. It is partly excavated in the rock, which however sinks on approaching the east. The masonry of the side walls and vaulting resembles that in the gallery below the convent of the Daughters of Sion. The floor is also paved throughout the whole length, as far as I saw. Josephus[293] mentions that a subterranean communication existed between the Antonia and the east gate of the Temple; consequently for this and the other preceding reasons I firmly believe that I have placed the tower in the true position. I believe then that the barrack stands in the valley; that is, upon the ancient position of the Pool Struthium, which has been filled up, by the materials cast into it by order of Titus, in making the bank to support the Roman battering train, and by the ruins of the Antonia itself. Had the tower occupied this position, the only side properly defended would have been that towards the Temple, by the high face of rock, which in that case ought to shew traces of having been hewn away towards the north. What purpose could my 'Strato's tower' have then served, if it had passed through the basement of the Antonia? It would have been useless as a communication, because the tower itself would have done as well, and it is too deep in the ground and too small for a work of defence.

The buildings on the east of the barrack, between it and the first passage leading up to the Temple, may belong either to the age of Saladin or of Solyman I.; the Arabs attribute them to the latter. They have been greatly altered within and without, and therefore do not present any distinctive features. Their foundations rest upon the rock, which on the south side is one or two feet below the level of the Haram, but on the north from 14 to 18 feet lower down, being at the bottom of the valley which I have already mentioned.

On the left of the passage going up to the Haram is a bath now disused, inside the buildings. During my examination of it I discovered the eastern conduit, which starts from inside the gallery. Its course from this place to the pool of Bethesda cannot be followed, as it is stopped up by rubbish; it is vaulted but not founded upon the rock.

Facing the little passage mentioned above, on the north, are the remains of an ancient building[294], commonly called a bastion of the tower Antonia. It rests upon the rock, and is doubtless of considerable antiquity, but certainly not Jewish work. The stones composing it are small and bevelled at the edges, so that the part projecting from the wall is like a thin slice cut horizontally from a pyramid: they are laid with mortar, and do not appear to belong to an age remarkable for the splendour of its work. This place is about a stadium from the north-west angle of the Haram, and therefore, besides being in too low a situation, cannot have been included in the tower Antonia, if we accept the dimensions of the fortress given us by Josephus.

The north side is terminated on the east by the Pool of Bethesda[295]. This, I believe, was made by Herod the Great, at the same time as the Antonia, from the valley or ditch defending the north side of the Temple. It has obviously undergone great alterations and greater injuries. Porticoes were built upon its south wall by Solyman I.; on the others are Arab houses in the meanest style, most of which are now in ruins. It is nearly filled with soil and rubbish, which are covered with creepers and shrubs. By this time it would probably have been quite full, if I had not preserved it[296]. At its west end are two arches, almost choked up with earth, and overgrown by vegetation. I forced my way into them, and saw two more arches, built of small stones, and obviously of Arab work; the northern of these was the termination of the eastern conduit from the great gallery. With much difficulty I traversed it for a distance of 72 feet, and found it vaulted in the same way as the one I have described below the bath. Tradition asserts this place to be the Pool of Bethesda, at which our Saviour healed a paralytic[297]. I shall notice it again, in describing the various works connected with the supply of water to the city.

In both faces of the north-east angle of the Haram wall are several courses of ancient stones, rusticated, which prove that in former times this was also the corner of the sacred enclosure.

After passing the Gate of S. Mary and leaving on the left the ruins of a small Saracenic building of the age of Saladin, the Mohammedan cemetery is reached, which occupies almost the whole of the high narrow plateau running parallel to the east wall of the Haram, above the Kidron valley. I consider the foundation of the whole line of wall, from the north-east to the south-east corner, to be the work of Solomon; being led to this conclusion by a series of observations, carried on when graves were dug against the wall, and by excavations which I made with the help of the keepers of the cemetery, wherever I could do it without exciting suspicion and arousing the fanaticism of the Mohammedans.

Near the south-east corner is a stone, which appears to have been the impost of an arch; as there are no tombs in this part, I made an excavation opposite to it, at a distance of 12 feet, and, after digging down for 14 feet, came upon the great foundation stones. By opening another hole along the same line, nearer to the corner, I found them again at a depth of 12 feet; the difference being caused by the slope of the ground. By this means I convinced myself that the foundations of the wall were laid far down in the valley (as stated by Josephus), and that they rose up to the place, where it still appears above the surface of the ground, in a series of steps about 2 feet wide. The foundation (strictly speaking) is made of large blocks, roughly squared, and not rusticated, fastened together by a tenon left projecting from the face of one stone, fitting into a corresponding mortise in the next: there is not a trace of iron or lead or mortar; but where the wall rises above ground its face is vertical, the blocks are more carefully squared, and rustic work is used, with wide and deep grooves; as may be seen at many places in the lower part of the present wall[298]. The force of the flames, the vandalism of man, and the course of time, have produced no effect upon these massive buildings; which have been saved from the fate of those on Sion and Ophel, by the ruins heaped about them, and still more by the reverence paid by the Mohammedans to the ground on which they stand.

These valuable remains enable us to compare their masonry with the Herodian work, seen more especially in the projecting wall at the north-east angle[299], and at the south-east extremity. The stones in these two places are of large size[300] and rusticated; only the grooves here are small, and the whole surface of the block is well smoothed; they also are perfectly fitted together without mortar, but clamps of iron or soldering plugs of lead are used; as I was able to ascertain when a small part was repaired: each course stands a little more than a tenth of an inch farther back than the one below it. The general appearance of the work manifests a progress in art and a delicacy of execution, which could not have been produced in the time of Solomon, even with Phœnician aid. In all the countries formerly occupied by this people there are not any examples of a wall in this style, while those resembling the architecture of Solomon are far from uncommon. We might reasonably suppose that Herod would increase the strength of the northern corner, as an outwork to the Antonia on the east; while the south-east corner might have been destroyed by the Chaldeans, being weaker than the rest owing to the existence of the great vaulted cistern within the Haram; and, as Nehemiah was no doubt unable to repair it in a manner befitting its position, Herod would rebuild it in his restoration of the above-named cistern, whose east and south sides are not formed by the rock, but by the outer wall of the Temple enclosure, and are made of great strength to withstand the pressure of the water.

I have already explained by what marks I distinguish the walls which I attribute to Nehemiah, the Romans, and the Arabs[301]; examples of each can be readily found in the eastern wall of the Haram. From the side of a small sepulchral building (containing the ashes of Yacûb Pasha and his wife) to beyond the Golden Gate the masonry shews many signs of Arab restorations. Here may be seen columns of verd antique, porphyry and valuable marbles, built longwise into the thickness of the wall. Doubtless these formerly decorated some Christian edifices, and were placed in their present position when the city walls were repaired by Sultan Solyman.

The principal object that attracts attention on the east side is the Golden Gate[302], which projects slightly from the line of the wall. The two outer doorways, as I have already said, are built up[303]; but for the sake of description we will for a moment imagine them opened. From the outside we see two round-headed arches each supported by two pilasters, built of stones of no great size, which are laid in mortar, without rustic work, and form a perfectly smooth face, in strong contrast with the genuine ancient blocks in the lower parts of the walls on each side, and at each corner. The two arches and their capitals are richly carved with leaves and other ornaments. The whole building is cased, except at the base, with Saracenic work of the date of Solyman; as I infer from the irregular masonry, the smallness of the stones, the occurrence of a Byzantine capital (out of its proper place) on the top of the façade, and many other minor ornamental details, bad in taste and execution, which are characteristic of that age[304].

Passing through the entrance, we find the piers and architraves of the doors composed of immense blocks, six in number, which resemble Jewish work. Their state of decay shews their antiquity, and they must have been exposed to the action of fire, being calcined and crumbling; for otherwise, from their great size and sheltered situation, they ought to have been in good preservation, like all the rest of the internal masonry of the gate; which I assign to the age of Justinian. The plan of the building is an oblong, the length being double the breadth, divided into two aisles by two large columns of grey veined marble and two half-columns, which, with the help of small pilasters, projecting slightly from the lateral walls, sustain the vaulting, composed of very narrow pointed domes; beneath this a magnificent entablature, carved in leaf patterns[305], is carried round the walls of the building. The west façade[306], inside the Haram, has a double doorway with round-headed arches, supported by a central column and two side pilasters. Their form and ornamentation resemble those on the east front. The outer roof is also a series of domes, which were built during some repairs about 60 years since. Not a few authors have attributed the architecture of this gate to the time of Herod, forgetting that Josephus states that the Temple and its cloisters were burnt and utterly destroyed by the Roman troops. How then is it possible that the walls, and still more the ornamental work, should have survived the fury of the soldiers? If the east cloister has so entirely disappeared, how is it that the gate, which stood in the middle of it, has escaped? Those few blocks in the piers of the door may be of the age of Herod, but not the rest of the masonry, and we cannot therefore on this evidence assign the whole building to that period. It is however very probable that they were found among the ruins of the ancient eastern gate and incorporated in the present. Nor can we believe that the two large monolithic columns were brought to Jerusalem by Herod. It is far more likely that they were sent by Justinian to adorn a spot sacred in Christian tradition as the place where our Saviour entered Jerusalem, among the shouts of one part of the populace, to keep that last Passover before he suffered[307]. I consider therefore that the present Golden Gate stands not only upon the site of the ancient east gate, but also upon its foundations, for we find its dimensions given in the Mishna, 'the east gate was 40 cubits long and 20 wide;' and a strong proof of the truth of this opinion is, that, on making an excavation near the north door, I discovered at a depth of 10 feet the foundations, of undoubted Herodian work. At the same time I saw that there have never been any steps leading up to the gate, and that a mass of rubbish is heaped against its east front, in the slopes of which are the graves of the Mohammedan cemetery.

There is a small doorway closed with masonry a little to the south of the Golden Gate, and besides this nothing else remains to be noticed on the east side, except that the whole length of the wall is covered with creepers, which flourish here luxuriantly and do constant mischief; breaches are already formed in some places, but the guardians of the Haram pay no attention to them; though in a few years they will not be so indifferent to the expense of the repairs, which will then be absolutely necessary. All the loop-holes were made in the time of Solyman.

After the south-east corner has been turned, the whole wall, both in its foundations and upper part, exhibits the same solid and magnificent ancient masonry as on the east face. A few yards from the corner is a doorway with a pointed arch, now walled up, which I consider to have been made at the time of the Crusades, and possibly then called the Gate of the Valley of Jehoshaphat. We shall hereafter notice the purpose for which it was used. A little distance to the west of this, we see three plain round-headed arches, supported by four pilasters, whose masonry differs both from the older and newer work in the immediate neighbourhood. Their general character is Roman, and I believe them to have been built at the time of Justinian, to communicate with the vaults within the Haram; which I shall presently describe.

Under the mosque el-Aksa is a gate not only built up, but also partly buried[308]. The arch is cut in two by the city-wall, which here turns to the south. Its architectural features both constructive and decorative resemble those of the Golden Gate; so that I consider it also the work of Justinian. Under its arch is a grated window; by climbing up to this, it is possible to look into a vaulted gallery below the mosque. A stone, bearing the following inscription, is built slantwise into the wall above and turned upside down.

TITO AEL. HADRIANO ANTONINO AVG. PIO P. P. PONTIF. AVGVR. D. D.

No doubt it was picked up with many others in removing the ruins at the time of Justinian and built in here by the masons, and when the wall was again repaired in the reign of Solyman, the workmen, less careful and skilful than the former, placed it in its present position. The Mohammedans call this archway the Gate of the Prophetess Huldah[309], for what reason they cannot say, for they also consider it to have been the grand entrance to the stables of Solomon, and consequently hold it in great respect. I shall recur to this gate in my account of the vaults. I made several excavations in front of it, like those at the south-east corner, and after digging 10 or 12 feet through the rubbish, came upon the foundations laid in the age of Solomon, but could not discover anything to prove that a gate had then existed on this spot.

Starting from the Aksa the city wall goes to the south, and then turns again to the west down to the Dung Gate. Throughout the whole of this angle the lower part of the wall is Roman work, the upper Saracenic, of the time of Solyman. Although this gate is evidently only a few hundred years old, it is usually pointed out by the guides as that entered by our Saviour, when he was brought from the garden of Gethsemane to the house of Caiaphas. Ignorance of architecture and of the plan of the ancient city has allowed this tradition to exist[310]. Entering, and forcing our way through a thicket of cactus, we regain the south wall of the Temple enclosure, whose lower parts date from the reign of Solomon. An excavation made at the south-west angle gave, first the masonry of Solomon, secondly that of the Crusaders, and above these that of Solyman[311].

The ruins south of the Aksa belong to the choir of Justinian's basilica, which was thrown down by an earthquake between the years A.D. 775 and 785. They now await the last stroke of the hand of Time to bring them to the ground, when they evidently must injure in their fall the south wall of the mosque; but the Mohammedan fatalists never think of averting this by timely repairs.

The whole of the space between the walls of the city and the Haram was probably, at the time of Herod the Great, covered by the amphitheatre erected by that king[312].

Near the south-west angle is a very remarkable fragment of an arch and its pier, built into the Haram wall. Nearly all the learned writers who have noticed it, with the exception of the Rev. G. Williams, have considered these remains to belong to the age either of Solomon or Herod; I however venture to differ from them, and attribute it to Justinian; who, when building the neighbouring basilica, may have contemplated throwing a bridge over the valley between Moriah and Sion to facilitate the communication between the two sanctuaries on these hills. The work may have been left unfinished, because the plan was either changed or found impracticable. The blocks shew none of the characteristics of the work of Solomon or Herod, nor have they the same marked appearance of antiquity; nor does the masonry in any respect resemble the Jewish; the stones being laid with mortar. I cannot but think that if either of these kings had executed a work of such importance, the Bible and Josephus would not have passed it over in silence. We can scarcely imagine that so vast an arch, 375 feet in span, could have been built in those times; and if we suppose that the bridge crossed the valley with a series of arches, then traces of the piers, or at least of the stones that composed them, ought to be found among the rubbish below; also there should be some remains of it on the eastern slope of Sion; where nothing of the kind occurs. On this point I can speak with confidence, because when the Pasha requested me to inspect the city sewer, which runs down the valley to the Pool of Siloam, I availed myself of this fortunate opportunity to widen and deepen the excavation, and did not find the slightest indication of a bridge. Josephus[313] states that when Pompeius approached the city with his forces, the partisans of Aristobulus, on retreating to the Temple, cut off the bridge. He alludes to it again on other occasions[314], and to the tower near it, built by Simon to defend himself against John. What then has become of the ruins of this bridge and of the tower? Though now, as on Ophel and part of Sion, there may be open fields on the site of some parts of ancient Jerusalem, numbers of stones, as I have already described[315], are scattered about; why then does not the same thing happen in the Tyropœon valley, where the great accumulation of rubbish would have buried the fallen blocks and preserved them from the action of fire? Besides, the rock exposed in the eastern slope of Sion is rough and rugged, and untouched by the chisel; there is no part of it that we can suppose to have supported a building. I have also excavated along by the side of it in the valley below and found nothing. I have examined the lower parts of the Arab houses, which some have imagined to be built upon its foundation, but all my investigations have confirmed me in my opinion that the bridge never stood upon this spot. Had it done so, why, as we see the pier on the east, do we not see some corresponding remains on the west; or if not these, the place where the spring-stones of the arch rested upon the rock? I believe the bridge mentioned by Josephus was near the present Mekhemeh (the Mohammedan Court of Justice), which is on the west of the Haram, at the bottom of Temple Street, because at this point the valley is still crossed from west to east by arches, sustaining the conduit which brings the water from Etham into the Temple, and the ground south of this, on the opposite side, formerly occupied by the Xystus, has been levelled. The height of this bridge or dyke above the street is 38 feet on the south, and 20 on the north; which, it must be remembered, is not the true elevation of the work itself; because the ground has been raised on each side by the accumulation of rubbish in the bottom of the Tyrop[oe]on. This, in my opinion, joined the Upper city to the Temple-hill in former times, as it now does. It is surely very improbable that the principal approach to the Temple from the west should have been placed at one corner, instead of in the centre of the enclosure; as would have been the case had the great arch formed part of a bridge while that building was standing: and when this was broken down, the communication with the Temple would not have been cut off, as the dyke would still have been a more direct and convenient road from the city.

Before arriving at the Jews' wailing place, we come to the Gate el-Mogarba, leading to the mosque of the Mogarabins; a few yards to the north of which is a little rectangular plot of ground, surrounded by a low wall: after passing this I entered a dark chamber, in which was a doorway almost buried. M. Isambert[316] has attempted to identify this with one of the four western gates mentioned by Josephus[317]; but not having tested his theory on the spot, he is unaware that the difference of level between the outside and inside of the Haram renders this impossible; moreover, the gate has evidently been made at a date long after the building of the wall.

The Jews' wailing place is a small open plot; where a piece of Herod's wall is still seen between the outer wall of the Mekhemeh and that of a private house (belonging to Abu-Saud): it is called in Arabic Haï el-Mogharibeh (the wall of the Mogarabins). M. de Saulcy says of it: "Up to a height of more than 12 metres (about 39 feet) the original building has remained entire; regular courses of fine stones, perfectly squared, but with an even border standing out as a kind of framework, enclosing the joints, rise over each other to within two or three yards from the top of the wall. A moment's inspection is enough to ascertain, without any doubt, that the Jewish tradition is positively correct; a wall like this has never been constructed either by Greeks or Romans. We have evidently here a sample of original Hebraic architecture[318]. In the inferior courses the stones are on the average twice as wide as they are high; now and then, however, some square blocks happen to be laid between the long ones. The four inferior courses nearest the ground are formed of square blocks, with the exception of the last but one, which is composed of blocks three times as long as they are high. As the courses successively rise above the ground, the dimensions of the blocks decrease, and, lastly, every course recedes about one fifth of an English inch behind the surface of the one immediately below it. Beyond these walls (bounding the space on each side) the ancient construction extends about 38 feet to the right, and 36 to the left, or in the direction of the Mekhemeh. Again, the primitive wall is crowned towards the summit by several courses of hewn stones regularly disposed, but of small dimensions. These upper courses are of comparatively recent date, and their age cannot be referred to a period anterior to the Mohammedan conquest. On the face of the ancient wall appear large notches, which have been made at some undeterminable period, for the purpose of fixing a pediment over this part of the enclosure; these notches, hollowed out in the shape of a niche, that is to say, round at the top with a rectangular basis, are of different dimensions, perhaps they may have been made at the period of the rebuilding of the Temple by Herod[319]." From its delicacy of execution I consider this wall Herodian work; besides, I think it very unlikely that the Chaldeans, more barbarous than the Romans, would have left anything standing at Jerusalem: they would have pulled down all that the flames had spared. I consider the smaller masonry of the upper part to be of the time of the Crusades or Saracenic. Friday is the day on which the Jews chiefly assemble here in great numbers, to pray, to recite the Psalms of David, and bedew with their tears these remains of their former greatness. This privilege is granted to them on payment of a sum of money to the Effendi in charge of the Haram. This custom dates from a very early period; it is mentioned by Benjamin of Tudela in the twelfth century[320].

The stones in the lower parts of the walls of the Mekhemeh are remarkable for their rough rustic work in high relief. They are not so large as those we attribute to the age of Solomon or Herod, but still appear ancient. I think they may belong to the Asmonean epoch, and have formed the basement of a tower, defending the Xystus bridge on the side of the Temple. The masonry in the upper hall of the time of the Crusaders, where the vaulting is supported by pointed arches springing from pillars, is evidently much more modern. According to Mohammedan tradition this is the Judgement Hall of Solomon, converted into an armoury by the Crusaders: it is certainly not improbable that it may have been a dependency of the Knights Templar. The large chamber below, which has undoubtedly been used as a cistern, as is shewn by the very strong cement in the walls, is now filled with rubbish. In the middle of the upper hall is a fountain, now and then supplied with the water of Etham; and on the left of the principal entrance (part of a restoration by Saladin or Solyman) an ancient sarcophagus, found in the Tombs of the Kings outside the Damascus Gate: it is a facsimile of that carried to Paris by M. de Saulcy, and now placed in the Gallery of the Louvre; it at present serves to hold water[321].

Close to the Mekhemeh is the principal entrance into the Haram, which has two doorways, and is ornamented with groups of spiral columns supporting elegant capitals carved in leaf patterns, the work of Saladin. Before its west front is a fountain, an elegant specimen of ornate Saracenic work: its small basin, no longer filled with water, is an ancient sarcophagus of red Palestine breccia. From this spot up to the north-west corner the ancient foundations of the Haram wall are concealed by Arab houses, and can only be seen here and there above the level of the ground; enough, however, is visible to shew that the old wall followed the line of the present enclosure from south to north.

Returning to the Temple Street and going westward along the dyke, which, with the Rev. G. Williams[322], I consider to be the ancient bridge between Sion and Moriah, we see, after a few yards, on the right hand a small façade of Saracenic architecture, adorned with arabesques of excellent design; whose accurate execution deserves notice. It is a fragment of an ancient school, established by Saladin, the revenues of which are now exhausted, so that nothing else remains besides this building. A little further on we leave this street (called by the Crusaders the Bridge of S. Giles), by taking the first turning to the north, and find, after passing the corner, a stone embedded in the lower part of the wall of the first Arab house on the right hand, bearing an inscription, which however is of no importance. This street runs along the top of a vault which I have examined. It was constructed to form an easy communication with the Tyropœon, and proves that in former times there was high ground on this spot. Going on northward we arrive at a Saracenic fountain, now without water; near it on the south is a passage leading into the central sewer, which here deviates a little to the east to regain the middle of the valley, and consequently passes under the bridge near the above-named school of Saladin. On the north of the fountain is an ancient Mohammedan bath rapidly falling to ruin, and near it the great gate of the Bazaar of the Haram, at the end of which is the Bâb el-Katannin (Gate of the Cotton Merchants). The entrance to the Bazaar is a frontispiece of rude rustic work, which I attribute to the age of the Crusades. The interior is Saracenic, as is shewn by the architraves of the cells on each side, which were built for merchants' shops, but now are receptacles for filth. After passing the middle of the Bazaar, there is a bath on the south side called the Hammam es-Shefa, supplied by a spring rising at a great depth: its waters have an unpleasant taste; but we will speak more particularly of it presently. On the north, nearly opposite to the entrance of the bath, a little street leads to the Bâb el-Kadid (Iron Gate) and the Convent of Blind Dervishes, (a philanthropic establishment of Solyman,) where singers in the mosque, suffering from this calamity, are still received.

The first lane on the north of the Bazaar leads directly up to the Bâb el-Kadid; along each side are establishments in aid of the poor, but, as the revenues have been swallowed up, they are going to ruin, like the schools of Saladin, which are in the next street on the north, leading up to the Bâb el-Nadhir (Inspector's Gate). Here, according to Mohammedan tradition, the Prophet alighted from his steed Borak[323], on his visit to the Holy Stone of Jacob. Near this gate, on the south, is a magnificent building, which from the various kinds of stone employed, the delicacy of its ornamentation, the regularity of its columns, and the harmony of all its parts, is an excellent example of Saracenic taste. It was erected by Solyman, and is said by the Mohammedans to have been the residence of his Sultana Rossellane. It is now gradually falling to decay, although a very small sum spent in repairs would make it last for centuries.

Before leaving this side I need only remark that the arches, crossing the street down the Tyropœon, shew that the houses on the west side of the valley are also in the precincts of the Haram and consequently inalienable. Up to the time of Saladin and his successors, these belonged exclusively to the Jews; who, since then, have been gradually deprived of them by the law of might; and, in order to conceal the iniquitous usurpation, they have been thus joined to the enclosure of the Haram.

Having thus described the outside of the Mohammedan sanctuary, I shall now conduct my reader within, and introduce him to places all as yet unknown to him, except one or two, which, from their connection with the exterior, I have been obliged to mention. In doing this, I shall not spend time over the minor details, which are explained by the Plan and its description[324]; but attend solely to the matters of greater interest, not forgetting the Mohammedan traditions.

I have already, in describing the exterior, noticed all the important points on the north side, and therefore only call attention to the extent of levelled rock, continuous with that which forms a large part of the south wall of the barrack, and was, in my opinion, the north of the tower Antonia[325]. A short distance from the barrack is an octagonal oratory, surmounted by a dome, containing (according to the Mohammedans), a piece of the sacred rock, which was cut off by the Christians during the time of the Latin kingdom. I have been inside the building, and seen a stone; but it is too shapeless to enable me to form any opinion of the truth of the tradition. I think that the place has a vault beneath, and that probably the passage already mentioned, which was constructed by Herod as a communication between the tower Antonia and the east gate, passes by it.

Above the pool of Bethesda rises the minaret of Israel, erected to commemorate the Patriarch's sleeping on Moriah; this, and the minaret of the Serai at the north-west corner, are used for the especial purpose of calling to prayer the faithful of the rite Hannefi: both are founded on the rock, and near the latter the large Herodian masonry is still visible: they were built in the time of Omar, according to the Mohammedan chronicles; which I am disposed to believe, because I have seen, in the interior of the second, small holes, which may have been made for the fittings of Christian bells during the Latin kingdom. These would not be there had the minarets been built by Saladin, by whom however the second may certainly have been restored.

A small Arab building abutting on the outer wall is the first thing to attract attention on the east side. In the middle of the room inside is a kind of pedestal, covered with rich carpets woven in different colours. According to the Mohammedans, this is the site of the throne of Solomon, and the place where the Book of Wisdom was composed, to which, in consequence, he will return at the Day of Judgement to assist his father David in judging the Israelites. We can see how highly the followers of the prophet esteem the place by the number of small tablets fastened to the window, as tokens of gratitude for some blessing received.

To the south of this is the Golden Gate[326]; a small staircase on the north side conducts us to the top, which is an excellent position for a general view of the Haram es-Sherîf, the Valley of Kidron, the Mount of Olives, and the whole of Jerusalem. Here we see the truth of the words of Josephus[327], that "the city lay over against the Temple in the manner of a theatre." The Mohammedans say that on the Last Day the Prophet Isa (Jesus) will descend from heaven upon this gate to judge the world, and will commit the Jews to the decision of David and Solomon, and the followers of Islam to the Prophet. Passing along the boundary wall to the south we come to a very narrow staircase built against it, leading up to a window from which the shaft of a column laid longwise projects for about 5 feet; beneath it is the deep valley of Kidron. This marks the position of the invisible bridge es-Sirah and the 'Window of Judgement,' where Mohammed will sit on the Day of Judgement, and order all to pass the bridge, no wider than the edge of a sword; over it the faithful will run swiftly and enter Paradise; while the infidels, in trying to cross, will fall into the abyss of Hell open wide beneath them. I have seen not a few fanatics come to pray in a niche very near the window, and then step on to the column; and afterwards try to obtain the credit of having seen that which is invisible. In the south-east corner of the enclosure is a ruined mosque, with 14 arches, in two rows, supported by square pillars. This was formerly the place of prayer according to the rite Hanbeli. The keeper asserts that, in times long since past, there was a high tower on this spot; he is indeed not altogether mistaken; for, in the days of Herod, the cloister with its four rows of columns stood here; high enough to afford a beautiful view[328].