The Second Part. (continued 2)

The Cardinals, the Princes, the Prelates, the Romans were all touched with so pious an Example, and did begin to think of reforming their lives. The Hereticks themselves did bear that respect to his Holiness, as to prostrate themselves in the streets, when he went through Rome, not so much in fear of his Majesty, as in honour of his Vertue. Divers French Protestants came on purpose to Rome to know whether his words did answer his reputation, and if he did really lead the life he was said to lead. The noyse of his Sanctity being so great in France, that it was almost impossible to believe all that was said of it.

Thus lived Alexander, while he lived without a Nipotismo: But no sooner had they set their feet in Rome but the Pope changed his nature, or rather came to himself; for instead of Humility, succeeded Vanity; his Mortification vanished, and his hard Couch, was changed into a soft Feather-bed; his dead-mens skuls, into so many Jewels; and his thoughts of death, into eternal designs of Ambition and Grandeur: Filling up his empty Coffin with Money, as if he had a design to corrupt death, and purchase life with Riches.

Hereupon a publick Minister, returning from his Audience the very same day that the Nipotismo came to Rome; and having felicitated his Holiness upon their arrival, said, as soon as he came home, to one of his friends these very words: He is not of the same humour he was wont to be; he was us’d to stand with his eyes fixed upon the ground, and now he does nothing but fix them upon Don Agostino; Heretofore we did hear him sigh often, and now he is as inclined to laugh. I am afraid the Nipotismo has already spoyled him.

This is the first harm that they have done the Church. I do not know what good they may do hereafter, but hitherto they have done so little that it is invisible; whereas the mischief they are Authors of, is obvious to all eyes. Don Mario, who is the Pope’s Brother, and the Head of the Nipotismo, does exercise his place of Governour of Rome with so much Tyranny, that the City it self is become odious to many Families of quality, who have left and removed to other Towns, that they might not be any longer subject to one who gives occasion of complaint to the People, the Gentry, and Strangers; For he is not only averse from doing curtesies, and inexorable in punishments; but he is inclin’d to disgust all those who, having to do with him, do not appease his angry genius with money.

Besides, assuming to himself, in the Government of the Borgo, a greater Authority than does belong to him of right, he does, as it were eclipse and stifle the jurisdiction of the Governour of Rome; who often is forced to own those faults of which he is innocent, Don Mario laying upon him all the miscarriages, and taking to himself all the profit of both places. For proof of this I will bring an example which will never be forgot by Posterity.

In the time that the Duke of Crequy received that affront to see his Coach assaulted and fired upon by the Pope’s Guards; the Cardinal Imperiale, who was then Governour of Rome, was so innocent of this accident, that he did not so much as know of it till it was past, and then he found that Don Mario had so engag’d him in it, that there was no retiring; and indeed though he have since made a Journey into France to justifie himself: nevertheless the French Court, who cannot forget the affront done the King and Nation, can less avoid remembring of Cardinal Imperiale, who was charged as the Author of it.

And yet they are very well informed that the design was laid by Don Mario, and the execution only charged upon Cardinal Imperiale, who has been fain to endure that humiliation and punishment which did belong to the other.

Indeed if the Pope had not in good time made satisfaction for the Injury, the French King was resolved to seek his reparation by his Sword; not against the Pope, who knew nothing of the business till after it was brought about; but against his Brother, who had set Imperiale upon the execution of it.

But in the reparation, the Church was the most endammaged; for besides the loss of its honour, and that respect which was wont to be borne to it, it received a very great blow in its strength and riches: for not only the Pope’s Nuncio was immediately sent away from the French Court, but also his Vice-Legat was driven from Avignon, and the Court of Rome was forced to entertain an Army all the time of the Treaty, and before, for fear of being surpriz’d by the Kings Forces; and when it did come to an agreement, it was concluded in a dishonourable and shameful way for Rome, and for the Church. This is the good and profit that the Signor Don Mario has brought to the Church; and yet in the Articles of Peace there was little or no mention made of his person.

The Pope, for all this, is so pre-possessed with a good opinion of him, that he does give him thereby an occasion, and almost an invitation of committing more mischief, than he would do otherwise.

But if Don Mario has been useless, or rather prejudicial to the Church, certainly Don Agostino, his Nephew, has been little better: He is one that would seem to be born to an Empire; and were it Alexander’s or Cæsar’s he did enjoy, he would not show a more lofty carriage, nor affect a greater insolence.

When he goes through the City, he does so little regard any body, that he is scarce induced to salute those Gentlemen that civilly do prevent him by pulling off their hats first: but he never begins to any body, no not to a Prince; which is so odious, that for that only pleasure of seeing his pride abated, the Romans do wish the Pope’s death.

He did, what lay in his power, to make an eternal Enemy of the Family of the Colonna’s; which is the noblest and best beloved of Rome, and countenanced by the greatest Monarchs of Christendom; and if the Pope had not wisely caused satisfaction to be made for the affront done to the Colonnas at the Theatre, the Family of the Chigi would have incurred the enmity of a House, which in time might have been revenged, or at least in the quarrel the City of Rome would have been divided, and in a kinde of War within its self.

The Cardinal Padrone too on his side giving himself too much up to sensual pleasures, is the cause of great disorders in the Court and Church; for all the Congregations of Cardinals, of which he is the head, are much puzled how to deal with, and humour a man, who cares for nothing less than that which is committed to his care. Some of the Cardinals and Prelates take example by him, and do commit great scandals; for which they excuse themselves by saying, That the Cardinal Padrone does commit greater. And thus betwixt them the poor Church is ill serv’d in both its Temporal and Spiritual.

I have nothing to say of the other Nephews and Kindred of the Pope; for supposed they had good inclinations, they have little or no occasion to bring them to effect for the publick good, they being not admitted to any publick employment. And indeed it would be but loss of time for any body to summe up the good this Nipotismo has done the Church; for it is so little, and their ill actions are so many, that it would be stifled by them, like good Corn by Tares.

The people is more oppressed than ever, the City is ill provided, and all things are dear and scarce; the Prelates are discontented, and the money it self is condemned to a perpetual confinement in Don Mario’s, and the Nipotismo’s Coffers.

It is a strange thing to see, that the Popes should have the power to perswade others to renounce their fortunes, to run into Monasteries, to embrace Pilgrimages, and Mortifications; and yet not be able to perswade a little moderation to their Nephews, and make them content themselves with that lawful encrease of their Fortunes, which every body is well pleased to allow them: but they must still be laying taxes upon the people, and discontent upon Princes and States.

I have a friend that is of opinion, that by the means of Indulgences, the peoples vices do daily diminish. I know not whether it be true or no, but I am sure that the Nipotismos do daily increase, they little caring for Indulgences, and being of opinion, that the Pope is obliged to open them the door of Paradise by force. And though this may be taken as a facetious conceit, yet I am certain that the Nipotismos in good earnest do little frequent Churches, but are more employed in getting of money, and taking their pleasure.

But now it is time to speak of Innocentius the 10th. his Nipotismo, of which it may be said, that it did a little good, and no hurt; because it was alwayes under the Popes disgrace, and Donna Olympia’s oppression; so that none of it were able to show either their malice or their bounty, if they had any: for that good which they did do, may be as well interpreted to proceed from a design of winning the peoples favour, to whom only they could have recourse in their disgrace, as from any good Principles of their own.

But however it were, the poor Church was never the better; for what between Innocentio’s Capriccios, and Donna Olympia’s tyranny, it was most miserably governed; and the Court brought into such a disorder, that the like was never seen before, nor I hope will not be hereafter: since the impression and mark of those blows which it received then are still to be seen in the face of the Church, and will appear to fright all those that should go about to bring a like scandal upon it.

And first the renunciation of the Cardinals Cap made by Prince Pamphilio, though it were in it self a very necessary action, for the preservation of the Pamphilian Family, was nevertheless scandalous and injurious to the Churches reputation; the more because being made without his Uncle’s consent, it so looked as if this eminent Dignity of Cardinal were a thing to make sport with, and a profession as easily cast off without shame, as it is ordinarily conferred without merit.

But this had been but an inconsiderable fault, which would have been forgiven without pain in this disorderly age, if all Christendom had not been offended by the tyrannical government of the proud Donna Olympia; who having usurped that power which the Popes do ordinarily confer on the Nipotismo, had brought them to such a desperate case, that they did almost revolt against their Uncle; whose humorsome fancy did make such work by displacing one, and putting in another, sometimes a true, sometimes a false Nephew, and sometimes governing without any at all, that the most patient and unconcern’d spectator could not behold so capricious a Prince without indignation.

The Nipotismo being by Donna Olympia’s means depriv’d of the power of doing good, had nevertheless the faculty of doing mischief left them; and the Lady would have been well pleased with it, for she did seek after all occasions of making them odious to the Pope, and to every body else: but they perceiving her design, became good, or at least innocent, out of spight, that the imputation of all the miscarriages might fall upon her alone, they being not disposed to bear a part of the pain, who had none in the pleasure.

For this reason the Prince Pamphilio was alwayes most obliging and ready to serve the Church, and those that requir’d his assistance; giving therein demonstrations of his good nature, and hopes that he might one day rule better with his natural simplicity and equity, then Donna Olympia with her refin’d, but wicked policies.

So the two Princes Ludovisio, and Giustiniani did behave themselves with all care and circumspection, out of a design of pleasing the vulgar; since they could not be admitted to please their Uncle, whose affections they had lost, without having any thing laid to their charge that might deserve so severe a punishment. Let us therefore conclude the innocence of this Nipotismo, who never had the power of doing any good, nor the convenience of doing any harm to the Church; which nevertheless was severely handled by that impudent and covetous Donna Olympia.

Now let us go a step higher, and come to the Nipotismo, of Urban, or the reign of the Barberins; who seemed to be born for the Empire of the world: and of them indeed there is much to be said. For in the space of three and twenty years, there was occasion for every one of them to show his parts and inclinations, and make the world acquainted with their temper.

They that have writ the life of Urban, having proposed to themselves no other design than that of pleasing the Barberins, do make perpetual Encomiums of his good actions, but pass silently all his ill ones, that they might not lose that favour, which to purchase they had undertaken to transmit such gross flatteries to posterity.

There is no doubt but Urban did very much advantage the Church and State, enriching them with a great number of Hospitals, Churches, Colledges, Libraries, Castles, Forts, Altars, Temples, Canonizations, and Beatifications: but if we consider the greatness of his visible Revenue, for the space of three and twenty year, we shall finde that his expences are inconsiderable compared to it.

I am acquainted with a Roman, who had the curiosity for two years together to inform himself of all the expences of the Barberins in the Pontificate of their Uncle, that is, of all the money they had laid out both for the Church and their own Family, and found by computation, that the publick expense consisted in nine millions and a half of Crowns; and their visible private one in twelve.

Let it not seem strange to any one, if I say visible, for every body knows, that the great policy of the Nipotismo consists in hiding their own expenses, and publishing those that they are at for the Church; whose rotten Walls they ordinarily plaister over with a little Lime and Water, while they build new ones for themselves, covering them with some sad colour that they may hide the expense.

They that will please themselves, let them read the Life of Urban, which has been inserted among the rest of the Lives of the Popes, composed by Platina, and there they will meet with such a quantity of his good works, that they cannot chuse but esteem him as one of the holiest Popes that ever was; but they that are otherwise inform’d, are mov’d to laugh both at the Pope and the Author.

There you shall meet with nothing but, that the Pope visited such a Church, confirmed such a Decree of his Predecessor, gave the people his Benediction from the Church of St. Jean of Lateran, visited the Hospital of the Trinity, made a great exhortation to the Bishops, excited the Monks to reform, beautified St. Andrè Avellino, received Ambassadors with great state, opened the Holy Year with Magnificence, consecrated the Church of the Vatican, gave the title of Cardinalate to the Church of St. Charles, re-built the Colledge of the Grecians, &c.

But all this while not a word of the Progress of Gustave Adolfe in Germany, of the Turk in the other parts of Christendom (while the Pope lets them both alone) of the excommunication of the Duke of Parma, of that of the State of Lucca, of the affront done to the State of Venice, of the disrespect show’d to the Crown of France in divers occasions, of the War begun in Italy, of the Catholick Religion declining in Poland, of the Artifices used in the War of the Valtolina, and in a word, of so many miscarriages, and offences given to Rome, the State, and all Christendom, by the extravagant passions of the Barberins: Of all this I say there is not a syllable, nor the least mention.

Every one knows that Germany, the Empire, and the Catholick Religion were upon the brim of their ruine, for want of succour; and yet at that very time the Barberins, did make War upon the Princes of Italy, with the treasure of the Church; their minde being more bent upon the raising of their Family, than upon the conservation of Christendom.

And the mischief was, that they did so besiege the Pope, that there was no means of informing him of the deplorable state of the Affairs of Christendom; for neither the Emperour, nor the King of Poland could ever obtain any answer to their demands, which I believe never came to the knowledge of the Pope, no more than their dangers. The Nipotismo answering their Ambassadors conformably to their own interest, without any regard to the Fatherly and Pastoral care, to which their Uncle was bound by the duty of his place.

But that which was worst of all, was, that they did not openly refuse their help, but by delayes and promises keeping still the Emperour and King of Poland in hopes, they made them neglect to make peace with their Enemies, and refuse those conditions, which else they would have accepted, had not the Barberins entertain’d them with the hopes now of an Army, then of a great summe of Money; and at last disappointed them of all.

However the people of the State belonging to the Church were the worse for it; for the Barberins taking occasion from the obligation the Pope was in, to assist these Princes, did thereupon lay most heavy Taxes and Impositions upon both Church-men and Layes: The simple people stirred up by the exhortations of some Preachers who made it their business to declare in their Sermons, That God could not be better pleased then by that assistance given to the distressed Catholicks, did sell all their Jewels and preciousest Houshold-stuff to give away to those that had the Commission of gathering their Benevolence.

Out of these summes which were thus raised, the Barberins did send it may be one or two in the hundred, and this after so long waiting, and by such chargeable wayes, that half of the money was absorbed in the exchange: which the Emperour and King of Poland having perceived, they were fain to give over their soliciting the Barberins, and defend themselves as well as they could.

The Protestants themselves, though much rejoycing at the decaying state of the Catholick Religion in Germany, were nevertheless infinitely scandalized at the Pope’s proceedings, saying, as it was true, That the Barberins did the Catholicks more mischief by denying them succour with such dilatory wayes, than the Protestants by the force of Arms.

In a word, I think it is not a hard thing to perswade that the Barberins in the time of their reign did the Church a great deal of mischief; it would be much a harder to convince any body of the good they have done: and it is so difficult a business, that for my part I shall not undertake it; only I will give the Barberins this good counsel, which is, that if they desire to make posterity lose the memory of their ill conduct under their Uncle, they endeavour to get Cardinal Francesco Barberino made Pope after the death of Alexander; for so it may be, that as in their Uncle’s time they did much more hurt then good, they will under Cardinal Francesco, who is pious and vertuous do more good than hurt.

There is an example of this already in the two Popes of the Family of la Rovere; Sixtus the 4th. and Julius the second; for in the time of Sixtus the Nipotismo was most highly guilty towards the Church, and did much harm, and little good; but under Julius it did much good, and little harm: so the same thing may happen for the Barberins, if Francesco be made Pope.

Gregory the 15th. who was Urban’s Predecessor, lived to do mischief enough, but it seems had no time to do good: of the four parts of the Popedom his Nephew had three, and he one.

All this Popes thoughts were bent upon the Protestants ruine, particularly, he had a spight to Geneva, calling it the nest of the Devil; and therefore he pressed the Duke of Savoy to besiege it, promising him great succors of men and money. He likewise assisted with all might and main the Emperour in his War against the Protestants of Germany. He failed not to solicit the King of France to torment and molest the Huguenots of his Kingdom, and prevailed with him to do it: which cost him dear, and had like to have proved fatal to his Monarchy, though at last he remained victorious.

The Cardinal Ludovisio his Nephew, quite contrary, did what lay in his power, to quell in his Uncle, this unmeasurable desire of ruining the Protestants, and engaging all Christendom into bloody Wars; but the Pope would never hearken to any thing that he could say about that particular, answering him alwayes in these words, ’Tis enough that I let you do what you will with the Catholicks; pray let me have the liberty of doing what I please against the Hereticks our enemies.

His Remonstrances to Ambassadors upon this Subject, were so frequent at every audience that they were tired with them; and when sometimes the Cardinal Ludovisio would interpose, and say something to qualifie the heat of the Pope’s exaggerations, he would command him to hold his tongue; and sometimes say to him, you have a touch of an Heritick in you.

He did all his endeavours by a thousand plots and Artifices, to reduce England again under the obedience of the Church of Rome, but all to no purpose: at last, seeing himself disappointed in this his main design after such pains and expense, he resolved to get back to Rome. Marc Antony de Dominis, who in the time of Paul the fifth Gregories Predecessor, had left Italy, and was fled into England; where, having declared himself Protestant, he did write many shrewd books against the Pope, and the Court of Rome, as one who was well informed of all its disorders.

The Pope, the better to compass his intention, sent to London certain Prelates disguised, who had been heretofore intimate with Marc Antony. These, coming to him secretly, promised him not only the Pope’s and the Churches pardon; but also assured him, that he should be made Cardinal at the next promotion. The Archbishop, trusting to the Oaths and Engagement of these Prelates, left England, and return’d once more to Rome, where he made a recantation of all his Errours, as they call’d them; But a little after, being carefully watched by the Pope’s Spies, they took hold of some words that he said; and having clapt him up in the Inquisition Prison, began to question him for Heresie; and without doubt he had undergone the dreadful fire of the Roman Purgatory, if timely death had not prevented the Pope’s revenge.

In a word, this Pope had undertaken the ruine of all Protestant Princes; wherefore he sent great Succours to the Emperour in his war against the Prince Palatine of Rhine, who after some resistance was driven out of his Country, and proclaimed Traytor to the Empire: whereupon his dignity of Prince Elector was conferred upon Maximilian, Duke of Baviere, a Catholick Prince, much protected by the Pope.

And the Emperour, in acknowledgment of the Pope’s zeal and affection, presented him with the Prince Palatines Library, esteemed, for the great number of Manuscripts in all Tongues, one of the most famous of all Europe: The Pope, having thanked his Imperial Majesty, caused the Library to be transported to Rome with great charge and expence; and as soon as it came, he solemnly sanctified it with his blessing, and so laid it up.

Paul the fifth was almost of the same humour, though he did not undertake things so rashly, but would wisely consider the good and evil that might come of them. It is believed, that in his time an infinite number of Hereticks return’d to the Church of Rome; but I am sure, that above a hundred Italian Families forsook their Country, and withdrew into Protestant Princes Territories, where they might freely follow the Rites of their Religion. Particularly, they went to Geneva, where great numbers resorted every day, and above all many Lucheses, of which some are now aggregated amongst the principal Families of that City.

This Pope, though so zealous for the Church, was nevertheless very Indulgent to his Family, who did usurp a power and authority, as prejudicial to the Church as it was offensive to Princes; with whom the Borgheses, as well as the Barberins, would often enter into contest.

In the time of this Pope, Italy had like to have seen sixteen Cities of it become Protestants, as Monsieur De Lion, the French King’s Embassadour told the Pope; and thus the occasion was:

Paul and his Kindred, for I know not what reasons, did bear a secret grudge to the State of Venice, and did wait for nothing more than for some occasion of shewing their spleen; and it falling out that the State of Venice, according to their ancient Form of Government, did put some Church-men in Prison; the Pope upon the notice of it excommunicated not only the Senate, but the whole Nation of the Venetians, as if they had been guilty of their Magistrates fault. But these wise Senators were not so easily daunted, but resolving either to preserve their power and authority within their Government, or to hazard the ruine of it, set some of their Divines on work to write against the Pope’s authority, and his Excommunication; which writings did then, and have since produced so great an effect in the minds of most men, that now there is not any little Prince of Italy that cares for the Popes Excommunication, as it has been clearly seen by the examples of the Duke of Parma, the Commonwealth of Lucca, the Duke Charles of Lorain, and many others.

The constancy of the Venetians was invincible in this occasion, and so great, that they sent the Pope word, That if he did not recall his Excommunication they would provide for their own preservation by such remedies as should become the dignity of their State, and its ancient Majesty.

And that they might the sooner bring the Pope to their desires, they politickly sent to Geneva to require that City to send them some of their most able Ministers to instruct them in the Protestant Religion. This Artifice having frighted the Pope into a condescendency, he was fain to come to an agreement very disadvantageous for the honour of the Sea of Rome.

If this Pope had not been so unjustly severe towards the State of Venice, he would have left a much better name behind him. For to say truth, he did the Church much more good than evil: but it was, and will be, a great spot to his reputation to have gone about to undo the Bulwark of Christendom: for such has the State of Venice alwaies been reputed.

We must be forced to skip Leo the eleventh (for his short life gave him no time to do good, and hindred him from doing any harm to the Church) and come to Clement the eighth, who was a Pope that lived both with his Kindred, and for them a good while.

Christendom was involved in great troubles when he came to the Pontificate, there being nothing but Wars and Divisions. The Turks did assault Germany, and the Protestants did torment the rest of the Catholick Princes; besides that, the banish’d Criminals of the Kingdom of Naples had made themselves Masters of a great part of it, and spread themselves over all the Country. The Pope’s main end, amongst all these disorders, was first to provide for his Kindred; and that care took up so much of his time and treasure, that he was not in a condition to succour those Princes that were fighting for the defence of that Religion of which he was the Head. In the mean time the Spaniards, who had a mind to hinder Henry King of Navar from possessing the Crown of France, which he was lawful Heir of; foreseeing that of themselves they would not be able to resist Henry’s Right, nor hold out against so generous and warlike a Prince, they did their utmost Endeavours to get the Pope on their side, and declare against the King of Navar, as against an Heretick, and by consequent incapable of receiving the Crown.

At first, the Pope refused to engage openly in a business which would be necessarily expensive and troublesom; and therefore for a while he let the Spaniards alone, hoping that of themselves they would be strong enough to effect the Work without him: But they having perceived his intention, soon made a breach in it by the means of the Nipotismo, which they gained; and at whose perswasion the Pope sent an Army under the Conduct of Appio Conti, who was kill’d in an Encounter by some of Henry’s Forces.

The Catholick Princes of the Realm of France, who were on Henry’s side, together with the greatest part of the Nation, sent upon this the Marquis of Pisani to Rome, to desire the Pope to recall his Army, and not to oppose a Prince who had promised to be instructed in the Catholick Religion: But the Pope not only refused their Request, but would not so much as endure that the Marquis should set his foot in any part of the State of the Church.

Things being in this posture, Henry at last resolved to dash all his Adversaries Machines to pieces at one blow; and therefore he solemnly renounced his Heresie, and was reconciled to the Church: So in spite of the Pope and the Spaniards, he obtained a Crown, which could never have encompassed a more worthy Head than his. After this, the Pope’s Army was fain to retire, having done little or nothing.

The same hapned in Flanders, whither he sent another Army to help the Spaniards against the United Provinces, who, since the death of the Duke of Parma, had obtained many Victories; but it was with as little success as the first: So that the Pope, weary of spending the Treasure of the Church to no purpose, commanded his Forces home, leaving the Spaniards to look after their own Affairs.

The Expences of this Pope were exorbitant; for he did undertake every thing rashly, and more out of Capriccio, than ripe judgment and deliberation: So that he undoubtedly did the Church more hurt than good.

There is little to be said of Innocent the Ninth, Gregory the Fourteenth, and Urban the Seventh; for the greatest mischief they did the Church, was, that they liv’d so little. We will therefore come to Sixtus the Fifth.

The Nipotismo of this Pope was one of the most innocent ones that ever was seen; for he hindred them from taking any part in the Government: So that they were in the Court, like Beggars at a Church door, of whom few People take notice.

Not that he was so severe, as to hinder them from a share in his Fortune; for he did bestow large Revenues upon them all: observing nevertheless, to refuse always every thing that they begg’d, and to give them when they least thought of it. He did much affect this sort of Generosity, or rather Soverainty; for he never suffered any of his Relations to put their hands into his Coffers; nay, he was so absolute, that once he banished a Kinsman of his, because he found his House better furnished, than it could be by those Gratifications which he had received from the Pope, who used no more words with him but these, We have given you so much, and you have so much; How came you by the rest? And so without delay he banish’d him, and divided his Fortune amongst his other Relations.

If the Nephews of other Popes become rich, it is by the abuse they make of that Authority which they usurp in the Pope’s Name. But it was not so with the Nipotismo of Sixtus; for he never gave blindly, but with his eyes open, and discreetly: And if there were any Error committed in their growing rich, it was the Pope that was the Author of it, and not they, who were meerly passive, and did but receive their Uncles Liberalities.

There is no doubt, but that under this Pope the Church received much more benefit than damage; for the Nipotismo having no Power, could not be otherwise than good and innocent; and the Pope himself was so wise and vertuous a Prince, that there were few Miscarriages in his time; if we except that only occasion, in which Sixtus, by his too hasty Excommunication of King Henry the Third of France, brought the Church in danger of losing for ever so noble and flourishing a part of Christendom; as it had hapned already, by the rashness of one Pope, that the Kingdom of England was entirely lost, only because Clement the Seventh would not yield a little of his Authority. And indeed, I think, the greatest blemish upon the Reputation of Sixtus is, that he suffer’d himself to be so far transported with anger, as to Excommunicate Henry the Third of France, for having caused the Cardinal of Guise to be killed, and the Cardinal of Bourbon to be shut up in a close Prison, with the Archbishop of Lyons, who were indeed all three Traytors to the Kingdom, and Conspirators against the Royal Person of Henry. The Consistory of Cardinals did oppose this violent Resolution of Sixtus, by remonstrating to him the terrible consequence of it, and the danger that all the Church would incur by the loss of so noble a Christian Kingdom.

But the Pope laughing at all this, answered the Cardinals in this manner; If therefore you will have it so, we will bring it to pass, that from henceforward you shall be neither honour’d nor reverenc’d by Princes nor Kings; but despis’d, vilified, and exposed to the hands both of the Oppressor, and the Executioner. Certainly, if the killing of Cardinals be conniv’d at, and pass’d over without resentment and chastisement, it may very easily become the Case of every one of you. However, we will rather do that which Justice requires, though you little care that Reason be done for the Violence committed, not so much against you, as the Sacred Purple.

Nevertheless, the Pope was wary, not to precipitate things so suddenly; but suffered five Months to pass, after the death of the Cardinal of Guise: during which interval, he made by Letters several Admonitions to the King; all which proved to no purpose, the King being resolute not to free the Cardinal out of Prison, which the Pope so vehemently urged. Whereupon, seeing he could not prevail, he thundered out the greater Excommunication, with all the accustomed Forms, against the King, and against all those who in the said matter should afford Counsel to, or in any manner whatsoever assist him. Besides which, he also cited the said King to make his personal Appearance at Rome, within the term of seventy days, there to give account of the Death of the Cardinal of Guise, and the Imprisonment of the Cardinal of Bourbon.

The King conceived great indignation upon this proceeding of the Pope, and began to advise with the Prelates, Bishops, and Counsellors of greatest trust with him, how to ward off such a Storm; and things were carried so far, that the Council-Royal seem’d resolv’d to create a Patriarch in France, particularly for the Gallicane Church, who should not in any wise be subject to, or have so much as the least Communication with the Church of Rome: And ’tis likely the French, who affect Novelties, would not have been backward to close with this Resolution.

But whilst Matters went on in this manner, it so came to pass, that the King, as he lay with a great Army at S. Cloud, two Leagues from Paris, was on the first day of August, in the year 1569. wounded in the belly with a two-edged Knife, by a Dominican Fryar named Jaques Clement Native of the City of Lans, and of the age of twenty three years, as he was receiving Letters from the hand of the said Friar, who was upon his knees; of which Wound he died within fourteen hours, in regard his Entrals were pierc’d, having imploy’d this short in ordering such things as concerned his Soul.

This Murder hapned seventy eight days after the Summons by the Pope for his Appearance at Rome, within seventy days; and his Holiness rejoyced not a little at it, since hereby the displeasure, which the Consistory of Cardinals, the People, and Nobility had conceiv’d against him, as one that car’d not much to see the destruction of a Kingdom, which would breed disturbance to the common quiet of Italy, from Age to Age, both by Sea and Land.

Great were the Stirs which succeeded in France after the King’s death; inasmuch as Henry King of Navar, next Heir to the Crown, began to endeavour the possession thereof, by warring against the Lords of the Ligue, who were back’d and upheld by the Spaniards, by whom the Succession of Henry was infinitely opposed.

In these Commotions and Broils of France, the Pope gave not those Assistances to the Ligue, which they expected and required; and this upon several accounts, but especially because he would not condescend to the Instances of the Cardinals and the Spaniards, who much solicited him; giving them this answer, When we were against the dead Henry, all you were our Opponents; Now that you would persecute the living Henry, we will not side with you, for the sake of our own Interest.

It was not a little displeasing to the King of Spain, that the Pope did not succour the Ligue, nor declare Excommunicate those Princes and Prelates that followed the side of Navar; so that the King resolv’d to make some Protestations to the Pope concerning this Tergiversation. But his Holiness wanted not Pretexts to fence with, and in a manner made sport with those Spanish Cardinals, who importun’d him either to unite with the Ligue, or send considerable Assistance to it.

Gregory the Thirteenth had Nephews, who did not degenerate from the Name of Buoncompagno; that is to say, they little car’d to do good, and less to do evil. Nevertheless, according to the Instinct which seems natural to Pope’s Nephews, this Family of Buoncompagno could not restrain it self from disgusting some of the principal Persons of the City, by the death of two Gentlemen, pretended to be slain by accident, through the indiscretion of the Sbirri or Serjeants. A Policy observed by all Nephews, to colour their vindicative Outrages upon all occasions.

From hence it may be gathered, That the intention of the Buoncompagni propended more to Evil than to Good; and accordingly they fail’d not to give Instances of the former, though ’tis hard to find any of the latter.

But if Nephewship ever did good in Rome, ’twas in the time of Pius the Fifth, when all the Proceedings of the Nephews were directed to Good, in regard they wanted Spirit to gainsay the good intention of this Pope; who could not endure to see them in Rome, out of a jealousie, that being fatned with the Treasure of the Church, they might fall into the same wicked Road, which had been trodden out by so many others.

Paul the Fourth (for there is not much to be said of Pius the Fourth) took not the same course; for he advanc’d a Nephew, who for the space of neer five years, knew not how to do any thing but evil, and evil so enormous, that his Uncle was forced to drive him out of Rome, and his Successor to put him to death in Rome.

In the beginning of this Pope’s Reign, the Murthers, Rapes, Violences, Robberies, Cheats, Injustices, and a thousand other Enormities and Vices, which surrounded the Ecclesiastical State, to the damage of all Christendom, were attributed to the Pope, who had set up his Kindred in Rome; whom after the Pope had banished the City, his Holiness’s Reputation seem’d to revive in the hearts of the Catholicks, who had been scandalized at him, and now saw, that all the Mischiefs were to be attributed to the Pope’s wicked Relations.

’Tis a strange thing, That amongst so many Nephews great and small of the House of Caraffa, into whose hand the Pope had put the Government of the Church, there should not be one into whose head ever came so much as a single thought to do any manner of good to the Church, to Christendom, or to the afflicted State Ecclesiastical.

The mischief which the Nephews of Pope Caraffa brought to the Church, or rather to the whole World, was so great, that to this present day the People of Rome retain a certain impression of hatred against all that bear the Name of Caraffa, however Noble Gentlemen; it not being possible for any so much as to behold one of them, without regret and aversion.

Cardinal Caraffa was twice in danger (I say, in danger; for in him the Papacy would have been endanger’d) to be Pope; Once at the time of the Election of Innocent, and before at that of Urban; But at both times he was excluded, for the sole consideration of his being of the Family of Caraffa; the very Name whereof, in remembrance of the Nephews of Paul the Fourth, remains extremely odious both to small and great.

Otherwise, the Cardinal in himself was a Person of merit, and vertue sufficient, to enable to ascend to such a Dignity, as well as those others that have ascended in his place. Some excluded him, because they doubted lest the Caraffi would turn once again to the Sicut erat, that is, to aggrandize themselves at the cost of the Church, and the damage of all Christendom; and so much the more, in regard the number of the said Cardinal’s Nephews was so great, that even himself could hardly count them; notwithstanding that he did what he could to make it believed, that he was wholly free from personal interest, as well as that of blood.

Long would the discourse be, and infinite the words, if I were obliged to give account of the Nephews of all the Popes, one after another (according to the order begun) down to Sixtus the fourth: to whom, as being the Introducer, not of the Nipotismo it self into Rome, but of the Pride and boundless Authority thereof, may be justly attributed all the Evil, which, for the two last Ages, the Nephews of Popes have caused to the Church.

Wherefore, I will for the present omit to make a distinct survey of the mischiefs of the other; partly, because I know not readily how to discover the good of any; and partly, because my heart will not suffer me to view, without tears, the Evil of all; which is the more grievous, because irremediable.

What might I say of Marcellus the second, who lived but a short time, and gave no authority to his Nephews? Or what of Julius the third, who minded nothing else but Feasting, sometimes with one, sometimes with another; and kept his Kindred at Rome, rather to accompany him to Entertainments, than to assist him in the Government of the Church, which he little heeded?

What Discourse shall I make of Paul the Third, who would have had the Farnesian Lillies turned the State of the Church into one sole Garden for their own use? Or of Clement the Seventh, who out of a Capriccio lost the Kingdom, by refusing to grant Henry the Eighth of England a Divorce from Catherine, and a Licence to marry Anne Bouillon, with whom he was in love? What praise shall I attribute to Adrian the Sixth, a great Enemy to his own Relations, and perpetually averse from the introducing of a Nipotismo?

What shall I say of Leo the Tenth, of the most Noble Family of the Medici? Where shall I find the good which he did to the Church, spoiling other Princes of their States, to transfer them to his own House? What Title shall we give to Julius the Second, of whom it was not known whether he were inclin’d to the hatred or love of his Relations? What shall I say of Pius the Third, who liv’d not long enough to receive the Visits of his Kindred?

But if there be not much to be said of the forementioned Popes, there is a super-abundance of matter to be said of Alexander the Sixth, whose very memory raises horror in the breasts of the Romans, even to this day. It seems God Almighty thought fit to chastise Christendom with the barbarity of this Pope, who, not contented with his own cruel, covetous, and insatiable nature, introduc’d a Nipotismo not degenerating from the manners of their Uncle.

Amongst the other Popes and their Nephews, was seen, though in the midst of much ill, some spark and glimmering of good; whereas in the Person of Alexander and his Nephews, was never perceptible the least ray of good, amidst a vast Ocean of evil; deplorable even by future Ages, not only to those which were so unhappy as to see him living.

Some strongly believed, That this Barbarian Pope had sworn himself, and caus’d his Kindred likewise to swear, Never to do good to the Church. And they had reason to think so, whilst no sort of Reason prevailed with him, or any of them, who acted all things with an Authority not otherwise limited than by their own unbridled Passion.

He would not allow that the City of Rome should enjoy certain holy priviledges peculiar to it alone; and therefore in the year 1500, having publish’d an Universal Jubile, he granted more Indulgences to those that staid at home than to those who, as the custom is, came to visit the Churches of Rome, ordain’d for that purpose.

Nevertheless, some were willing to think that he did this out of good policy, as doubting lest, all the people of Christendom being already offended with the wicked carriage of his Sons, there might happen at Rome, amidst the variety and confusion of sundry Nations, some resolution to the prejudice of all his House. But such reasons had no place in his mind; for those that came to Rome, were led thither by devotion; and the diversity of Nations hinders the Union of a People that would take Arms against their Lord.

The principal cause lay in his own humour, which was cruel and totally averse from doing good to any others besides his own Relations: And whereas by so great a concourse the Romans were likely to gain something by the traffick of holy Merchandise, to wit, Medals, Crowns, and other consecrated works, besides the Rent of Lodgings, and sale of Provisions; He would not that they should enjoy this benefit, although the hindrance of it was accompanied with loss both to himself, the Church of St. Peter, and the Office of the Datary.

All the good he did to the Church, was, that he shew’d himself very liberal to Writers and Learned men of all sorts; not out of any natural inclination towards them, but only to oblige them to write well of himself and his Kindred. And accordingly there were some infamous Writers (as I may deservedly call them) who made comparison between his Raign and that of Alexander, with a parallel of the qualities of these two persons. Amongst the rest one made a Book, intituled, The glories of the Papacy of Alexander the Sixth and the Borgian Family. God give a thousand ill years to such Writers, who flatter falsly, and at their pleasure make Angels of Devils, and Saints of Tyrants.

An other good thing which this Pope seem’d to do to the City of Rome, was, that there being a great dearth in the State, he caused great plenty of corn to be brought from Sicily, and by this means render’d the City very plentifully stored. But ’twas not any affection for the people that induc’d him to it, but he did it out of consideration of great profit to himself; for he sold corn at Rome for double the price it cost in Sicily, trading with the Churches money, and putting the gain into the purse of his Bastards. Whence it may be concluded, that he never had any intention to do good to the publick.

Innocent the eighth, of the house of Cibo, was as benign and inclin’d to do good, as Alexander was cruel and addicted to do evil. The truth is, Innocent, who gave neither Offices nor Riches to his Relations, but with moderation (as I have said in due place) was a Pope worthy of that time, when Christendom seem’d to be threatned with most heavy calamities.

This man studied from morning to night how to procure benefit to the Church, ease to the People, and comfort to the Catholicks; so that no sooner was any thing mention’d to him, but he presently answer’d, So be that it bring good to the Publick. From whence it may easily be gather’d, that all his motions tended to do good, and were far from the design of doing evil.

He rewarded all those Cardinals who had nominated and promoted him to the Papal Chair. To the Monastick Orders he granted particular favours and priviledges, especially to that of St. Dominique and St. Francis. He lightned the Church, and likewise the Palace and Court of all superfluous expenses. He us’d great charity towards the Poor. He lov’d his Country, and caus’d most ample satisfaction to be given to the Genoeses who had been ill treated during the vacancy of the See. He honour’d, and requir’d others to honour all extraneous Nations of the World; insomuch that the Turk himself sent an Embassadour to him with some Presents, meerly because he had understood this generous demeanour of the Pope; amongst which Presents was the Title of the Holy Cross, and the Spear which pierc’d the side of our Saviour. Thus the Romans report and believe; and accordingly I write it.

He readily pardon’d injuries receiv’d, provided his Pardon were desir’d with humility; and he receiv’d Embassadours with so great curtesies, that in those days, the Princes of Christendom knew not how to do a greater favour to a deserving Officer of State than to send him Embassadour to Rome, to negotiate with so worthy and good a Pope.

He re-bless’d the Venetians, who had been interdicted by his Predecessor; and although a Genoese, yet he omitted not to bestow divers favours on the Senate; being wont to say, That Popes may receive great honour by keeping good correspondence with the Republick, and great shame by breaking with it. Whence during his Government he entred into League with the Venetians, not in order to raise war against any, but only for procuring an Universal peace, and the tranquillity of all Christendom.

He suppress’d all those Tyrants who in several places tyrannis’ed over the State Ecclesiastical. He reduc’d unto friendship the disunited hearts of the Romans, particularly, the Families of Colonna, Orsini, Margoni, and Santa Croce, which were all embroil’d together in civil feuds; and he commanded all Governours of the State to use their utmost endeavour for extinguishing all other intestine combustions.

He reduc’d all the Kings and Princes of Europe to an Universal Peace (and believe me, ’tis little less than a miracle to unite together so many disunited minds.) And indeed since the daies of Augustus Cæsar, never was there seen in Europe so great a peace and concord between all Princes: who attributed this blessed tranquillity to the pious intention and good conduct of the Pope.

He brought to pass, that three the most powerful Armies that ever appeared in the world were rais’d for the destruction of the Turk; two by Land, whereof one was commanded by the Emperour, the other by the King of Hungary; and the third was a very mighty Fleet commanded by the Pope in Person, accompanied with the Kings of France, Spain, and England, besides part of the Colledge of Cardinals, and a great number of Princes.

But whilst all things were putting in order, and eight months of the year allotted for preparation already elapsed, this great Pope fell sick; and his death shortly ensuing hindered Christendom from the most glorious expedition that ever was (or perhaps will be) undertaken against Asia; and so much the more in that Alexander the Sixth was his Successor.

These examples are alledged by me, to shame those Popes who are so infinitely strangers to the spirit and qualities of Innocent. The Church indeed much needs in these daies such a Pope as he to remedy the innumerable disorders and scandals which are so dayly multiply’d in Rome and the whole State by this practice of advancing Nephews. But since the death of that Pope so well dispos’d to do good, there have succeeded in the Papacy a multitude of Wretches, inclin’d to nothing but to do mischief, and to avert whatever good might accidentally come to pass.

The chief mischief I find in the Papacy, is, that the unworthy examples of so many Popes addicted to do hurt to the Church, far exceeds the good example of Innocent, who hath had few (or none) like himself, in constant seeking good, and averting evil, not only from Rome, but also from all Christendom.

In this present Age, Popes strike in with the most, and relinquish the fewest; that is, they follow evil because many have follow’d it, and they despise good because they see it embrac’d by few; accounting it better to hazard their lives amongst a herd of Wolves than to be secure in the company of Sheep.

Greater mischief could not befall the Church, than that which hath befaln it through the strange changes either of the Nature or Disposition of the Successors of Innocent the eighth, to the admiration of all but the Popes themselves; who never wonder at any thing, conceiving that they have authority sufficient to sanctifie wicked actions.

Now to make a little comparison between the actions of Innocent the eighth with those of Urban the eighth, Innocent the tenth and Alexander the seventh, the three last Popes; it appears that these latter were wholly bent upon sumptuous Buildings, beautifying of Altars, repairing of Walls, and other external Ornaments; whereas Innocent on the contrary slighted all Pomps and Magnificences, seeking only the substantial and internal good of the Church. The former plotted from morning to night how to sow division amongst Princes: but Innocent spent all his nights in considering how to unite all States and Kingdoms, for the common benefit of Christendom.

Nor is there much need to believe that the Popes, who shall succeed Alexander, will be apt to imitate Innocent the eighth. For in the whole Colledge of Cardinals ’tis not possible to find even but one of the like disposition; and I am confident there may be found above fifty of the humour of Urban, and above as many more of that of Innocent the tenth, as also no less number of that of Alexander the seventh; although there be not in all much above threescore Cardinals.

They would think it a sin to imitate good Examples for this reason, if for no other, that they have seen the same imitated by few. And the truth is, good examples are so scarce, that the Popes have not had, these forty years, time to seek them; the same being in a manner hid from their eyes, and strangers to the City of Rome, from whence goodness seems utterly banish’d, and wickedness recall’d thither with promise of great rewards.

Great Volumes might be filled with the History of Sixtus the fourth, who was the man, that first made his Nephews absolute Lords of the Church: If I should set down all the good and evil committed by the said Pope during his Reign. But it would be superfluous, since all the Church receiv’d by that Pope’s actions, is summarily contain’d in the Introduction and Advancement of his Nephews. A thing extremely scandalous to all Ages, and withal so mischievous that ’tis impossible ever to be laid aside; in regard the Romans themselves are so accustom’d to it, being like Lepers, that feel neither the Iron nor the fire which corrodes their bowels.

It comes here into my mind, that travelling once from Rome to Loretto, in the same Litter with a very aged Roman Gentleman, I fell to discourse with him about sundry things pertaining to the Papal Government; and particularly I had the curiosity to ask him, How it could be consistent with the spirit of true Romans to suffer so patiently the Dominion of the Pope’s Nephews, who were so addicted to scrape up wealth, affront most Princes, overturn all things, and tyrannise both in Temporals and Spirituals, with an authority so absolute, uncontroulable, and even contrary to reason, that their Government seems rather Turkish than Christian?

He answer’d me with a smile, That the Romans were become callous, that is insensible; alluding to their spirits, which alike endure all things from the hands of Nephews, who by several waies tend to the destruction of whatever they meddle with.

God forgive that scandalous resolution of Sixtus the fourth to introduce (I will not say the Nipotismo, but) the Insolence, Vanity, Ambition, Avarice, and the too great Liberty of the Nipotismo: For the Church had formerly seen Pope’s Nephews in the Vatican, but not till then the Vices in their Nephews, which peradventure (if not without all peradventure) were brought in by the aforesaid Pope by means of the conniv’d-at Liberty which he suffered his Relations to take, and for that having no regard to the future, but minding wholly the present, he went in the direct road to the destruction both of Church and State.

This was that Pope, who made war against the Colonneses, quarrell’d the Venetians, and committed several other exorbitances, for no other reason but the sake of his Kindred; who, during his thirteen long years Popedom, were never any one of them the Authors of least advantage to the Church, but altogether addicted to spend and spoil, to waste and poure out their Prodigalities at her cost.

More might be said, but to what purpose is it to rub old sores whilst every day produces new and fresh occasions of grief and trouble?

Where are those Primitive times, when the lives of the Ecclesiasticks were solely dedicated to the publick good, and they possess’d nothing as their own; but whatever was surplus to what was necessary to sustain Nature, was all disposed of to the poor, with so holy and overflowing Zeal from the true fountain of perfect Charity that it refresh’d even the very sight of the beholders?

One of the greatest evils which the Nipotismo hath constantly caus’d hath been their little regard to do good to the poor. The Romans do and ever have observ’d (and would to God they had not observ’d throughout all ages) that the least charity is that which comes from the houses of the Pope’s Nephews, who themselves have nothing but what they receive as it were by a general Alms; which is no sooner got into their clutches but it becomes transformed into hereditary Principalities, and into a Revenue not temporal, but perpetual and eternal.

But methinks they ought at least to cover these substantial wickednesses with an appearance of good, by giving the poor the remains of their superfluities; and not suffer them to clamour at their Palace doors, from whence they are so often driven by the violence of their servants.

But the truth is, the Romans give so little credit to the good they should do, having been witnesses themselves to so much of their ill; that it is not possible for them to believe that what they give in Alms proceeds from a good and charitable heart, but from hypocrisie and design.

If there was ever a charitable Cardinal in Rome, certainly ’tis Cardinal Francisco, who is indeed the most Eleemosynary person in the world: which I know, as not only having seen his publick, but his private Alms. And yet notwithstanding, there is not a Roman but believes this to be a meer design, to gain the hearts of those who may be able to advance him to the Papacy. And to say the truth, The principal vertue that shined in Alexander, when he was Cardinal, was the great charity he shewed to the poor, giving them almost his whole Revenue; which was mention’d in design of his advantage in the Conclave. But he was no sooner chosen Pope but that humour left him, and ever after he held for the height of Charity, what he did to enrich his Kindred, who were indifferently poor, and stood in need enough of the Alms of the Vatican.

I conclude this Book with affirming, that the mischiefs which the Nipotismo have occasion’d, and still do continue to the Church, are more easie to be seen with the Eye, than writ with the Pen; and therefore those who have been at Rome will have more satisfaction in the reading it, than those to whom it will be very difficult to be believ’d, nay, even to be conceiv’d in their imagination.

The THIRD BOOK.

The Contents.

Of the difficulty which the Ministers of Princes meet with in treating with the Nephews of the Pope. Of those things that prevail most in the Nipotismo. Of the policy of the Church-men. Of the way the Court of Rome useth to make others to conform to their designs. What Graces are hard to be found in Rome. Of what they ought to be provided of, that would dispatch their business well with the Pope. Of the Roman Climate, subject to variation. Of the causes why some Ministers lose themselves in Rome. Of the manner how the Pope calls the Cardinals. Of the Popes, who understand not Court-affairs. Of the Papacy of Gregory the fifteenth, troublesome to those who were to negotiate with him. Of some Ministers, who play their State-affairs at hazard. Of the Assembly of the Cardinals, which serves the Pope for false pretext. Of the intricacy that was found in the time of Urban the eighth. Of the manner of the Pope’s Negotiations with the Ministers of Princes. Of Negotiations never to be concluded. Of the Answer of Seigneur de Lion to his Friend. Of the Policies of the Barbarini. Of the disgust, the Republick of Venice receiv’d from the Barbarini. Of the dissatisfaction of the Lucheses, the Crown of Poland, and the Bollougneses. Of the cheats put upon the two Crowns of Spain and France. How the Barbarini serv’d the King of Portugal, in reference to the Bishop of Lamego his Embassadour. Of some Examples of the Contrivances of Pope Innocent. Of the Duke of Parma’s Army going into the Field. Of the humour of Urban the eighth, to deny favours to all. Of the affronts, which Princes do receive from the Court of Rome. Of the nature of the Ecclesiasticks. Of the Catholick Crown, that admits in their State none but of the Roman Faith. Of the damage the Spaniards receive, by suffering themselves to be governed by the Court of Rome. Of the displeasures that do arise betwixt Rome and Spain. Of the Northern Policy, and of Italy, which laughs at the Spanish Zeal. How many Princes are disgusted, to see the Spaniards humble themselves so to the Pope. How many Ministers are deceiv’d, who confide in Cardinals. Of the effect of the Protection of Cardinals to Princes. Of the interest of the Cardinals to advance the Papacy. Of the Corruption of the Colledge of Cardinals. What qualified persons they chuse to be Cardinals. Of the Pope, how he shews himself a Monarch, when he pleaseth, and Head of a Commonwealth when he listeth. Of Alexander the seventh’s applying himself to publick business. Of his Ambition to undertake more than his constitution could endure. Of the answers which Embassadours receive from the Cardinal Padrone. Of the secresie and craft of the Court of Rome. How Cardinals use to reveal secrets to Princes their Friends. How little the Pope trusts the Cardinals. Of Papal Excommunications. Of the fear of the Church-men. Of the Title of Universal Father in the person of the Pope. Of a pleasant Example of Paschal the second, applied to his Successors. How Popes treat Leagues with Princes. Of the sudden change of the Nephews of the Pope, from a low to a high degree. Of the effects which that produceth. What the Kindred of Alexander did in Sienna. Of the disgust which Ministers receive by treating with unexpert persons. Of the time that is lost in studying the nature of the Nipotismo. Of a strange example which befel an Embassador who negotiated with Cardinal Capaccino, Brother to Urban the eighth. Of a burlesque and biting Answer, given by the same Embassadour, to the same Cardinal. Of the answer of the Embassadour Justiniani, made to one who asked him, if he went to negotiate with Cardinal Astalli. Of some Examples of the Covetousness of Pope Boniface, prejudicial to the Negotiators of the Court. Of Clement the seventh. Of Paul the fourth. Of Sixtus the fifth. Of Urban the eighth. Of the names, the Nephews give the hours they spend in publick business. Of a Reproof that Gregory the fourteenth gave to his Nephew. Of that Peevish way wherewith the Pope’s Nephews negotiate with Embassadours. Of the Reason, why the Family of the Popes do not continue long in Grandeur. Of a similitude of Trees applied to the Nephews of the Pope. Of the wonder that ariseth in the world, to see the houses of the Popes decay. Of some Families that are yet in being. Of the difference between those Families that give being to Popes, and those that receive their being from them. Of the Popes which came out of the house of Colonna. Of the Glory of the House of Rovere, how it failed in Urbino, how long it continued in its Grandeur. Of two Popes that came from the House of Cibo in Genoa. How that Family despised the being citizens of Rome. Of the Family of Alexander the sixth. How it was divided into two branches; one in Italy, the other in Spain. Why that in Italy failed before that of Spain. Of the Family of Picolomini. Of the force of Leo the tenth, used to render the House of Medici potent. Of the time that the Familie of Medici supported themselves in Grandeur before Clement the seventh. How they are deceiv’d, who believe the Grandeur of the house of Medici proceeds from the papacy. Of the destruction of the Commonwealth of Florence necessary to the Ecclesiastical State. The example of this Family ought not to serve for a pattern to those who discourse of the ruine of the Families of the Popes. Of the Family of Farnese. How they first came into Italy. Of valiant men in the world. Of services performed by the House of Farnese. Some examples concerning the same. A notable saying of Eugenio the fourth concerning the Farnese. Of the Ambition the Popes had to be served by them. Of the ingratitude of Urban the eighth, and Innocent the tenth, towards the Family of Farnese. Of the interest that moved Paul the third, to make them great. Of the great persecution it hath receiv’d, for above these forty years. Of the Government of Parma and Piacenza, how it came to the hands of the Farnesi. Of the house of Monte, how little a while it lasted in great splendor, although raised by Julius the third. Of the House of Caraffa. Of its fall; how near to the birth of its good fortune. Of the disdain of Paul the fourth, and Pius the fourth, to the Caraffies. Of the glory in which the House of Caraffa shines now in Naples. Of the House of Buon Compagnii of Gregory the thirteenth. Of the House of Perotti of Sixtus the fifth. To what greatness raised. How long it continued in that state. Of its failing. Of the House of Sfondrata of Gregory the fourteenth. Of its rise, and fall. Of the house of Aldobrandina, what it was, and what it is. Of the Family of Burghesi, and Ludovisi, and of some other particulars touching the failing of the Pontificial Families.

The difficulties, which the Ministers of Princes meet with in their treaties with the Pope’s Nephews, are so great, that the most refined Wits and politick Heads of the Universe cannot easily fathom them; every one losing himself in an Abyss of wonder to see the Court of Rome, in all her own concerns, and with all persons, so selfish and singular, whilst she alone glories in the Title of Universal.

It would be no great matter, if the Nephews would rest satisfied with embroyling and discomposing the minds only of the Principal Ministers of State; and did not likewise make themselves the unhappy instruments of bringing Treaties and Negotiations of the greatest weight to irreparable confusion: the ruine whereof must necessarily draw the consequence of damage to the Pontifical State, disorder to Christianity, and perpetual distaste to those Princes, who know themselves obliged to send their Agents to a Court, where they shall rather receive occasion of disgust than profit. For the Church-men cannot treat with any Prince, without wounding his reputation with secret reproaches and back-biting language.

There are two things, Ignorance and malice (the usual Patrimony of Popes Nephews) which are predominant in the Nipotismo, which subvert and drown even those appearances of good, that might otherwise be found in the Court of Rome: And the mischief of it is, that these two are inseparable, and go alwaies hand in hand together in the Nipotismo; their ignorance is not accompanied with that honest simplicity which often is seen in some of weak understanding; but quite contrary, an ignorant Nephew no sooner marches into the Vatican (which thing God knows too often happens) but Artificial Malice displaies her Banners; and if by chance within the Camp there happens to be found out any one that’s good and vertuous, she doth her utmost to make him pass for an ignorant lackwit. Whence the Church, Christendom, and the Court do all suffer by the malice and ignorance of those Lordly Nephews, who matter not by which of these two abject qualities they govern.

There have been several Princes in our Age, who finding themselves deluded in some of their affairs, have blam’d their own Officers, judging the errors which occasioned their damage, and were indeed committed by the Nipotismo, to be caused by the inability of their Ministers; as if it had been in their power to overwhelm the Course of nature, and thwart a malicious Ignorance.

Odoardo Farnese, Duke of Parma, a Prince truly worthy of a Crown, seeing the business of Castro, and his other Affairs with the Church, not to succeed according to his desire, rebuked his Minister who was at Rome, believing him a person of very slender experience in the management of the matters committed to his charge.

But when it hapned that his occasions drew himself thither, and consequently oblig’d him to treate personally with the Nephews of Pope Urban, he speedily reform’d the ill impression made in his mind against his Ministers, knowing then very well, by his own experience, that all the damages, he sustain’d in that affair, were derived from the ill-will was borne him by the Barberini: Whereupon as he went from Rome he let these words fall, That the Church indeed is a holy body, of which the Princes are the Members, and the Pope the Head; but the Nephews by their ill management do daily discompose the Members, not at all regarding how thereby they prejudiced the Head.

And to say the truth, the Pope’s Nephews cannot oftentimes distinguish, what difference there is betwixt a Prince and his Minister; nor what respect the Court ought to shew to them which come to honour it.

The Church-mens understanding, to accommodate the Church so well to the benefit of their proper interest, makes many believe the subtilty of them in politick affairs to be very great. And truly, the conceipt is not ordinary, which most men have of the politick understanding of the Ecclesiasticks; every one knowing that the City of Rome, in the Art of Governing and making others reasons conform to its will, hath ever been in all times and ages the truest School of Policy, and almost, if not altogether, the Mistris of all Nations: as she who, at her birth from the belly of the rest by a special gift of nature, brought with her into the world the most polite Endowments and refined Customs she could bestow upon her.

Such were alwaies the Customs of Rome, who for the space of more than twelve Ages past, knew very well to frame conformable maximes to their own designs. But after that the Nipotismo began to take possession of an Authority, not limited otherwise than by their own passions, every thing began to put on a new countenance. And having renounced the true and ancient Rules of Government, and found new methods of deport to those who make addresses to them, the Agents and Ministers of Foraign Princes, who come thither to negotiate their Masters affairs, mistake the way that others use to walk in with so much reputation.

From whence it happens, that there are very few return from their Negotiations there without just occasion of complaint; not only that they have not met with due civilities, but that they have likewise been deluded in all their transactions.

The Court of Rome indeed, whilst the Popes liv’d without the Nipotismo, were instrumental in the world to resolve the greatest intricacies of Christendom: but after they were introduced, they served only to confound and entangle the easiest matters; who interposing in things not at all concerning them, they ruin’d others business and affairs, besides their own. For they will do nothing now in Rome without pretence of perfect Zeal unto Religion; and yet that Zeal hath certainly the least shew in any of their concerns. Good serves them only for the shadow, but Evil for the substance. Kindnesses from them, as honey from Bees, being seldom got without the sting of prejudice.

There are some that have fansied the Courting and flattering the Nipotismo to be the only way to arrive at the end of their unbridled designs, but these found themselves deceived; for all the merit or other insinuation in the world is not able to move the obstinacy of those who (except it proceed from some capricious fancie or other inclination of their own) have no regard to remunerate or gratifie either Subject, Prince, or Prelate.

Yet it is more easie to obtain, than keep their favours: But he that doth, had better be without them: since ’tis so hard to judge whether the Tap they draw their favours from be sweet or sower.

’Tis hard to express the difficulties the Ministers of Princes meet with in their treating with the Nephews; which are so great, that some of them have caused an infinitie of Masses to be celebrated to the Holy Ghost, before they began their Negotiations with them. I my self knew one, who vowed to make himself a Capuchin Frier, if he could effect a certain business with them; but I believe he had no great intention to put on that habit, because his demand was for his own advantage, and the Nephews are never wont to grant any thing to any one, but what is to their prejudice.

’Tis my opinion, that to be well prepared to treate in Rome, one ought to be well provided of that double spirit, which Elisha so earnestly desired of Elijah, whilst double dealing and hypocrisie are the chiefest rudiments of their Policy, I will not say that now do, but, for the space of two Ages past, have reigned in Rome.

Let the Agents and Ministers of Princes therefore lay their heads together in Rome, and say Masses to obtain new waies of managing Political Affairs, let them arm themselves with a double spirit; for the Pontificial Negotiations will try the skill of the most experienced Statesmen.

Venice, that with so great prudence in State-affairs foresees the future, never sends any Embassadour to Rome, that hath not first been tried, and rendered an incomparable Politician by the experience he hath gotten in the Courts of the chiefest Monarchies of the Universe: yet notwithstanding I my self have heard these words said by an Embassadour sent to Rome from thence: Sin hora sono stato nell Ambasciate scabrose, hora entro nelle pericolose, dio me la mandi buona conquel Nipotismo: Till now I have been in rugged Treaties, now I enter into a dangerous one: God send me good luck with the Nipotismo.

He, who can live five years in the Court of Rome without a stumble, will not find it hard to pass an Age or two (if nature would give him leave) in any other place with reputation and credit.

Yet we know very well by every daies experience, that many Politicians and expert Statesmen, who, for many years together in the management of several Treaties, had rendered themselves as it were immortal by the no small reputation obtained in the several Courts they had been formerly employed in, no sooner came to Rome, but speedily they lost it. And indeed they all come thither swell’d with the Titles of most eminent and able Statesmen, but depart from thence with very little credit.

And the reason of this is, because as the Sea Coast, which encompasses the Ecclesiastick State, is subject to the usual Tempests of the Ocean; so the Roman Havens are very subject to their sudden variations and changes: From whence it happens, that both without and within Rome is so subject to perils and ship-wracks. They therefore who go for succour to that Climate, that is not understood by those themselves that are born under it, cannot but meet with storms and tempests. Where affairs put on every day a several face and shape, the difficulty must needs be very great; And many Ministers lose themselves in the Court of Rome by this means. For when they believe they Negotiate with a Monarchy, they find they have to do with a Republick; and when they think they treat with a Commonwealth, they find they are ingaged with a Monarchy full of Monarchs, whilst there is not one of the Papal Nephews that doth not expect to be treated, with as a Soveraign.

Yet because the Pope is chosen by the Cardinals, many would believe that these have the same Authority with the Pope, not only to treat, but conclude; as the Electors have with the Emperour in Affairs of great importance. And indeed, to hear his Holiness call them Fellows, Companions, and Brethren, makes a strange impression in the Citizens, Strangers, Subjects, and Princes, of I know not what greatness in favour of the Cardinals, every one imagining that they cannot chuse but have a share in the privatest concerns of the Government of the Church.

But for all that things appear quite otherwise, and the Pope’s become absolute Soveraign over those who chuse him; who never know any thing in any affairs untill they are concluded on: He sends Embassadours at his will, treats both of Peace and War at his own pleasure, and in fine, doth whatsoever he hath a mind to, without participating it to any, but those to whom he is guided to by his particular inclinations.

But that, which makes the treating with the Court of Rome more difficult, is, That for the most part the Pope himself neither understands the Negotiations, nor Negotiators of them. And the Ministers of Princes sometimes as little know which is the Pope, for frequently he treats as Nephew, and the Nephews treat as Pope. A thing indeed enough to confound any ones understanding, to have the Pontificacy so promiscuously made up of Pope and Nephews; He for the Exteriour, and they for the Interiour part of it.

For the Nipotismo, which manageth publick affairs, at whose Girdle the Keys of business are tied, Resolves, Negotiates, and concludes any thing without acquainting either the Pope or Consistory.

Let any one judge, how it was possible for any Embassadour to make any honourable result in the management of the interests of his Prince at Rome in the time of Gregory the fifteenth; since he himself was so fearful to displease Cardinal Ludovisi, his Nephew, that he suffered him to do whatever he had a mind to: who, finding the power he had over him, did every thing without his knowledge.

There were some Embassadours who in their ordinary Visits would in general terms touch upon business, only to feel his Holiness his Pulse, which way he was enclined. But so soon as ever he perceived them to begin to ask Questions, he would immediately make this Answer; You speak with us, and our Nephew doth all things without either us or you; speak with him, and what he doth, that we do. And with such like answers he usually entertained those Embassadors that came to him.

From hence it came to pass, that most of the Treaties did not only confound those who managed them; but also the Ministers found themselves obliged to put all their affairs upon Chance, Fineness and Policy standing them in little stead, who were necessitated, as a Ship in an unruly storm, to give themselves up altogether to Fortune.

It was a thing worth the observing, to see how the Embassadours laboured both with bodies and mind, sometimes on this, sometimes on that side; now with the Nephews, then with the Pope; from one drawing this Answer, Speak to our Uncle: From the other, Go to our Nephew. So that very often when they concluded any thing with the Nephew, they were in doubt whether or no the Uncle would be contented: And so it hapned on the other side, if they treated any thing with the Uncle, they were ever fearful least the other, being displeased at it, should cross the whole design; so that though matters were concluded by either of these, they were still uncertain whether the result would be for good or evil.

This Nephew, who did every thing without the knowledge of his Uncle, gave out, he could do nothing without participating to others; and particularly in the beginning the Papacy he alwaies answered, in affairs of greatest concernment, We will see, We will do, We will speak, We will procure, We will consent, and such like dilatory expressions.

And the Embassadours were most mortified with this manner of proceedings of the Pope and his Nephews, who knew very well how to agree amongst themselves to the prejudice of those who treated with them. And when things did not go on according to their pleasures, or they found themselves unable to resist the perswasions and arguments of the Embassadours, they would both sing in the same tune: The holy Colledge of Cardinals must be acquainted with the affair, without whom there was never any thing concluded.

And yet those Ministers themselves knew very well, that was but a false pretext; for although the Cardinals were in Rome, yet they were not in the Court, and never knew of the designs of the Pope, nor the Treaties of his Nephew.

In Urban’s time there were other Labyrinths in the Court, although this Pope was a far greater Politician than Gregory, and the Barbarins much more expert in Government than the abovesaid Cardinal Ludovisio.

At that time, before any thing could be done, all the Nephews favours must be purchased; for he was resolved not to treat with any that was not dependent on his Family. And not only Francesco, the Cardinal Patrone, was to be courted, but Cardinal Antonio, and Don Tadeo, and his Wife likewise, who so aspired at the Visits of the Ministers of Princes, that the Pope would not give Audience to any that had not first paid his devoir to that Lady: which was the Reason, why the Duke of Parma had such ill success in all his business.

In the beginning of his Reign the Pope, in a manner alone, manag’d all the most important affairs of Christendom, with no small ardency and zeal. But wot you what? The things which he did in the day he undid in the night; for coming to consult with his Nephews, who alwaies found their Uncle’s Opinion contrary to their own, they oftentimes brought him to contradict himself, and reverse what he had formerly granted and concluded.

’Tis true, he did this with great subtlety, not failing to find out some fair and specious excuses wherewith to colour their pretexts, and clear the Pope of levity; by which means Embassadours were perpetually deluded, even when they thought they had the Fish in their hands, which on a sudden slipt away from between their fingers, beyond possibility of recovery.

Hence affairs were protracted in infinitum; So that though in Urban’s time many Princes treated of a League with the Church and the Pope himself, nevertheless there was not any considerable one concluded in a Reign of twenty three years; during which time divers Princes concluded a League offensive and defensive against the Barbarini.

The reason of this was, for that the Pope was too hard towards others, and too soft towards his own Relations; Cardinal Francesco too soft towards others, (but dissemblingly) and hard towards his Uncle; Cardinal Antonio hard towards Francesco, and soft towards the Pope; and Don Thadeo, who knew not how to do better, was hard towards the soft, and soft towards the hard.

Cardinal Francesco fear’d to disgust Antonio, and delighted to displease the Pope; Cardinal Antonio fear’d the Pope, but caus’d Francesco fear himself; Don Thadeo sided with him that was most obstinate in his opinion; And the Pope deny’d to one what he could not grant to the other, granted to this what the other desired, becoming obstinate where there was need of pliableness, and pliable where it behoved him to be obstinate.

Now a Court of this humour afforded work enough to the Ministers of Princes, who were alwaies receiv’d by the Pope with ambiguous expressions, by Cardinal Francesco with abundance of faire promises, and by Cardinal Antonio with a long train of exquisite complements. But when the Ministers press’d to come to a conclusion of any important business, Cardinal Antonio sent them to his brother Francesco, who at the appointed hour of Audience us’d to go his visits to the seven Churches, and the Pope himself pretended indisposition of body. And thus the effecting of all urgent business was rendred impossible.

In Urban’s time ’twas hard for Princes Ministers to find the streight gate to enter into publick Negotiations, and when they were in, they found themselves in a Labyrinth, out of which they could scarce extricate themselves after a thousand turnings and windings.

Monsieur de Lionne, a person of great Abilities, being employ’d Embassadour to Rome by the most Christian Crown, one day ask’d a familiar friend of his (pleasantly) What kind of person himself had? To which his Friend answered. That he had the person of a man worthy of this Age. Monsieur de Lionne reply’d to him, That he took himself to be like a Tennis-ball bandi’d to and fro by foul-players; alluding hereby to the Artifices and tricks put upon him by the Barbarini in his negotiating with them concerning the affair of Castro.

The truth is, any other Minister but Monsieur de Lionne would have shewed much anger in Rome, in the time of the War of the Duke of Parma with the confederate Princes. This great Man, who was dispatch’d on purpose to procure the appeasing of the rising tumults, knew not which way to turn his wits to invent projects and artifices enough to oppose those of the Barbarini, who continually promis’d what they never intended to perform.

He was sent from Herod to Pilate, and from Pilate to Caiphas: The one answer’d, Yea: The other, No. But what was most important, the Pope had granted him leave to treat with the two Cardinals his Nephews, with a promise to confirm what should be by them concluded. Hereupon having one day by the power of perswasions reduc’d the said two Lords to reason, he repair’d to the Pope to beseech him to confirm the Treaties agreed upon with his Nephews; but he receiv’d for answer, That ’twas expedient to consider upon the matter; which consideration never had an end.

All the Policy of the Barbarini lay in drawing out affairs in length, and concluding nothing; so that when ever these Nephews concluded any thing with the Ministers of Princes, they presently sent word to the Pope, that he should deny to confirm what they had done, and at the same time gave out that such denial was contrary to their wills.

The Republick of Venice, when they saw that ancient Monument remov’d out of the Vatican, which represented the Benefits done by St. Mark to the Church, sent an Express to carry their just complaints to the Pope, but he could never obtain any kind of satisfaction, not so much as in words, the Pope turning the matter from himself to his Nephews, and the Nephews from themselves to the Pope.

In the mean time great affront was done to the honour of a Republick so well deserving of the Church, without which one may say perhaps there would not be now a Pope in Rome, if any where else.

In like manner the Commonwealth of Lucca sent an Embassadour to Rome to complain of the injury done to them by the Pope’s sending to them the Lord Recagna with the title of Commissary, (which was a thing not a little derogatory from the Soveraignty of that State) and the more, in that this good Prelate, sent from the Barbarini, had something of the Barbarian.

But this Embassage had no effect, besides a return of Plenary Indulgency, which the Embassadour carried home, who seeing himself so often baffled at the Vatican, fell into the humour of negotiating with the Saints, and made his business to receive the Stations sometimes of one Church, and sometimes of another.

The Crown of Poland for six years together solicited by its Embassadour to have a Cardinal’s Hat for the Lord Visconti, according to his just Priviledges; but in all that time he not only could not obtain his intent; but moreover the Popish Embassadour at his return knew not what cause to tell his Master of the denial; for they all gave him good words, and bad deeds. Cardinal Antonio excus’d himself by saying, That he had no authority to effect it; Cardinal Francesco, That his desire was to serve his Majesty, but his Holiness did not think the Person worthy; And the Pope pretended, That he could not make a man Cardinal who was an enemy to his Nephews.

The same was the case of the Citizens of Bononia, who dispatch’d an Agent to Rome, to supplicate his Holiness, that he would please to remove the Commissary Della Grascia, whose being there mightily intrench’d upon their Priviledges, but they receiv’d the same Answer with those of Lucca; their Envoy returning laden with fair words, but not with Indulgences, as he of Lucca; for out of displeasure to have miss’d his intent he would not visit the holy places, but said to a Friend that moved him to go and receive the Stations of St. Mary Maggiore, (rather like a Protestant than a Catholick) My Friend, If there be no treating with the Barbarini who can speak, there is less with the Saints who cannot. To what purpose is it to solicite the dead, if it be so hard to address to the living?

The two Crowns of France and Spain are manifestly imposed upon every day, the Spanish Policy little availing with the Barbarini, whilst they stir not a hairs breadth from their ordinary Maxime, which is to perplex the understanding of Embassadours, one of them denying as much as the other promis’d. Which gave occasion to a certain Florentine of the great Duke’s Court to say, That the greatest miracle of Rome was to see all the Ministers of Princes tantaliz’d with the ambiguous and confus’d treating of the Barbarini, to so great prejudice of all Christendom.

But if ever any Prince was tantalized by them, ’twas the King of Portugal, who by the advice of France, and upon hopes given by the fair words of the Barbarini, sent the Bishop of Lamego with the title of Embassadour Royal to Rome, where he was receiv’d with great honour and respect. But in substance ’twas all but smoke, the Embassadour being unable to obtain either a favourable Yea, or a flat No; that I say not that he obtain’d sometimes the one, and sometimes the other.

This intricate procedure in so important a matter was the cause of great disorders, the Spaniards distrusting the words of the Barbarini, and the French giving little or no credit to the offers made by them. For Cardinal Antonio never ceas’d to assure France, That Lamego should not fail to be receiv’d as a publick Embassadour; and Cardinal Francesco continually promis’d Spain, That his Holiness would never admit a Portugal Embassadour.

And accordingly by this course the Barbarini wholly disgusted the Portugal, little satisfied the Spaniard, and nothing at all the French, and brought the City it self into danger by that fray which happen’d between the two Embassadours, with the death of some Courtiers on both sides, and the declaring Lamego irregular and depriv’d of all Ecclesiastical Benefices, according to the usual penalty of Homicide.