The Second Part. (continued 3)

A thousand other Examples might be brought of like nature, but I must omit them to pass on to the actions of Innocent the tenth, who had reduc’d the Court to such a confus’d state, that no body knew where, nor how, to begin any Negotiation; whereupon a Minister of the Duke of Parma said one day, That ’twas easier to make a bed for a dog, than to understand the humour of Innocent.

The Government of Urban was the best in the World in comparison of that of Innocent; for Urban delighted to negotiate with Embassadours, but the other avoided their presence as much as possible he could; and when he receiv’d them, ’twas after so disobliging careless manner, that few car’d to confer with him.

No hours were so tedious to him, as those wherein he was to give Audience to a publick Embassadour; for he little car’d to be troubled with the important affairs of Christendom, or those of the Papacy it self.

His particular Maximes were to deny all favours, to answer all sutes with a Negative, and never to resolve upon any thing that might advantage the Church, or weaken its Enemies.

What others avoided, was in him predominant; that is to say, He lov’d that which was worst. If he possess’d any vertue, he employ’d it not to the benefit of Christendom, but of his own Family; as on the contrary he did his ill qualities to the mischief of the Church and the City.

At first indeed he seem’d so desirous of knowing all affairs both publick and private, that ’twas hoped, his Government would prove the happiest that ever was to the Church. But this vigilance caused no small hurt in general; for when the Subjects of the Ecclesiastical State, Prelates, and forreign Ministers, conceiving the same to proceed from zeal to Justice, had brought and delivered their Memorials, in hopes of a speedy Answer, it prov’d all but loss of time; for they never were call’d, nor admitted to any answer at all. Whence, the Pope’s way, of denying all and resolving nothing, being understood, it became an ungrateful employment to have any thing to do at Rome.

And to make the way of arriving at their ends more difficult to Princes Ministers, for a long time together there was no Officer at Court to present the Petitions of Suiters, as formerly, but he declared one of his Nephews to be Cardinal Patron; who was the Cardinal Astalli, but with an authority so streight and limited, that he was almost asham’d of it.

By this means the Court became so much the more at a loss; for such as address’d to this Nephew, receiv’d no other comfort, but to behold him shrink up his shoulders, (as young maids do when ask’d by their Fathers whether they will marry) and hear him tell them, That all should be represented to his Holiness. And the truth is, as to this point he was very punctual: But he did it after so timerous and indifferent a manner, out of fear to cross the Pope, whose answer he knew was alwaies the same, That the matter shall be taken into consideration; The plain meaning whereof was, That nothing at all shall be done in it.

In this confusion some thought it best to address immediately to the Pope; but, besides the difficulty of Access, the Event prov’d alwaies alike; whatever care they took to make their Proposals clear and intelligible, they alwaies hung in the hedge. Yet there were some too that fansied Innocent one of the greatest Politicians of the World, till perceiving by effects the clean contrary, they remain’d as mute as Statues for shame of their mistake.

His suffering Donna Olympia to rule all, his exalting, and abasing his adopted Nephew Astalli; his banishing, and recalling Don Camillo his own Nephew; his persecuting, and reingraciating with the Barbarini; and in a word, his changing his will and judgment every moment; and his inconstancy in every thing, save granting Sutes, would have imbroiled any Government whatsoever, and much more the Papal, which is naturally full of confusion.

When there happens a Pope like Innocent, bent wholly to reject all the instances of Princes; the only remedy is to sow disturbances in the Church, and broyls between the Protestants and Catholicks, thereby to puzzle the Pope’s brain, and frighten him, so that he shall rather seek the friendship of Princes, than they his. Of the success of which course I shall give some Examples.

When the Duke of Parma’s Army took the Field, to get redress concerning the detension of Castro, under the Command of Don Gauffrido; the Pope extremely affrighted, as one not much accustomed to the Trade of War, caused the Holy Sacrament to be expos’d forty hours, and Processions to be celebrated to all the Churches in Rome.

And not knowing what might be the issue of the War undertaken by the said Prince, who breathed nothing but the extremities thereof against his Person, he thought it his best course to gain the Princes of Christendom to his side, and to oblige them to relinquish the Protection of the Duke, by rendring himself extraordinary easie to all Addresses, granting Favours to all Demanders, and receiving Publick Ministers with so much obligingness, that they needed no more but to open their mouths for any Suit or Request, that of the Pope standing always open to accord it.

A certain Embassador, who for three years together could never obtain any other Favour but that of Common Indulgences, finding his desires now satisfied in what ever he demanded, writ to the Prince his Master, That the Pope, like a Hackney-horse, travelled very well with a Spur in his Flank; and that he had lately obtained, in eight days, more than he could do before in three years: So that it were to be wish’d that the Duke of Parma would give him a touch or two more of the Spur.

In the very same manner, at the time that the French had made themselves Masters of Portolongone, all sort of Favours ran out with a full torrent, many times preventing Requests: Nor did the Pope suffer any man to depart from his Presence, who was not satisfied to the height of his wishes.

But no sooner was this State of Affairs changed, that is to say, Portolongone recovered by the Spaniards, and the Duke disappointed in the War, but Negatives appear’d afresh in the Field with greater peremptoriness than before; and the Pope became as deaf as a Stone to all manner of Supplications or Petitions.

Hence it may be clearly seen, or at least argu’d, That most Popes (if not all) neither grant Favours, nor bear any regard to Princes, save at such time as they stand in need of them.

Urban the Eighth was of this very same humour, denying without exception all sort of Favours, which had not their original from his own or his Nephews inclination, however just Reasons might be alledged for them; and this as well to the French, whom he made semblance to love, but really lov’d not; as to the Spaniards, whom indeed he affected, though without giving them the satisfaction of seeing any tokens of that affection.

Nevertheless, when he saw Odoardo Farnese Duke of Parma enter victorious with 3000 Horse, for the regaining of Castro, most injuriously detained from him, then indeed he began both to humble himself to Spain, which he had kept under before, and to gratifie France, to which he had on divers occasions shewn himself ungrateful; and also to solicite the Friendship of all sort of Princes, as well small as great; and that not by promising, but by real concession of Favours with a plentiful hand in Germany and Italy.

Wherefore seeing the Popes have a particular Method of bearing themselves ruggedly and contemptuously to Princes, when they need them not; ’twere good Policy in Princes to bring it so to pass, that they might always be in a state of Fear, sometimes by threatning neer hand, and at other times by vexing them at distance.

The Indignities which Princes receive often from the Court of Rome, proceed not immediately from an evil intention in the Popes towards them, but from the too good inclination of Princes towards the Popes; there being some so tender-conscienc’d, that they fear the loss of their Souls in disgusting a rascallion Court-fly that bears the Cassock of a Priest, and serves to sweep the Antichamber of his Holiness or the Cardinal-Nephew.

The Ecclesiasticks have Swords in their Mouths, but no Courage in their Breasts; I mean, they threaten all People, without considering what issue such Menaces may have: But when they see themselves reprov’d or threatned, then their hearts fail them, they fall a trembling, and humble themselves to every body, especially Grandees; although withall, they have the cunning to colour their Fear with the pretext of a religious, pious, and devout Meekness.

The nature of the Ecclesiasticks is to disgust such as comply with them, and fawn on those that disgust them; So that if Princes would advance their Affairs, and bring down the haughtiness of Rome, they must endeavour to mortifie the Pope.

The Catholick Crown, in testimony of its affection to the Popes, admits into its Jurisdiction only the Roman Religion; besides that the Spaniards also shew themselves most concerned in keeping up the Pope the Head of the Church, and enriching the Ecclesiasticks.

However, they have fared little or not at all the better for it, as to their Negotiations at Rome, in regard that the Ecclesiasticks (that is, the Popes) esteem them not more than others for it; but through fear commonly afford as much or more countenance to the French: from whom on the other side they receive greater disgusts, under pretence of the Gallican Priviledges.

’Tis true, the Roman Court very well perceives, that the Spaniards reverence it as the Sanctuary of their Glory, and the Absolute Mistress of the preservation of their States; and accordingly it treats them familiarly, that is to say, with good words and ill deeds, with fair shews and bad substance.

The Spaniards suffering themselves to be too much domineer’d over in the Court of Rome, is not only hurtful to the Government of the Spaniards themselves, but also thereby prejudices the Interests of all those Princes that have concerns either at Rome, or with Rome; For when any inferiour Prince would with specious Reasons defend his Right over Ecclesiastical Persons, these men presently alledge for their justification the Example of the Spaniards, and thereby enforce him not to refuse, what so great and powerful a Monarchy as Spain refuseth not to do. And of these Examples the Popes have the Vatican full, and make use of the same in all Occurrences, to the perpetual nauseating of Princes therewith.

This manner of proceeding between the Ecclesiasticks and the Spaniards cannot last long, because the long languishings of Princes, ensuing thereupon, will enforce them either to yield to some violent Remedy, or to open the gate to death.

Every day, yea, every moment, displeasures arise between the Crown of Spain and Rome; which, how-much soever debated, turn always to the satisfaction of the Pope, and the disadvantage of the Interests of the Catholick King.

In brief, The Dominion which the Court of Rome hath gotten over the Spaniards is so great, that how many and considerable soever the disgusts be which this Court puts upon them from day to day, nevertheless the Spaniards dare not come to a Rupture with it, being better contented to suffer themselves, than to make others suffer.

The Policy of the North, yea and that of Italy too, laughs at this Spanish Zeal, which stoops in so humble sort to the arrogance and insolent Proceedings of the Ecclesiasticks. And indeed What reason is there that such a Monarchy should submit its Empire to a simple Bishoprick? Nevertheless, this is seen done every day in the Ecclesiastick State.

Were it not for the Spaniards, I verily believe Affairs at Rome would not be so imbroil’d and perplex’d as they are; for the Popes become so extremely proud towards other Princes, and render all Negotiations so extremely difficult, through the little account they make of Publick Ministers, in regard they see themselves back’d and supported by so potent a Crown in Italy.

Nevertheless, I cannot but imagine, That other Princes are for this reason extremely incensed with anger against the Spaniards, who to satisfie an apparent out-side Zeal, ruine the Common Cause of the Sovereignty of all other Princes.

If the Spaniards would comply with other Sovereigns, to give the Popes now and then a touch of the Spur, thereby to oblige them to go on in the right way, the management of Affairs at Rome would be very expedite, and the Ministers of Princes would not meet with so many difficulties: Which I leave, with the rest, to the consideration of the Spaniards and other Princes.

Some Ministers there are, who flatter themselves into a belief that they may be able to bring their Negotiations to a prosperous end, by means of the friendship they have with Cardinals, and the great Interest these Cardinals have to defend those Princes of whom they are intitl’d Protectors.

But this Opinion of theirs hath no other effect but to confound their Negotiations so much the more, whilst the Protection of Princes by those Cardinals is only external and nominal: for otherwise Policy obliges them to seek in the first place the advantage of the Pope, before the profit of the Princes, whom they serve, or at least seem to serve.

Every blow of mortification which the Pope receives from any Prince, recoils to the damage of the Cardinal Dignity; and therefore the Cardinals labour to bring it about, that the Advantages may be always on the Popes side. Nor is it necessary to believe the Cardinal, who professeth, That the Interests of his Prince are dearer to him, than those of the Scarlet Gown it self.

But this would be a great failure in Policy and Interest: Whence it was, that when Innocent beheld his Cousin Olympia anxious and troubled lest the Ecclesiastical State should become involv’d in a War, and lest many Cardinals should engage in it on behalf of the Duke of Parma, out of spight to the Pamphilian Family, the Pope comforted her with these words; Cousin, fear nothing, the Cardinals will be for us in spight of their own teeth, and will defend the Ecclesiastical State in consideration of their own Interest, though we should go about to ruine it for ours.

The Grandeur of the Scarlet Gown depends upon the Majesty of the Triple Crown, and the Cardinals are proportionably Great as the Pope is so; whence it is that they strive with all possible ardour to promote the Advantage of the Church, and the Honour of the Pope; which failing, their own Reputation and Glory must partake in the Eclipse.

Great undoubtedly is the Magnificence of the Colledge of Cardinals; and greater it would be, if it had not been perverted both from the first Institution thereof, and retrench’d of the Prerogatives wherewith it hath been augmented by divers Popes, for the maintenance of its Grandeur and Honour.

But the Popes have corrupted and spoil’d all; inasmuch as into that Colledge, into which the greatest Princes of the World think it a glory to enter, they have introduc’d some, who have received their Original from the vilest Dunghil of the World; and ’tis not many years ago, that one was created Cardinal, who was the Son of a base Catchpole.

Hence it comes to pass, that the Popes seeing the Scarlet Robe upon the Shoulders of so vile and unworthy Persons, they despise it likewise when it is worn on the backs of Great Princes. And ’tis more than true, That good Popes honour the Cardinals, when such Honour brings profit to themselves; otherwise they make a mock both of their Persons, and their Order.

And hence it is, that Princes Ministers find themselves in a wrong Box, when they put any trust even in those Cardinals who seem the greatest Zealots for their Interests.

Thus I have made a Relation of the manner how things are wont to be negotiated at Rome, and shew’d how the great Polititians of Europe may salve their Reputations; as also the Grounds and Causes of those Mischiefs, which break the sleep and make the heads ake of as many Publick Ministers as reside in Rome.

When the Pope perceives that Negotiations tend to his own Advantage, he doth things like an absolute Monarch: but when he knows that they are likely to cause any prejudice to him, he lays the cause of not succeeding upon the Congregations of the Cardinals, of which there are infinite at Rome.

In this manner he shews himself rather as Head of a Commonwealth, than an absolute Prince: and indeed those Congregations serve more for a pretext and help to the Pope and the Nephews, than for any benefit to the State.

From such a Government little Fruit, and no Satisfaction can be drawn by the Ministers that negotiate at Rome; but rather, as accordingly it falls out, disgusts, affronts, and dissatisfactions.

In the Roman Court there passes not a day without reproaches against the Pope and Nephews, as those who study nothing else but to accommodate themselves, and incommodate all others that endeavour the good of the State and the Church.

Greater attendance and application cannot be, than that of Alexander the Seventh both to Civil and Ecclesiastical Affairs; and which is most considerable, he doth all things with such an eagerness, that he appears to take no small glory therein.

He lets not one day pass without giving publick Audience, at least very seldom, unless those Infirmities which are his constant Companions indispose him to follow his good intentions; as it hapned for these days lately passed, wherein for a good while together he was not able to give Audience to the Embassador of France.

Innocent undertook things slowly, and this slowness spoil’d all; but Alexander, being most contrary to such a nature, enterpriseth every thing with great ardour: and this spoils all too, the Ship being lost oftentimes as well through too little Wind, by falling into the hands of Enemies, as likewise through too great a Wind striking upon Rocks.

The Ministers of Princes even still find very great difficulties in negotiating at Rome, and perhaps greater too than those which they found in the time of Innocent; who indeed intangled things, because he would not extricate them: but Alexander confounds matters by too great eagerness to rectifie them. Innocent lov’d not to meddle, but with those things whereunto he was enforced; but Alexander thrusts himself upon such as might better be let alone.

Hence ’tis that Ministers seeing the Pope employ his mind on a thousand businesses of Christendom, and but of a weak and infirm constitution, they forbear to trouble him; as Cardinal Mazarine and Don Lewis d’ Haro did, who would not let the Pope have any hand in the Treaty of the last Peace, to the no small displeasure of the poor Pope, who was ambitious to receive his part of the glory in a business so important to the Universe.

That which makes publick Agents at Rome thus backward, is the knowledge they have of the Pope’s mind; who is inquisitive and curious to know every thing, to have a hand in every action, to pry into all the affairs of Christendom, and briefly, to lade himself with so many businesses, that he must needs precipitate them all through want of strength to carry them on: whence ’tis that oftentimes he answers one Minister concerning certain matters of which he had conferr’d with another, and so confounds both himself and them that negotiate with him, who for fear of further embarassing the Pope’s understanding are fain to break off their most important Audiences.

In the beginning of his Papacy, being ambitious of glory, he would needs sustain alone the weight of all the world, not only of the State Ecclesiastical, in the middle whereof he lean’d upon others, but did not cast the burden wholly off from himself; and at present now he approaches towards his end, his infirmities enforce him to leave others to do, that which it grieves him that he cannot do for others.

Matters were well believ’d, but ill understood at the first entrance of the Cardinal Patron and Don Mario into Rome: and now they are well understood, but ill believ’d. These Lords began to Reign with their Eyes shut, and their Ears open; and at present, the Style being changed, they rule with their Ears shut, and their Eyes open, whence proceeds the multitude of inconveniences to publick Agents.

The Cardinal Patron exercises the Office of his Patronage, in giving himself Patronage for enjoying his pleasures, and avoiding, as much as possible, all hard and knotty affairs; which are wont to perplex the mind, and confound the brain of a Gallant.

Hence it is, that Embassadors, who treat with him, reap no other good but a fardle of Complements, and pleasing Expressions, with no small hope that he will act abundantly; but in reality he doth nothing: so that they depart from his Presence outwardly satisfi’d, with their hands empty of any thing of substance.

I have known some Ministers, who have believ’d they might speed in their publick affairs by the easiness of knowing the secrets of the Court; which is of great use to a publick Agent, namely, to know the actions, treaties, and conveniences of others, and to keep his own, and those of his Prince, secret.

Indeed, the secresie of the Court of Rome seems not to be so great as the subtilty, although Excommunications and Censures make a great noise: For those who are introduc’d into this Court are so only for two ends, either to exalt their Family, and support it from falling, (for the Ecclesiasticks, having no Wives, naturally encline to enrich their own Nephews) or else to aggrandise themselves, out of that ambition which alwaies lies under the Robes of Prelacy.

The Cardinals, however sometimes vertuous and experienced persons, are not exempt from certain imperfections which commonly reign in Rome; for they are either oblig’d to Princes by a thousand benefices and gifts, or else are their natural Subjects: and for this reason the Princes who have great concerns with Rome, the more they see Authority and Offices of any Cardinal increas’d, the more they study how to oblige him to be at their devotion, and to withdraw him from that of the Pope.

Now almost all the Cardinals reveal the things which they pretend to discover, either through the importunity of inquisitive Agents, and not to disoblige those to whom they are oblig’d, or else to put greater obligations upon the Princes to whom they are Pensioners, to the end they may receive gratuity after gratuity both to themselves and their Kindred, and especially that they may be assisted in their Pretensions to the Papacy, when the See Apostolical shall become vacant; which is the greatest spur of all.

To this Embassadours trust, and alwaies treat with the Cardinals who are adherents to their Masters, to discover the Counsels by their means. But indeed, they deceive themselves; for the Cardinals being as much concern’d as the Pope in the defense of the Church, the State, and the publick good, in regard all are in capacity to be Popes, they will never reveal any thing which may prejudice that Papacy which makes them great, and which they aim one day to govern.

The Cardinals are not so indiscreet as to reveal any thing that may in any wise prejudice the Interests of the Papacy and Ecclesiastick State; they reveal such things as may be of prejudice to the single person of the Pope, or rather of his Nephews, whom commonly they hate through envy.

The effect hereof is, that most Popes put little trust in the Cardinals when any matter relating to their own House is in agitation, but they do all motu proprio: for themselves having, whilst they were Cardinals, revealed what they ought to have kept secret, they doubt, being afterwards Popes, that others do the like by them; and for this cause they secure themselves, as much as possible, from such dangers.

The Papal Excommunications, which are great against those that reveal the secrets of the Roman Court, as well Temporal persons as Spiritual, have no other effect but to put all into confusion, and to cause ambiguities on all sides. Hence such things as are revealed, seem not really to be so, but only intimated; and consequently no small prudence is requisite to understand what is spoken, because the revealers fearing the sting of the Excommunication within their breasts, utter only doubtful, perplex’d, and ambiguous words; by which means such Agents, as think themselves illuminated by such revelations, soon after find themselves puzzled and confounded.

The cause hereof is the fear, which Excommunication begets in the breasts of the scrupulous. But it is true in general, that to mingle things certain with doubtful, is proper to the Roman Court; and things true with false, to the Ecclesiasticks.

But the Ecclesiasticks being less guilty of valour then fear, (for oftentimes they fear even their own shadows) the more important things are, the more they consult about them; which the Popes do, not because the good of the State requires it, or the care of their Pastoral charge urges their consciences thereunto; but only to take from their successors the occasion to charge the blame of mischief upon their Nephews. And this is the cause that Negotiations are prolonged, publick Ministers confounded, and poor Christendom so embroiled, as it is at this day.

Ambassadors at Rome, especially in the beginning of a Pontificate, think they treat with the new Pope as a person disinteressed, and the Universal Father, not only in reference to things pertaining to the Church, but also to the civil Interests of Princes, and affairs most important to the Universe.

But they deceive themselves, and this Error confounds their Treaties; whilst the Popes have nothing but the bare Title and outward shew of Universal Father, acting all things according to the dictates of their own will and interest.

Were the Popes really Universal Fathers, they would love all alike, and deal with all without affection or hatred: But truly, I know not how they dare assume that Title, especially those Popes, who, without any need of the Church, have made it lawful to themselves to begin Wars, hinder Peaces, persecute Nations, and make Leagues against Crowns, Commonwealths, and Princes, perhaps (nay without perhaps) better deserving of the Church, and affected to the publick and universal tranquillity.

I know that if the Popes would deserve the Title of Universal Father, they out to be Universal towards all; and if at any time to be particular, it should be either out of absolute necessity of Reason of State, or some great importance to the honour of the Church. Thus did the Primitive Popes, but within these last hundred years things are altogether transform’d; for the waies of the Popes are directed to the advancement of their Families; whence every Pope has often chang’d his thoughts and purposes, and made shew of one thing outwardly, and meant another inwardly; not for that reasons of State (but the reasons of their own Families) so requir’d: which latter are commonly more dear to the Popes than the former. The Ministers of Princes understand what I mean.

’Tis not possible for the most expert Minister at Rome to succeed well, and with his Master’s satisfaction, in the things which he negotiates there. Before I give a reason whereof, I will relate what I read three daies ago in a little book, whether Historical or Fabulous I know not, but much to the purpose.

They say, Pope Paschal the second took a conceit to have an Astrologer divine his thoughts. To which end he sent for an Abbot very intelligent in the Art of Astrology, and demanded of him, What himself thought?

The Abbot surpris’d at this odd-proposal, desir’d time to answer, and returning home fell to study an Answer; but, not being able to find one fit and proper to the Question, he remain’d much troubled and melancholy.

His Cook observing it, and understanding the cause, bid his Master take courage, and leave the business to him; for he would effect it with reputation to them both. The Abbot was well pleas’d with this discourse, and being desir’d by the Cook to let him have his Gown and other Habit, gave him it: wherewith the Cook being cloath’d, repair’d to the Pope’s presence, and that with the more confidence, for that he was in person and voyce very like the Abbot.

The Pope no sooner beheld him, but taking him for the Abbot, Well, (said he) What do I think? The bold Cook answer’d without delay, Your Holiness thinks you speak with the Abbot, but ’tis with the Abbots Cook.

Not much different is that which befals Embassadours of Princes who negotiate at Rome; where the Popes are wont to do like the Jackpuddings of a Play, who change themselves in a moment from Man to Woman, and from a Physician to a Muleter.

When an Embassadour thinks he treats with a Temporal Prince, and about Civil matters, ’tis with a Spiritual Bishop, and about matters Ecclesiastical. Religion serves the Pope to disguise Temporal Dominion, and Temporal Dominion to disguise Religion. Religion precedes Policy, if the Affairs of Embassadours be contrary to the Policy, which the Popes have in their heads: Policy precedes Religion, if the Embassadours Strengthen and confirm the particular Policy of the Popes.

If perchance a publick Agent treats a League offensive or defensive with the Pope, he finds greater difficulties therein than he imagin’d; for if the Pope see that the League brings much more profit to himself than to the Prince that desires it, he concludes as a Temporal Prince, without derogating from the Authority Spiritual: That is, he reserves a secret clause in his mind to break, the League when he will, under colour of Religion: But if he know that the League is likely to bring much more advantage to the interest of the Prince than to his own Family, and to Religion than to his own Purse; excuses are immediately in the field, and the Pope, of a Sacred High Priest, becomes a secular Prince, denying to do any thing, for fear of hazarding the State.

The Ministers of the Emperour and the King of Poland can witness what I say, for one of them hath often sworn to me, That the Popes do in businesses so confound the Sacred with the Profane, and Religion with Policy, that it is not possible to know whether it be better, to treat with them as Temporal Princes, or as Secular Lords.

Amongst all the difficulties which Embassadours meet with at Rome, this is the greatest and most deserving to be mentioned.

They that enter upon the Government at Rome, are ordinarily at their entrance destitute of all vertue, much more of Political skill; and no sooner begin to be a little acquainted therewith, but they must go off, and give place to others, that enter with like qualifications.

The Burgheses had never manag’d any kind of publike affair: nevertheless as soon as Paul was made Pope, they became Masters without having ever been at School, and undertook to weild a Scepter, before they had passed the Ferula.

Cardinal Ludovisio had never gone out of his little Podere, where he entertain’d himself from morning to night amongst those Peasants, sometimes in playing at Hazard, and sometimes in dancing Country Jigs, till, his Uncle being become Pope, (Gregory) he left Podere for the Vatican, the Dance for the Court, hazard for fortune, and the Peasants for Princes; passing in a moment from the command of a Cottage to the Empire of the Church, and from small affairs to the great interests of the World.

Of the Barbarini, one was fetcht from the bottom of a Cloister, where he had scarce learnt to command a Butler to lay the cloath; another was taken from the Colledge of the Jesuites, where he had practised only to run up and down the stairs of the Oratory; a third was taken from the cure of a small Benefice; and the forth from a state of Domestick peace to command Armies. A fair turn indeed, no less wonderful than unexcted: yet these Lords have had this particularity, that though they entred upon the government of the Church extremely ignorant, nevertheless in a few daies they became Masters of Masters, and seem’d old, although but boys, in the subtleties of this Court.

Of the two Nephews of Innocent the tenth, the one legitimate, the other adopted, we have spoken sufficiently, and need not rub the sore again; in regard they manifested themselves altogether unexpert, the one by renouncing the Hat, as unable to bear the weight of command; and the other by being expell’d the City, for venturing to command beyond his understanding. For all this Innocent introduced them to a vast Government, and laid upon their backs that world which the most expert are hardly able to sustain.

What shall we say of Don Mario, Don Augustino, and Cardinal Flavio? What Governments, Employments, and Charges had they ever possess’d in their lives? Was it not a fine sight to see Don Mario, who had never worn a Sword in his life, declared Generalissimo of the Holy Church, receiving at the same time, with the General’s Truncheon, a Licence to keep the Sword alwaies in the Scabbard? For when he offered to draw it, and swore to defend the Church with it, the Pope dispens’d with him; saying, Brother, put thy Sword up into thy Scabbard, if thou wilt have part in my Kingdom. To which Command Don Mario hath been alwaies obedient.

When the Cardinal was called to the Government, he was reading the Fables of Æsop, and Don Augustino was making love to a little Courtisan of Siena: and yet on a sudden the latter was called from the arms of a base Strumpet, and made worthy of the Marriage of a great Princess; and the other from his Pastime of Æsop, was admitted to the management of the greatest Affairs, not of Rome only, but of the whole World.

Now what prosperous issue can Negotiations have with such a Race of Politicians? Where shall Embassadors begin, at the Head or the Tail? What devices shall they have to unfold their meaning to such as want sense? Unless all Popes should imitate Gregory the Fifteenth, who in the beginning of his Papacy would not treat of any important matter with any Minister, but excused it by saying, That he would stay till his Nephews were a little instructed in Political Negotiations: And he had reason to stay, for in a short time one of them had an ambitious Whimsey came into his Crown, that he understood more than all the Cardinals, and his Uncle to boot; and accordingly he acted and commanded, without communicating with either.

’Tis a tedious thing to Princes Ministers, who are old Stagers in Councils and Affairs, to have to do with raw, unexperienced Persons, and such as are much different from the Primitive Governours of the Church; who, though introduc’d barefoot, and ill clad, and void of all experience, yet their native simplicity serv’d them very well for the preserving a virtuous Life, far from Political cunning: whereas the Nephews of the present Pope enter simple, not to edifie the People, and adorn the Church with good Lives; but to Lord it over Princes by Policy not comprehensible.

Most Agents lose their time in learning the nature of those that bear sway at Rome, who are indeed unknown to all. They study in what manner to treat with such Persons. They strive to gain the affection of those Governours, who are without any, unless we will say, That they have given up all their affection to heap up Money. They labour to ingratiate with those Nephews who possess all the Grace of the Pope: And in a word, Night and day they contrive to know and be known to the Nephews at Rome, in order to their better success there.

But what? in the fairest of these Intrigues, after so many watchings and toils, after having understood those whom they understood not before, in the greatest heat of their Negotiations, in the beginning of their joy for having found out the right way of managing Affairs, and whilst they are beginning to lay open their Interests to Persons by this time arriv’d to some capacity, behold the death of the Pope falling out on a sudden, drives from the Vatican and from the Government those Nephews who are now understood and experienc’d, to introduce others ignorant, unexperienc’d, and so void of all Political Knowledge, as never to have seen the Court but on the outside, Consultations but in Sport, nor Publick Ministers save in their Coaches.

In this manner poor Embassadors are forced to turn over a new leaf, and like young Scholars put to a new School, they must learn over again what they had learn’d before, to their no small dissatisfaction, as well as injury to their Affairs.

These so sudden shiftings of the Scene, puts the Ministers all in disorder; and the only satisfaction they find, is to laugh at the new Princes of the Church, who have so suddenly leap’d from the Dunghil to the Throne.

Cardinal Onofrio Brother to Urban the Eighth, who was taken from a Cloister of Capucines, and introduc’d into the Affairs of the Court, could never accustom himself to live in any other manner, but in that slovenly way of the Capucines; so that when he was to receive any Embassadors, he committed the most ridiculous pieces of clownishness imaginable.

One day speaking about some War of the Turk in Germany, with the Imperial Embassador, who desir’d him to prevail with the Pope to succour Christendom, which was endanger’d in that Country; the good Cardinal fetching a great sigh, began to say, Ah, my Lord Embassador, those Coleworts, those Coleworts in the Capucines Garden, make me always remember my former condition; and so continuing a Discourse of a quarter of an hour, concerning the goodness of Coleworts, the excellence of Turneps, and the manner how the Capucines boil them in good fat broth; seeming to lick his fingers almost at every syllable, and to swallow a Turnep at every word.

Another time going to visit the Spanish Embassador, and forgetting himself to be a Cardinal, and not a Capucine, he ask’d on a sudden, Of what Covent is your Reverend Fathership a Son?

The Embassador, perceiving the simplicity of the Person, answer’d him laughing, Father, I am no Son of a Covent; but indeed I send Sons to the Covent, of whom perhaps your Fathership is one. The Cardinal finding his error, thought to mend it by replying to the Embassador, Your Excellence may please to excuse me; for the remembrance of the Capucines is so fresh my mind, that I take all for Capucines that speak with me: The Embassadour laught; and rising up, said, ’Tis well, my Lord, I will be gone then, that I may not be accounted a Capucine by your Eminence.

Moreover, whilst Ministers of Princes talk’d with him of matters of State, the answers he return’d were about watering of Gardens, sweeping of hutches, ordering of Vestries, rising in the morning, entring into the Choire, begging Alms, and so of all such other things, wherein he was a Master. Nor did he make any difference of persons in his Conferences, but us’d the same Style to every body, Your Fathership will pardon me. And in his Complements with Embassadours Royal, he would often say, I shall accompany you to the door of the Cloister.

I might relate a thousand such stories, but I will not lengthen the work more than I ought; although there is scarce any Nephew of Popes whose mean and carriage, after their sudden advancement to the degree of Princes, affords me not matter for a long discourse.

’Tis enough that publick Ministers cannot forbear laughter and scorn in their negotiating with them which serve to inform them of their infirmities. Whence the Embassadour Justiniani, being ask’d one day, whether he was goeing to negotiate with Astalli? Answer’d, Not to negotiate with him, but to instruct him. And indeed, such instruction is extreme necessary to the best of them.

But that which displeases them most, is, that after much pains taken to instruct them, they must lose the fruits thereof, and begin all the same course over again with their Successors.

The last difficulty in managing affairs with the Nephews, ariseth from their incomparable Avarice, which is so predominant in them, that they appear meer insensible Statues in every thing else, but in studying the means how to make themselves great.

Boniface the ninth was the most dextrous, subtle, and ingenious Pope for accumulating wealth, that ever sate in the Vatican; whence he was wont to say, That he had rather have a little Fish in hand, than a great Dolphin in the main Sea; And at other times, That an Egg in the morning is better than a Hen at night. And accordingly, he was contented to lose the interest of a whole year to anticipate the payment of a day, and he alwaies made his Receivers bring him every night the money they had collected; and sometimes he would sit up till midnight expecting them, in regard he could not sleep otherwise through fear of being undone.

This exorbitant Covetousness wholly withdrew his mind from the care of the Papacy, both in Civil and Ecclesiastical matters; Embassadours could not please him better, than to discourse to him of the means to get money; and when they mentioned other matters pertaining to the publick good, they receiv’d no answer sutable to the question; because his thoughts were not imploy’d about what the Embassadours spoke, but about what the Receivers of Gabels and Taxes had said to him; with whom he entertain’d long conferences, little caring to give audience to Embassadours.

Clement the seventh, who never shew’d himself so extraordinarily covetous, though covetous too, had his mind distracted in the like manner, from what was at any time spoken to him, if it were not about money: Whence being one day requested by the Imperial Embassadour to joyn with the Emperour, and other Princes, in a League against the Turk; the Embassadour perceiving that the Pope gave him no answer, said, Your Holiness saies nothing to my Proposal; Whereunto the Pope return’d, No, for you counsel us to spend money, and we are thinking on the means to get it.

Paul the fourth, standing one day in a great musing in the presence of Cardinal Campeggio, was ask’d by him, Why he stood so pensive? The Pope answer’d, I am thinking whether you (who perhaps may be my Successour) are likely to be richer than my self.

Sixtus Quintus, who was one of the greatest Popes that the Vatican ever saw, had no other fault, but that he spent most hours of the day in devising what might be done to bring money into his Chests. And he seems to have died with the same thoughts in his head; for being ask’d by the Venetian Embassadour, two daies before his death, How he did? He answered, I should be much better, if I had more money to spend.

Urban the eighth, in the war he had with the Duke of Parma, and other confederate Princes, lost no little reputation, in attempting the destruction of a Prince so well deserving of the Church, and hazarding the safety of all Italy; yet he car’d not so much for the dishonour which the Church receiv’d in his person, nor for the great murmur of the people, as for the money disburs’d in it; lamenting the same often with his Nephews, and reproving them for having engaged him in a War of so great expence: as if the loss of money made deeper impression in the Pope’s heart, than the detriment of the Church and of Christendom.

Most of the Pope’s Nephews call the hours wherein they give Audience to Embassadours, hours of poverty, and of misery; because they cannot at those times think how to advance their Houses: and therefore they strive to shift them off as much as possible, and many times they promise all before ’tis ask’d, only to be at their liberty.

Some will not allow it to be meerly charity in Alexander, to assume to himself the load of all Civil Affairs of importance; but only a design to lighten his Nephews of it, and leave them more time to bestow on contrivance to fill their Coffers.

Better perhaps ’twould be for the Church, and the State too, if all Popes would do the like; for to lay the weight of great affairs upon such weak shoulders, is to confound their understandings, and put them in danger of shaming themselves by discovering their addle brains in business: As a good Nephew did in discourse with the French Embassadour about the number of Protestants in France; for meaning to say, How many Hereticks are there in France? He mistook, and said, How many Pistols are there in France? Which errour the Embassadour well observing, and knowing the Cardinal Nephew more intent on the money of his Coffers than the benefit of the Church, he answer’d, The King my Master hath not so many Hereticks in his Kingdom, as he hath Pistols in his Exchequer.

’Tis not 2000 Ages, since a certain Pope’s Nephew said to a familiar friend of his, who brought him notice, that the Spanish Embassadour was coming to negotiate with him: These Embassadours bring us business, and not money, talking all day long with us so tediously, as if we were slaves, and not (Padroni) Masters of the Church and State.

The same Cardinal, as often as he return’d to his Chamber from accompanying the publick Ministers (who had visited him) to the door, as the custom is, would fall into a passion, and scornfully say to his Servants: I have lost two hours time with this pitiful Embassadour, and he has gain’d some with me; if any other come, say I am not at home.

But worse was that other, (not long since dead) who, as much as he could, avoyded the audience of such Ministers, sometimes pretending indisposition, and sometimes that he was not at home; which the Pope his Uncle understanding ask’d him the reason, Why he did so? The Cardinal answer’d plainly, Whilst I am with Embassadours, my Coffers fill with nothing but wind; but when I am alone, they fill with money.

The same good Nephew had another custome, that when notice was given of the arrival of an Embassadour at the Gate, he would in displeasure cry, I would his neck were broke. But when ’twas told him that an Officer of the Datary (that is, the Exchequer) was at the door, he would cry with joy, He is welcome.

A certain Embassadour, knowing this Nephew’s humour, contriv’d how to make his Visits not grievous; and to that purpose, before he desired Audience, or at least at the same time, he thought fit to give him notice; that he desir’d to speak with him for nothing else but the resignation of a certain Benefice, which the Prince his Master intended to make into the hands of his Holiness’s Nephews.

The device took well, for the greedy Nephew believing it true, receiv’d him with a very good countenance: and the Embassadour fail’d not to usher in his publick business with a Preface about resigning the foresaid Benefice or Abbey, although the Prince his Master knew no more of any such thing than I; and so got a fair reception.

’Twere good, that all publick Agents would put the same tricks upon those avaricious Nephews, and not be so scrupulous as they are; since the Nephews make no scruple to slight their addresses, to breake off all Negotiations, and to confound whatsoever is offer’d to them.

Without such inventions they are like to get little good from the visits to the Nephews, who consider nothing but their own Interests, and are indifferent to those of Princes; whence ’tis easie to judge they will do little good in those matters, in which they are engag’d with an ill will.

This may serve concerning the difficulties which Princes Ministers meet with in their affairs with the Popes and their Nephews, and how to avoid the same. Let us now proceed to the Enquiry, Why the Families of Popes continue not long in Grandeur.

Some compare the Nipotismo to a Tree which is guarded by all, whilst laden with fruit; but as soon as it happens to be deprived thereof, either by the hands of men, or progress of time, every body forsakes it, and nature her self leaves it barren, dry, and hateful, even to the eye of the beholders.

I do not altogether like this comparison, because Trees bear fruit for others; whereas the good Nephews of Popes take all to themselves: and I should rather compare them to Pismires, which all day long go from place to place, seeking provisions wherewith to fill their Nests, and stop not a moment till they see them full.

There is no body but wonders to behold how the Families of Popes daily decline, there being scarce two found that have continued one intire Age, or which remain in the same splendour wherein they were seen to shine, not only during the Reign of the Popes their Kinsmen, but for some lustres after; and although some may seem at present to be found great, yet my Observation cannot therefore be decry’d as false, in regard of other reasons to be alledged concerning this matter.

There is no doubt, but many Families are found at this day in Rome of good quality and esteem, who have had Popes descended from them before Sixtus the fourth; as the Family of Conti hath had two Popes in the Vatican, Innocent the third, and Gregory the ninth; The Family of Fiesco, reputed at present the chief Family of Genoa, hath likewise afforded two Popes, Innocent the fourth, and Adrian the fifth; And so that of Orsini, hath had Nicholas the third; That of Savelli, Honorius the fourth; La Gaettana, hath had Boniface the eighth; Picolomini, Pius the Second; Colonna, Martin the fifth; not to mention others, that have had their Popes too.

But this is the difference: ’tis one thing for Popes to issue from a Noble Family, and another for Families to rise from the Popes. The foresaid Houses received not their Splendour, Nobility, and Wealth from the Papal Grandeur, but it may rather be said, that the Papal Grandeur received splendour from those Families.

Besides, in those daies the Nephews of Popes remain’d at home, and did not come to Rome; if they did, they brought not with them that insatiable avarice which Nephews bring (or have brought hitherto) when they enter into possession of the Vatican. I mean not therefore to speak of those Families, which have been in great esteem as well since they have had Popes of them, as before. None of these is advanc’d by the Papacy, but remains in the same manner without growth in Ambition, Riches, or Glory.

Particularly, the House of Colonna (which is at present one of the most considerable, not of Rome only, but of all Italy) hath so little valu’d the Papal Grandeur in its lot, that they have often persecuted it, only to let the World see that the Colonneses pretended not to glory in the Treasures of the Church, but in the merit of the persons, exemplified in the valour of so many illustrious men, who have spent much of their bloud for the service of the Popes themselves.

’Tis certain, that by two Popes issu’d out of the House of Colonna, the Colonneses have had so little advantage, either in dignity or wealth, that they may say that the Popes were taken out of their Family, and that they have the honour to be Colonneses of the House of Colonna, but not Colonneses of the House of Popes. But there are many other Families, whose glory it is to have had their rise from the fortune given them by Popes, without which they would never have been any thing considerable; and these are the Families of which I am to speak.

The Family of Rovere, from which Sixtus the fourth was descended, of it self was very noble, and had liv’d so for above two Ages in Lombardy, but by various changes and accidents it was declin’d to such a degree that the chief branch was remov’d to Savona, and there remain’d many years in a mediocrity of fortune amongst the principal Citizens, till Sixtus, being made Pope, determin’d to revive it to a greater fortune at the cost of the Vatican, and the publick Treasury.

All the glories of this House, though dispersed here and there by Pope Sixtus, yet in a little time became confined to the sole possession of the Dutchy of Urbin, which indeed the House of Rovere possessed, but not without great persecutions for the space of 150 years and more, beginning from 1475 till 1631. When the said House was extinguished by the death of Francesco Maria, the last Duke, or of Guido Ubaldo, if I remember right; there remaining no other Heirs save Donna Vittoria della Rovere, married to Ferdinand the second great Duke of Tuscany.

It may be said, as I shall afterwards prove, that this was the only Family (rais’d by Popes) that continued so long together in greatness: and I believe the goodness of the Dukes, who succeeded one after another, contributed not a little to this continuance, which seems to surpass the ordinary measures.

But if we will measure things with the right rule, we shall find that the Family of Rovere liv’d in Grandeur but one Age; for there is no necessity to begin to reckon from the time of Sixtus, but from Julius the second, who was of the same House; who seeing it much declin’d by reason of the great persecutions of Alexander the Sixth, determined to succour it, though not by burdening the Church, which was in the year 1510. Neither is it needful to extend the reckoning till 1631. because for above twenty years before the death of the last Duke, the Ecclesiasticks foreseeing the fall of the Dutchy into their own hands, in regard of the great age of the Duke and his want of male Children, they resolv’d to take possession of it by degrees; and accordingly insulted over the poor old Duke, keeping him as if he had been their Subject: wherefore it may reasonably be said, that the House of Rovere, rais’d by Sixtus continu’d not in grandeur so much as one full Age.

The Family of Cibo hath alwayes produc’d men eminent both for Learning and Valour; amongst whom there were two Popes, Boniface the ninth, and Innocent the eighth; the former in these dayes, when Nephews were not wont to enter into Rome with the Popes, and the latter immediately after the death of the abovementioned Sixtus. But this Innocent the eighth would not oppress the Church to enrich his Kindred, whom he saw wealthy enough, and of good account amongst the chief Citizens of the Commonwealth of Genoa his Countrey.

He gave them indeed some Offices, but of so small value, that this Popes Kindred did not think it worth while to leave Genoa for Rome, and so, after the death of Innocent, they despis’d their Citizenships of Rome, and return’d to Genoa; where within a short time by the fault of Cardinal Cibo, they left the Offices given them by the Pope their Kinsman, and were forc’d to betake themselves to other courses for a livelihood; well knowing that the Riches receiv’d from the Church stay not long in the hands of the receivers. And they did wisely, for had they remain’d at Rome, perhaps they would not be at this day in that grandeur, esteem, and wealth as they are in the City of Genoa.

Of the Family of Alexander the Sixth, that barbarous Pope, there would be much to say, did not the consideration of bravity oblige me to pass over many reasons of the destruction thereof. This Alexander was descended from the noble Family of Lenzoli in Spain, being Son of Goffredo Lenzoli; but containing both the name and surname of his family, he took that of Boria, which was afterwards turn’d to Borgia.

From this Pope sprung the house of Borgia, and was by him encreas’d and advanc’d to that grandeur, whereof we have spoken in other places. It was divided into two branches, one whereof remain’d in Spain in possession of its ancient honours, and the other came into Italy; where it became so great by the many Principalities conferr’d on it by the Pope, that it seem’d likely to flourish to eternity. But on the contrary, in less than half an Age, it decayed so fast, that ’tis above fifty years since the Family of Borgia became extinct in Italy.

’Tis true, the Branch in Spain continues in some splendour, and possesses at present the Principality of Squillace, which was given by Pope Alexander to his Family. But this Principality is no great matter, Don Ferdinando Borgia, the present Possessor little caring for it, for the same reason, as some think, of being purchas’d with the money of the Church; and glorying only in his possessing what his Ancestors had got by their valour, and himself gets by the good service he performs to the Crown, which reckons him one of the chiefest men of Spain.

After the Introduction of Nipotismo, the Family of Picolomini had another Pope, to wit, Pius the third, who lived so short a time, that he was fain to leave his Kindred Picoli huomini (small men) indeed; although they have kept themselves in the rank of Nobility, by having receiv’d considerably from the Church, but only for eminent services perform’d to the same.

We have spoken sufficiently of the House of Rovere, and though Julius the second, who was of it, might induce us to speak of it here again: yet for brevities sake, we will pass to the Family of the Medici, which was indeed amplifi’d by, but not first rais’d by Popes, but rather the Popes rais’d by it.

Leo the tenth did his utmost to render his House potent, not in Rome only, but also in Florence; where it was one of the chiefest of that Commonwealth. But what this Leo could not, Clement the seventh (of the same Family) effected, having with the Emperours assistance enthralled his own Countrey to make his Nephews Princes.

This House hath maintain’d it self for above 300 years together in greatness, and I believe will so continue, because it stands not on the same foundation with other Families of Popes. First, because (as I said before) it has rather given Popes to the Church, than receiv’d Being from the Popes, without need of whom it kept it self long in grandeur. And though at first view the great height of this House may seem to be of right attributed to the force, which Clement the seventh us’d to enslave his Countrey, and render his Kindred Princes: Yet this is not pertinent to the question; for Clement took not from the Church to give to them, but only destroy’d a Republick, which was an obstacle to the eyes of all Popes, and where his Family was already in chief command. Besides, the Medici were therein as much oblig’d to the House of Austria, by whose Force and Power they undoubtedly receiv’d the Principality which they possess with so much glory. And accordingly Ferdinand the second and his Ancestors have alwayes shewed themselves most grateful for the benefit.

The Family of Farnese, which is that of Paul the third, Successor to Clement, came out of Germany into Italy, in company of the Emperours, who often made this Voyage attended by a great number of Dutch Gentlemen; here the chief of this Family gave in divers cases great proofs of their valour, and were therefore preferr’d by the chief and most Potent Princes of Italy to greater Dignities and Offices than those which they had possess’d at home, as well Civil as Military, whereof they acquitted themselves well.

The Popes especially were ambitious to have them at their service, and by their means obtain’d sundry Victories; without which ’tis likely the Church would have been in great distress. In the Papacy of Paschal the second, in the year 1100. Pietro Farnese, Captain of the Cavalry of the Church, did wonders in its service, having obtain’d a most glorious Victory against the Pope’s Enemies on the Coasts of Tuscany, restoring to Costano the name of Orbitello, a very ancient Colony, and replenishing the same with much people.

Prudentio Son of this Pietro under the Papacy of Lucius the second, and Pepone and Panuccio Sons of Prudentio, under the Papacy of Innocent the third, effected great things in defence of the Church, which was greatly afflicted with the Schism of the Emperors.

The Grandfather of Paul the third was Ramecio Farnese, who overcame, subdu’d and destroy’d all the Rebels of the Holy Church, which in great numbers molested the State Ecclesiastical, and almost all Christendom, he being Captain of the Papal Army in the time of Eugenio the fourth, who indeed was a very worthy Pope, if for nothing else, yet for the good intention he had to reward the valour of this great Captain; and I think he rewarded him abundantly by this testimony which he gave him, The Church is ours, because Farnese hath given it us.

In short, in the Civil Broils, which continu’d for above four Ages between the Popes and the Emperors, the Family of Farnese with incredible valour and felicity reliev’d the drooping state of the Holy Church.

Nevertheless the last Popes Urban and Innocent, ingrateful for these benefits, went about to ruine this well deserving Family. Now if they persecute those who with their own Blood and Fortunes have serv’d the Church, what man will ever serve it for the future?

These two Cities were indeed separated from the Church, and given to the Farnesi, who at first found great opposition, and became Masters of it with great difficulty, and that not before the time of Pope Julius the third, in the year 1550. which Pope gave them investiture in despite of Charles the fifth, (who could never be perswaded to consent) and assigned them a considerable summe of money for the keeping them.

Within this last forty years the Popes have persecuted these innocent Princes in that manner, that without the assistance of Forreign Crowns, and some of the Princes of Italy they had been exterminate before this, and received so notable a loss, that had it been compared with what they had received from Paulus the third, it would doubtless have been found they had received less than they had lost: from whence it may be justly said, they have not enjoyed that Principality which they possest, as a feud of the Church, in that peace and repose, for this last half age, as they ought in reason to have done. For those Popes that gave it them first, gave them also priviledges to enjoy it without molestation: and therefore those Popes that have of late troubled the Farness with so much expense, ought in reason (if there, be any such thing in Rome) to have forfeited their feudale Rights.

Julius the third, he also failed not to do his part towards the raising of his Family, which was of the De Montes, by giving them several offices, and sums of money, by which means in a short time they became very great; but half an age was not past, but it began by degrees to decay and shrink into that mediocrity it is in at this day: which is but small in respect of the condition it was in after the death of Julius, who saw them advanc’d, but did not live to see their declension; it being a general Maxime amongst all the Popes Nephews, that they see them advanc’d but to the highest pitch of honour, but live not to see them fall to the lowest point of disgrace.

But the greatest Family of all was the Caraffi, rais’d to that height by Paul the fourth, though of it self for several Ages before, very illustrious: The authority they had in Rome, with the command of several Lands and Castles belonging to the Church, made this name like to be eternal, and being fortified with such strong banks, not at all subject to the injury of time.

But if ever any Family of the Popes were in a short time precipitated from the greatest height to the lowest of meanness, it was this of the Caraffi from Paul the fourth, which continued not four year in that Splendour and Eminence the Pope had plac’d it, he himself having laid the foundation of their greatness and ruine.

Notwithstanding Paul the fourth left his Nephews no small store of Riches, although they were banisht from Rome: which they enjoyed till Pius the fourth was preferr’d to the Chair; who being Pope, and not able to endure their insolencies, he got them into his hands; and forming a Process against them, he hang’d some of them, beheaded others, and sequestred their Estates, destroying in that manner the House of the Caraffi, with no small gust to the Romans, who frequently declared their dissatisfaction with the behaviour of the Caraffi.

But some will object, that the House of Caraffi, do at this present flourish in Naples in great honour and wealth, and may be reckoned amongst the Principal there as well for Splendour and Magnificence, as Wealth, of which they enjoy not a little.

To this may be answered with the same reason I have alledged before, where I spake of the house of Borgia, divided into two Branches, one in Spain, the other in Naples; for the House of the Caraffi, when Paul the fourth was made Pope, was divided also into two Branches, one of them remaining in Rome by the acquisition of a new Estate, the other in Naples in possession of what they had got before.

The Lords of the Caraffi enjoy at present in Naples many Signiories, as particularly the Dutchy of Matalone, which they had enjoyed a hundred years before Paul the fourth, without interruption, being anciently Dukes from the time of Ferdinando first King of Naples, and reckon’d amongst his principal Favourites; and are still esteem’d of very well by the Crown of Spain, though in the revolutions of Naples, upon I know not what considerations, the affection Philip the fourth had for a long time for the Duke of Matalone, was observed to grow cold.

This Branch that remained in Naples received no benefit or advantage by that which was establish’d in Rome, which last being extinguish’d by the two Popes aforesaid by the death and sequestration of so many Caraffi; the other remained in Naples daily augmenting by the favours and priledges they receive from the Crown of Spain.

Neither are the Neopolitan Caraffi of the same condition with the Roman, they having nothing, as many believe, or at least, very little of the Church Lands in their possession, which continued not long to the other House, not so much as to the second Generation; and therefore these Lords are still so considerable in Naples, because their Estates sprang rather from the reward of their valour, than the oppression of the poor.

All this notwithstanding, the People of Naples were always disaffected to the House of Matalone; for which reason in the Revolution of Masanello, Don Joseph Caraffa was slain by the fury of the People, his heart pull’d out of his breast, and his body drawn all about the City, with this Exclamation, This is he that betray’d the most faithful People of Naples. Besides, there were several Palaces of the Dukes, full of inestimable Furniture, burnt, without being able to preserve one; and I being then in Naples, heard several cry, We must burn all, to purge the House of Caraffa from the Leprosie of the rest of the Caraffi; alluding to them who in the time of Paul the Fourth had made themselves odious to all the World, as well as to Rome.

The Family of the Buoncompagni was considerable above thirty years after the death of Gregory the Thirteenth, which was the Person rais’d them to that height; for though before they were in some degree of Nobility, yet their Estate was but narrow and small; however in the twelve years of his Papacy he let them get so much, that without any great difficulty, they liv’d like Princes after the death of that Pope, who died in March 1585.

Giacomo Buoncompagno, General for the Holy Church, left many Sons all rich, and allied to good Houses; notwithstanding in a short time all was consumed: and though there was not one lavish or profuse person in the Family, though they had several Cardinalships and other Charges in Rome, yet could not all prevent their growing worse every day: And had not two Marriages sustained them, and put them into the condition they are in, which yet is but mean in respect of the grandeur they were in before, they had certainly before this been destroy’d.

But the greatest wonder, in the particular of the sudden destruction of the Popes Families, was in the House of Peretti rais’d by Sixtus the Fifth. That Pope, to immortalize his Name, and the Grandeur of his House, which was but of very low extraction, married two of his Nephews, or Nephews Sons, I know not which, into the principallest Families in Rome; giving each of them considerable Estates in Land, and an infinite quantity of Money: and that it might not meet with any untoward accident to subvert it, he settled their Estates in the surest and best places he could, thinking thereby to secure and establish his Family.

Ten years after the death of Sixtus, there were seven Males of the House of Peretti alive, that is, in the year 1600. all of them very rich; but particularly they which had the Inheritance of Cardinal Montalto, who left his Nephews an Estate of a hundred thousand Crowns in yearly Rent, besides what they had afore.

Many People conceiv’d this Family was establish’d for ever; and who would not have thought so, considering the number and fertility of the Males, their Alliance with the greatest Families, their Riches, and in short, their enjoyment of all things necessary to the immortalizing a Family? Yet the Name, the Wealth, the Granduer of this House, did all vanish like smoak at the death of Cardinal Froucesco Peretti, who died in the beginning of Innocent the Tenth’s Papacy, with no small trouble to the Romans, who loved his person exceedingly, having found him full of actions of generosity and nobleness to all that had to do with him.

And so was the House of Peretti extinct, not being able to continue half an Age. Yet notwithstanding, the death of the Cardinal was the rise of another Family from the Pope, which is called the Savelli, into which one of his Sisters was married, who remained Heir to a vast and inestimable Patrimony. Some People are confident, That if the House of Peretti had continued, the Savelli would have been in an ill condition; so as there was no great hurt done, to lose one Family, and have another rais’d.

The House of the Sfondrati yielded to the Papacy Gregory the Fourteenth, who though sprung from Milan himself, yet nevertheless as to his Original, he may not improperly be styl’d both the Son and the Father of Cremona, a Town (considering its Antiquity) amongst the principal of Italy, besides that, it has in all times produc’d men very eminent both in Learning and Wars. In this City, amongst the most considerable Citizens, was this House of Sfondrati, always enjoying the greatest Office in the Council, which procur’d no small envy in the hearts of many; insomuch as some people excited the Cambiaghi (which was then a Family of great credit and esteem in the City) to oppose themselves against the Ambition of the Sfondrati, who at that time appear’d to carry all before them.

The Cambiaghi, back’d and supported by other of the Citizens, endeavour’d what they could the diminution of the Sfondrati; and from hence arose (not to say Civil Wars) great feuds and animosities between them, which continued till such time as Girolamo Sfondrati was called to Milan, where meeting with greater Advancements, he resolved to leave Cremona for ever: And from this Family, now become Milanese, Gregory the Fourteenth descended, who would always acknowledge Cremona to be his Country; yet would declare often, whilst he was a young Student there, He would never return to Cremona, till he was made Bishop of that place: Afterwards arriving at a competency of years, and other qualifications, he begg’d and obtain’d very readily the Bishoprick of Pius Quartus, being a person of great worth: He was also made Cardinal whilst he was in Cremona, with no small joy to the whole City, who made great Expressions of their Satisfactions, by Bonfires and other Ceremonies, at the news of his Promotion.

How careful this Pope was of his Relations, we have sufficiently shewed in its proper place: ’tis enough that not contented with the Marriage of two of his Nephews, towards the perpetuation of his Family, and one of them in particular with the Daughter of the Prince of Massa; he design’d also to make Emilius Sfondrato his Brothers Son, who was already entred to the Degree of Holy Orders, to resign his Cardinals Cap: but propounding of it to the Consistory, the Cardinals apprehended it a business of so great scandal, they intreated him to content himself, that he had married two Nephews, that were already furnished with Children, to secure the continuance of his Family for ever, without any such hainous and unjustifiable courses.

But all this avail’d not at all; for in a short time after the death of the Pope, in a Months time there were three Males of that Family died, as it were by Judgment from Heaven, to mortifie the ambition of those Popes who destroy Heaven it self, to fill the World with their Nephews. And thus by little and little the House of Sfondrati declined, with all the diligence and care they could use to hold out full forty years, though they made another Person take their Name upon him, that had neither Alliance nor Friendship with them.

Of the House of Aldobrandini, from whence Clement the Eighth proceeded, who was created Pope in January 1592. we cannot speak without touching the Cardinal Aldobrandino too neerly, who is the only person sustains the Name of a Family, that seem’d, for the Reasons before, impossible to be irradicated; which may notwithstanding be said to be extinct, although the Cardinal bears the Name, and the Princess of Rossano enjoys the Estate, as Heir to the House of Aldobrandino; yet the one being a Woman, and the other a Priest, they cannot hope to recover it, unless some By-blow should be produc’d: which, though it would be a neat piece of invention, I cannot imagine, because the Cardinal was not at all scandalous in his Life, but always obsequious and respectful of the Princess; who made him Cardinal, and without which he might have been a Brandino a Jugler, but no Aldobrandino.

But to return to Pope Clement, I will affirm, That he, not having fail’d in any thing might furnish Rome with the Family of the Aldobrandini, was not in arrear to his Name. In the time that he was Pope, there were eighteen Males of the Name of Aldobrandini, the greater part of which were married; and it was no small satisfaction to him, to have so great a number of his Relations: upon which score he us’d to say, He was Pope of Rome, and Prince or Chief of the Aldobrandini.

That which was most observable was, He took great pleasure in caressing his Relations; for when any of his Brothers or Nephews that were married came to him, he would tell them, Let it be your business to provide Children, and it shall be mine to provide them Estates.

His good Kindred did not neglect to make their advantage of the Counsel of Clement, nor he to maintain their Honours; by which means, there was scarce any other Family taken notice of in Rome; but the reputation of this, made a noise in every corner.

This House of the Aldobrandini was well founded in the Papacy of Urban the Eighth, by the assistance of seven Brothers, Grand-children to Clement; all of them of so strong and lusty complexions, the Physicians by common consent did assert, there could not be any defect of Posterity. Nevertheless, it has fail’d; and which is very considerable, there is not now one Male remaining of the Name.

The House of Borghese descended from Paul the Fifth, who succeeded Clement (though Leo the Eleventh, who liv’d but five and twenty days, was betwixt them) ran the same fortune; but being of a later Plantation in Rome, it conserves still some weak and decrepit Branches. One of the principal designs Alexander had, to marry Don Agostin with the young Princess Borghosa, was to unite the Estate and Patrimony of that tottering and declining House, with the House of Chigi, which at that time was rising to great Emminence, though for a while they came not to Rome.

There was but one sprig left of the House of the Borghesi, and which was worse, even that of a weak temper, and much subject to infirmities: which Alexander considering, and what accidents the vicissitudes of the world might bring upon the house of the Borghesi, he applyed all his endeavours to make a match (which succeeded well) with his Nephew, and gave him fair hopes of seeing the Patrimony of the Borghesi in his own house.

And this is the state of the Borghesi at present, who in the time of Paul the fifth, had above a dozen males of that name, of which there were not above six married; which was very considerable. But I return to speak how squares go in the world.

The Families of the Ludovisi, Barbarini, Panfili, and Chigi, who yielded the four last Popes, I shall speak nothing of; because they have not enjoy’d the Benefits of the Papacy full out thirty years: so as it behoving us to let them rest in peace, I shall leave the observations of their Catastrophe to them which come after us.

One thing only I shall insert, that the Aldobrandini had at one time many more males alive, than are at present left of all these four houses together.

God Almighty bless them according to their own desire; which I do heartily pray, as having no animosity against those that are good.

Some have observ’d, and not with much difficulty, that the greatest part of the Popes Families were, before their advancement to the Papacy, of great antiquity and grandeur; but for many that rais’d themselves by the treasure of the Triple Crown, it is not so easie to finde; for instead of attaining to a perpetuation of their Families, they have not been prolifique enough to defend them against a perpetual annihilation.

The house of the Medici in Milan was of above two hundred years antiquity, maintaining it self in great Honour and Magnificence: But after Pius the fourth was elected Pope out of it, it grew worse and worse, declining with much more speed than it was rais’d, and that after so extravagant a manner, they could discern themselves rise, but could not perceive their decay.

So the house of Gregory the fourteenth, who was born as I have said of the ancient Family of the Sfondrati, who had made themselves, as it were, immortal in Milan, not only in respect of the greatness of their Authority, but in the multitude of their Issue; yet in less than forty years after Pope Gregory, its leaves fell, and the whole Tree of the Sfondrati withered.

The House of Aldobrandini also, from which Clement the eight was descended, from the time of the Lombards to the said Pope, continued so eminent in Florence; there was at several times three and twenty of that name chief Standard-bearers, and all elected by the people: Nevertheless as soon as there was a Pope of this Family (which was Clement) it began to decay, and is now at that pass, there is but one sprig left of all the branches, and that infertile and incapable of recovering them, though he should be made a Pope.

In short, a thousand other examples might be produc’d to evince what I have asserted; which examples though I have describ’d in History, yet are they enough to demonstrate the Popes and their dependents, that all the care, contentions, and designs they go through for advancement of their particular Families, are not blessed by the Lord; because he suffers them not to prosper: it being more then certain, That when he keeps not the City, the Watchmen wake but in vain.

God Almighty not suffering those who have rais’d themselves to that greatness, out of the Bowels of those that are in Purgatory, themselves to remain long without punishment for their faults. He will not permit those Families that are elated and grown insolent with the wealth and blood of those poor carkases that are buried in their Churchyards, to continue long in this world themselves. Heaven is offended to behold sacred things transformed into profane, Churches into Palaces, Alms into Thefts, Crosses into Swords, Altars into Lordships, Holy things into Comedy and Sport, Divine Worship into an adoration of Riches, or rather adoration into Riches.

He that shall be pleas’d to run over the actions of all the Popes, that is, the History wherein all the Families that have afforded any Popes to the world, Shall finde this for an infallible truth, that they are either all as it were extinct, or the small remainder that is left reduc’d to a very mean and inconsiderable condition: As if heaven could not endure the Patrimony of Saint Peter should be made an universal scandal to the world, and be an occasion of eternizing the memory of the Sacriledge they have committed.

I had lately an opportunity of discourse with an Abbot born in Rome, and experienc’d in their transactions: falling into some speech about the Nephews, and finding their vices, or at least errors by him, with more vehemence reprehended, than by me, I took the courage to accost him in this manner, How is it possible, Sir, that the Nephews of the Popes that are living, reading the lives of their Predecessors that are dead, that their Blood should not freeze in their veins to finde them extinct, some one way, some another, in spight of all their care to eternize themselves? how is it possible but some gripes of Conscience must torment them when they remember all their wealth belongs to the Church?

The Abbot would suffer me to go on no further, but cutting me off in the middle, he reply’d, Sir, He which has too much money, has no time to read over the lives of them that are dead; money puts thoughts alwayes into their heads of eternizing themselves, sometimes by acquiring, sometimes by contriving: The Popes Nephews do read Books, but it is only when they want money, and then ’tis too late.

And who is there now, would not be amaz’d at such an answer? For my part I believe all the Romans are of the same opinion, and are in much doubt of the salvation of the Nephews. And accordingly another of them of judgement little differing from the Abbot, told his friend; That the Popes Nephews must of necessity go to Purgatory, for they would be asham’d to go into Paradise, where Christ was, whom they had so wickedly despoil’d in this world.

These expressions perhaps may seem but raillery, and appear but satyrical reflections at first sight; however they come from the very heart, though those that speak them may force themselves into a smile to dissemble it, as the Apothecary conceals the nauseousness of his pills by covering them with silver.

A great part of the sober men in Rome have been very serious in discovering the cause, why the Popes Families are of so little duration, seeing their riches so vast.

Some are of opinion, it proceeds from the reasons abovesaid, that is, that God Almighty takes them out of the world as a punishment for the injuries they have done the Church, in robbing it of the greatest part of its treasure, to make their own house insolent and high.

Others are of opinion the Curses and Execrations of the people do pierce the Divine Ears in such manner, that the Divine Justice seems as it were oblig’d to take them away so immaturely, to give an account of the vileness of their behaviour towards the subjects of the Church.

And indeed the people of the Ecclesiastical State are so ill satisfied, and so ill treated by the ill Government of Rome, that is by the Popes Nephews who domineer and lord it over them, that from morning to night they fill the air with their exclamations, from one corner, When will there be an end of their Extortions? from another, O God revenge the cruelties of these Nephews, who have ruin’d us. Nor do the curses thrown out against the Nephews rest at the people only: The very Priests and Ecclesiasticks themselves do daily sacrifice upon their Altars for the destruction of them, who devouring all they can get, leave not the good people so much as will pay for the celebration of a Mass.

In the time the Duke of Parma was in Arms against the State Ecclesiastick, then in the possession of the Barberini, the Cardinal Francesco gave order for the performing the forty hours prayers in his Cathedrals to incourage the People, and to oblige them to pray to God for the extirpation of the enemies of the Church. But whilst the Letany of the Saints was singing, a certain Roman Gentleman, at the pronounciation of these words, Ut inimicos Sanctæ Ecclesiæ humiliare digneris, told a Friend of his that was by, The Church has no greater Enemies than the Barbarini, who molest it both at home and abroad, so that our Prayers to heaven ought to be, to be delivered from them and their Arms.

From hence it may be argu’d, That they who bear a secret hatred and detestation of the Nephews, retain it even in the Church, and the place where they ought to pardon all, and are still contriving revenge; and because they find there is no sure way of freeing themselves from their tyranny in this World, they send up their Prayers privately to Heaven: As if they were afraid of the correction of their Popes, who would by no means suffer the Faithful to appeal against their enormity to the Divine Tribunal, but for all that they do not desist.

Others apply the small durance of the Popes Families to that Philosophical saying, Nullum violentum durabile, as if the great haste and violence they use to make themselves great were that that precipitated them: Like Plants, that by a thousand Arts may be forc’d to bear fruit, and that out of season: But how? Those Artifices, that do offer violence, as it were, to Nature, do not conserve it long; but, weakened by the supernatural force, it loses in a short time its native vigour and is not afterwards to be recovered by all the operations of Art.

’Tis indeed a fine sight to see a Tree bear good fruit in Winter, if it could be made to produce for several years; but if the water they use about the Root be but a little hotter than it ought, ’tis enough to ruine both fruit and tree; So as the heedlesness of the Gardener may destroy all that he thought to have done by Art contrary to Nature; for it is necessary the Root be watered with water warm’d to a just proportion to secure against the frosts in the nights, and that all convenient cultivation be us’d: Otherwise all will be spoil’d, and it will be impossible to preserve a Tree that is by Art constrain’d beyond its own nature.

In the same manner it happens to the Pope’s Nephews, who grow up on a sudden by a violence they themselves offer to their reason; and marching on towards their own greatness by unusual waies, they seem horrid and uneasie, as not being trodden or known by other people.

Others there are that alledge, amongst other reasons, why the Pope’s Family are so transitory, their inexperience in the Art of Managery which is necessary for preserving an Estate, their wealth raining down upon them without any sweat or trouble, or contrivance of their own. Like Hebrews that despis’d the Manna sent them from Heaven, they not only neglect to preserve with any prudence and Oeconomy the great quantity of Riches, which is shower’d down into their Chests by the Capricio of fortune; but even nauseate and abhor that, which they believe unsutable to their Nature.

If a Country-man by accident should light upon a parcel of Rubies, at first sight he would be much delighted with their Lustre; but upon second thoughts they would but trouble and perplex him, because he knew not the value of a thing he had gain’d without labour.

But what shall I say? There is not any thing more dangerous, and which brings the life of man under more hazards, than the filling the belly too full: To eat intemperately, to swallow without measure, and to devour with eagerness and rapacity, must of necessity destroy Nature, and be the ruine of the whole: Sobriety is that which conduceth most to our health, because it gives the Stomach time to distribute the meat proportionably to the whole body.

The Pope’s Nephews know not how to keep their Riches, because they touch them with their hands, but do not see them with their eyes, their greediness of heaping up on a sudden blinding them, and not suffering them to know the true worth of them: by which means they dwindle insensibly, and they themselves are not able to perceive it.

That which is gotten without pains, is in a short time lost without knowing the price of it: The greatest part of these Gamesters are either such as are loose and licentious young men, or else such as have had some good provision from fortune. The first adventure, because they have not yet found a way to live handsomly; the other, because they believe Fortune oblig’d to recruit them. The poor Trades-man, that sweats, and carks, and toils night and day, and all to get one poor Crown, will not certainly be so foolish to venture that in one moment, he gain’d with so much labour in so many hours. He does well, that keeps that he gain’d with difficulty: and he does well, who spends that he came by easily.

Were the Nephews of the Pope content with what Emoluments were justly their due, without doubt the greatness and opulence of their Families would be much longer liv’d: But they fill, devour, and cram up their Stomach with more meat than Nature will sustain; and therefore ’tis no wonder, if they be often forc’d to vomit that up with violence they had so immoderately devour’d.

Many have observed also, most of the Pope’s Kindred have died young too; and I could instance in a thousand examples: But for two reasons I forbear; one is, not to grate too much upon the Nephews of our good Pope Alexander, nor have the long life of Don Mario cast in my dish, though indeed it is not above ten years since he had any relation to the Pope; the other is, because I have something else to think on.