Book 16 — APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

JUSTIFICATORY PAPERS RELATIVE TO THE STATE OF SPAIN AT DIFFERENT PERIODS.

No. I. SECTION 1.—NORTHERN PROVINCES.

Captain Irby to Mr. Croft.

“H. M. S. Amelia, “Coruña, May 6, 1810.

“I have been cruizing for these two months past between Bayonne and Santona.”

“In addition to the troops I have observed under arms, there has been a great proportion of armed peasantry at Baquio, a small place to the westward of Rachidaes; as our boats were returning from destroying some batteries, they were attacked by armed peasantry alone, who were dispersed by shot from the ship, and also since they have assisted the French troops, when we captured a vessel laden with military stores from St. Andero.”

Mr. Stuart to general Walker.

“Lisbon, February 20, 1811.

“I own that from the various appointments which have lately taken place in their armies, I forbode little advantage in the course of the ensuing campaign; it is perhaps needful to tell you that my fears are grounded on the nomination of the duke of Albuquerque to Gallicia, Castaños to Estremadura, Mahi to Murcia, Coupigny to Valencia, and the brother of O’Donnel to Catalonia.”

Sir Howard Douglas to lord Wellington.

“Villafranca, January 4, 1812.

“Each chief is allowed three servants, a captain two, a subaltern one; the number of soldiers employed in this way is certainly not under the regulation, and all officers resident in the interior likewise have this excessive indulgence. The officers’ servants never do duty, or attend any drill or review. The cooks are in general changed weekly, and are never present at drill or review; one cook is allowed besides to every three serjeants. These two items certainly take 5000 choice men from the ranks of this army.”

“Some very violent recriminations have been brought on by the imprudent reply of the military press, to some observations published in a Coruña paper extolling the Guerillas, and at the same time intended to convey a censure on the conduct of the army. I have had frequent conversations with general Abadia on the spirit of disunion which these two papers are sowing. He has at length prohibited the military press from publishing any thing but professional papers. I was present when he gave the order—he engaged me in the conversation, and I could not avoid observing, that what was lost could only be regained by the sword, not the pen. In this I alluded to the Asturias, where certainly reputation and public confidence were sacrificed.”

“The truth is, the army is oppressive and expensive, as well as inefficient, from its disorganised state, particularly in the departments of supply; and it is a very unpleasant circumstance to hear it generally admitted, that a Spanish corps is much more destructive to the country than an equal French army. There are also violent dissentions between the juntas of Leon and Gallicia: inclosure No. 6 will shew this state of feeling.”

Sir Howard Douglas to sir H. Wellesley.

“Coruña, March 1, 1812.

“On the 20th ultimo I had the honour to despatch to your excellency a copy of my letter of that date to lord Wellington, in which I acquainted his lordship that three battalions of the army of Gallicia are preparing for embarkation for America, and that I had positively declined making, and would not permit the delivery of any British arms or stores for that service. I have now discovered, that in addition to these troops it is intended to send a division of horse-artillery, to equip which, orders have been given to transfer appointments from the cavalry of the army, and a demand is made for funds to prepare the ordnance, and even to adapt to colonial service more of the field artillery which I lately delivered for the use of the sixth Gallician army. This measure has never been openly avowed by the government of Cadiz, it has never been communicated to the junta of this province by the regency. It has, I imagine, been concealed from your excellency, and it has only come to my knowledge, by the arrangements no longer to be hidden, which general Abadia is making to carry it into effect.”

SECTION 2.—CATALONIA.

Extract of a Letter from Don Antonio Rocca. (Translated.)

“Reus, January 20, 1811.

“While we have venal men, ignorant men, and perfidious men in our government, no good can befal us. He must be mad who can expect our condition to ameliorate. The venal are those who, without being called, seemingly abandon their own affairs, and introduce themselves into the different branches of administration with no other view than to enrich themselves at the public expense. The ignorant are those who think themselves wise, and who either obtain by intrigue or accept without reluctance employments the duties of which they are not capable of discharging. The perfidious are all those who are indifferent spectators of this bloody struggle, and who care not for the issue, as they will equally submit to any master. Place no confidence, my friend, in these sort of persons, nothing can be expected from them, and yet by an inconceivable fatality which is attached to us, to the ruin of all parties, it would appear that the provinces employ none but these very people. Those who commend us are either venal or ignorant, or indifferent; at least the more we search for the remedy, the more our evil increases.”

Captain Codrington to sir Charles Cotton.

“April 24, 1811.

.... “With respect to the proposed plan of admitting supplies of grain in neutral vessels from the ports of the enemy, &c., I have no hesitation in saying I do not see sufficient reason to justify it in the present circumstances of this part of the Peninsula, as I have always found bread for sale at the different places on the coast, at the rate of about two pounds and three quarters for the quarter of a dollar, at which price I yesterday bought it at Escala. And as there has been of late more corn at Taragona than money to purchase, I presume the latter has been the greater desideratum of the two.”

.... “The difficulty of allowing a free passage of provisions from one part of the coast to the other would be lessened by being limited to vessels above the size of common fishing-boats, in which I have reason to believe considerable quantities have been carried to Barcelona; and captain Bullen, I understand, found even a mortar in a boat of this description.”

General C. Doyle to captain Bullen.

“Ripol, April, 1811.

“Can you believe that in this town, the only fabric of arms, six months have passed without a firelock being made!!! They begin to-morrow, and give me two hundred and fifty every week, &c.”

[Note. The italics and notes of admiration are in the original.]

Admiral Freemantle to captain Codrington.

“Mahon, May 19, 1811.

“The uncertainty of every thing connected with Spanish affairs is such, that I am tired of writing and explaining all that arises from their inconsistency and want of energy.

“Until eight o’clock I had understood that the intendant had procured one thousand quintals of biscuit for the army at Taragona, which number I find on inquiry has dwindled to fifty-seven bags. I have therefore been under the necessity of sending five hundred bags, which we can very ill spare, from our own stores, with a proportion of rice. I cannot tell you how much I have been worried and annoyed the last three days, particularly as I feel the very great importance Taragona is to the Spaniards, and how much this island is connected with the event of the fall of that fortress. The intendant here has wrote that he has sent two hundred and thirty-two bags of bread. You will have the goodness to explain that only fifty-seven were procured by him, which I have engaged to pay for, and that all the rest comes immediately from our own stores, and are consequently at the disposal of the British authorities at Taragona.”

Extract of a Letter from Sir Edward Pellew to captain Codrington.

“H.M. Ship Caledonia, July 22, 1811.

“The indecision, inactivity, and apparent disunion amongst the Spanish leaders has been the great cause of failure throughout the whole of this arduous contest, and is especially observable in the late events in Catalonia; nor until the patriots are directed by pure military councils and more energy and decision, can I permit myself to think that any effectual stand can be made against the invaders.”

Sir Edward Pellew to captain Codrington.

“August 2, 1811.

“I have to acknowledge the receipt of your letter, &c. The information therein conveyed affords me a very melancholy view of the affairs of the patriots, and gives me little reason to hope better things from their future exertions.”....“A despatch which reached me by the same opportunity from the superior junta of Catalonia contains a proposal for occupying a position on the coast as a naval depôt, and the selection of Palamos is presented to my choice. It does not appear to me that the junta possesses at present resources for defending any such position, and from the measures being submitted to my determination, it seems to be expected that I should provide means of defending them while employed in securing themselves in their new station.” “Yet whilst the noble spirit of this ill-fated people remains unsubdued, it would not be just to expect a total failure, although the loss of all confidence between them and the privileged orders, and the want of leaders among themselves who possess either skill or competency to guide them, afford but a very precarious prospect of their doing anything effectual to stop the invaders.”

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“November 1, 1811.

“By a letter from captain Strong it seems the people of Cadagues in the early part of October openly refused assistance to the governor of the Medas islands, declaring that they only acknowledged the strongest party, and therefore paid their subscriptions to the French; and that upon the Bustard’s going with a party of Spanish troops to enforce obedience, they rang the alarm-bell as the signal for the approach of an enemy, and sent to Rosas for assistance.”

Extract of a Letter from captain Codrington to E. H. Locker, esq.

“February 7, 1812.

“Whilst the French pay the poor, who serve their purpose, at the expense of the rich, the Spaniards deal out severity to the lower classes, and oblige them to serve without pay and without clothes; and the debauched and profligate of higher life are in many instances rewarded, for imbecility, ignorance, and indifference to the fate of their country never yet exceeded, without one single example being made of the many traitors which have been discovered in the persons of priests, officers of rank, or what are termed gentlemen.”

Captain Codrington to general Lacy.

“February 18, 1812.

“Being an eye-witness of the discontent of the people, which has arisen from their being partially disarmed, and knowing how fatal have been the consequences which have followed these practices on former occasions, I must own I cannot offer to the admiral my conviction of all that benefit arising from his good intentions in which I should otherwise have confided. The officers and men of the French army are walking about this part of the coast unarmed, because the juntas and justices have concealed the muskets they had at their disposal, and refused the people permission to attack the enemy. In the mean time the poor people, whose hearts are burning with patriotism, are starving for want of bread, and the richer citizens of this devoted country are supplying the enemy with corn and other species of provisions.”

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“Villa Nueva, February 22, 1812.

“I fear things are going on very ill in this principality from the sudden change in the system of general Lacy, and the consequent destruction of that confidence on the part of the people which was certainly the cause of his former successes. Nor can there be any doubt of the sound reason which guides the conduct of the Catalans on this occasion; for the mode in which general Lacy effected the dishonourable breach of faith of which they complain, bespeaks a mind practised in deception. He ordered the patriotic companies to be sent to particular points in subdivisions, at which points general Sarsfield was to take forcible possession of them, and attach them to different corps of the regular army. And the discovery of this treachery was made by the letter to general Sarsfield falling by mistake, into the hands of the officer who commanded the whole division of patriotic companies. In the meantime the discontent of the people gains ground with their sufferings, and instead of the Spanish army being increased by the late arbitrary mandate according to its avowed object, and not less probably in consequence of the late extraordinary conduct of general Sarsfield, many of the Catalan soldiers have actually passed over to the enemy.”

“The letter of the baron de Eroles in the gazette No. 10, shews that he was again deceived in the promised support of general Sarsfield on the 24th, and I am told he says publicly it was part of a settled plan to sacrifice him and his whole division.”

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“Villa Nueva de Sitjes, February 22, 1812.

“Nothing but a total change can produce permanent good; for the villanies of the intendant and commissary departments are so thoroughly organized, that not one link of the chain can be left with safety. I have good reason to think that even the money furnished by England is so employed in the traffic of corn, by the individuals through whose hands it passes, as to be the direct means of supplying the enemy.”

Captain Codrington to Mr. H. Wellesley.

“March 1, 1812.

“The change of the regency will I trust produce a radical change of that diabolical system by which plunder has been openly licensed, and despotism and injustice towards the people, and even treachery itself, in those of a higher class, have hitherto passed with impunity.”

SECTION 3.—VALENCIA AND MURCIA.

The councillor of state, Mariano Orquijo, to king Joseph.

“Madrid, Decembre 4, 1810.

“Je viens de voir le proviseur et vicaire général qui fut arrêté à Logrogne par les insurgés. Son opinion prononcée en faveur de V. M. lui a attiré toutes sortes de mauvais traitemens et de disgraces, mais enfin il est parvenu à se sauver de Valence. Il m’a rapporté que l’esprit public de cette capitale a beaucoup changé depuis que le général Caro (frère de Romana) s’est livré aux vexations et aux dilapidations de toute espèce, et que son opinion est qu’on n’y éprouvera aucune résistance. L’Archevêque de Valence, qui jouit à présent d’une grande influence, lui a souvent parlé en secret d’une manière favorable de V. M. et de ses ministres. C’est à l’Archevêque qu’il est redevable de son evasion. Ce prélat m’ayant connu ainsi que à M. de Montarco dans d’autres tems le chargea de nous voir. Le général Bassecourt n’était nullement considéré. Le proviseur ajoute, qu’à Alicant d’où il est parti le 14 Novembre, tout était rempli, de réfugiés de Cadiz. D’après tout ce qu’il m’a dit, je conte qu’aussitôt la prise de Tortoze, Valence se rendra sans coup férir. J’ai renvoyé ce proviseur à Monsieur de Santa Fé qui l’a protégé en sa qualité de ministre des affaires ecclesiastiques et qui fut très sensible au malheur qui lui arriva à Logrogne.”

General Doyle to Mr. Stuart.

“March 8, 1811.

“There is a strong French party in Valencia. It is a sad thing that we cannot sacar Partido of that kingdom, in which are more resources than in all the other provinces of Spain. With my head I answer for it that in one month two thousand cavalry and twenty thousand infantry, independent of the existing army, which is one thousand five hundred effective cavalry and eleven thousand infantry, could be raised, and there is money enough within the city to pay them for six months, and without looking elsewhere for assistance to clothe them. There is abundance of cloth, and provisions in abundance, yet Valencia is doing nothing! and this time so precious, while Massena draining all the rest of the Peninsula gives us time to organize. We want a Robespierre in the government, and another in every province!!”

Colonel Roche to Mr. Stuart.

“Carthagena, June 20, 1811.

“After three years leaving them to themselves, this army (the Murcian) is everywhere in a worse state absolutely than it was in the commencement of the revolution.”

“The fact is that the Spaniards have no confidence in their general, nor he in them, and thus Freire apprehends if he fights his people will disperse. Valencia, with an immense population and great resources, is doing little. Bassecour retired to Cuença. The same indolence, lassitude, and egotism prevails through the country, and I see little stimulus produced by the establishment of the cortes; that feeling of enthusiasm which existed is fast dying away. The thing in the world most agreeable to the Spaniards at this moment would be to be allowed to be neuter, and that England and France should fight the battle and pay all the expenses.”

Captain Codrington to the honourable H. Wellesley.

“September 8, 1811.

“After ascertaining that much art was employed to disgust the army with general Blake, and at the same time to prejudice the people against their officers, I relied upon the purity of my motives, and opened the subject to the general with the candour and freedom it required. I had great satisfaction in finding him well aware of all that was passing, and upon his guard as to the consequences. Upon my mentioning that certain hand-bills were posted up, he produced and gave me the enclosed copies. He told me that upon obtaining them he went to the marquis of Palacios, who, necessarily agreeing in their evil tendency, consented to accompany the general to the palace of the archbishop, where I trust measures were adopted to prevent a repetition of the misconduct of the Padre Igual and his numerous bigoted coadjutors. I submitted to the general’s attention the fatal effects of his quitting this part of the Peninsula, while the minds of the people were in such a state of fermentation, and allowing the supreme authority to revert to the marquis of Palacios. He assured me that he clearly saw the danger which would arise from it; he had determined on no account to do so until the marquis was removed by the government from his present situation.”

Mr. Tupper’s report to sir H. Wellesley. (Extract.)

“January 27, 1812.

“The scandalous behaviour of the members of the junta will have more influence upon the public mind, will dishearten the people even more than the fall of Valencia and the dispersion of the army. For seeing their representatives return to their respective districts, it will give an example to follow that all is lost, and having no authority to protect them or to look to, the people have no other resource left than to submit to the yoke of the enemy.”

Extracts from Mr. Tupper’s report to sir Henry Wellesley from 22 to 27 January, 1812.

“Blake with his immense resources remained altogether inactive, and contented himself with observing the movements of the enemy, and his progress in fortifying himself under the walls of the city.”

“With Blake’s approbation I had raised a corps of about one hundred and eighty men to act as guerillas, and by beginning a plan of offensive operations I expected to see the example followed. I also demanded the direction of the chief battery, that of Santa Catalina, from whence the French camp might be much annoyed, and for the space of thirty successive days caused the French considerable damage in killed and wounded. Excepting this battery, that of St. Joseph contiguous to it, and that of the Puente del Mar, every thing else remained in a state of complete inactivity. Blake, lulled into a state of confidence that the enemy would not attack without reinforcements, had taken no measures whatever.”

“The junta of Valencia was composed of members, as per list enclosed, of which only the first remained, the others having before retired and shamefully gone to their respective homes; but upon the fall of the capital where they had their property, those remaining sent in their resignation to Mahi, and without being competent to do so, gave up the only representative authority of the province which had been confided to them, and have thus thrown the whole country into a state of anarchy, abandoning it altogether to the will of the enemy; yet I am persuaded the spirit of the people is the same, great resources are left in the province, immense riches still remain in the churches, convents, diezmos, &c., &c.”————“I am however sorry to say that since the fall of the capital, nay, since the battle of the 26th ultimo, not a single step has been taken, and at this moment outside the walls of Alicant the province does not exist.—Mahi has objected to Padre Rico, the only man in my opinion, and in that of every body, capable of giving activity and soul to the resources of the country.”

.... “I am sorry to inform your excellency that after repeated interviews with Mahi and the intendant Rivas, on the subject of the commission I had proposed, I am now clearly of the opinion from the repeated delays and studied objections that no authority will be established.”————“ In short nothing has been done, and nothing will be done.”————

“I am firmly of opinion that the people now in authority are disposed, by leaving public affairs in their present abandoned state, to submit to the French yoke.”————“On the 16th ultimo, when Montbrun made his appearance, the Ayuntamiento desired the Syndico Personeso to give a petition in the name of the people to enter into a capitulation; he refused; but I am informed there was some arrangement between the governor and the Ayuntamiento, the members whereof remain in office notwithstanding their traitorous conduct on the 16th.”

SECTION 4.—ANDALUSIA.

General Graham to Mr. Stuart.

“9th May, 1810.

“Nothing new here; the regency and the junta are as usual more asleep than awake, and I can augur nothing good from the government remaining in such hands—let their intentions be ever so good. Nothing but the assembly of the cortes, and from thence springing up a revolutionary system, overturning abuses and interesting the people in their own cause by solid and permanent, instead of contingent and prospective reforms, calling forth talents if to be found for the chief situations, and inforcing vigour and rousing enthusiasm. Nothing but some great change (such as we might in the beginning have assisted in bringing about) can carry on this war to any good result. The people are obstinate in their hatred of the French, and from that alone spring the fits of patriotism and loyalty which keep alive the flame in some place or another. That it is so one cannot doubt from the effects, but it is never to be met with where one is, at least I have never yet seen enthusiasm though I have heard of it. Hence the bulk of the people seem to be completely indifferent to what is going on, and all seem most unwilling to submit to the deprivation of any comfort, and to the sacrifices which a state of siege requires. They would be very well pleased to have any thing done for them, and to see the enemy driven away, that they might go to eat strawberries at Chiclana, and they are much disposed to blame our inactivity, especially that of the navy, in permitting the enemy to have advanced so near on the point of Trocadero. The destruction of these two forts at first was certainly a great error in admiral Purvis; had they been kept up and well garrisoned, as they support one another, it would have been a very tedious operation to have reduced them. Meanwhile you will hear that the improvidence of the junta, and their denial of any such risk to Mr. Wellesley, placed the bread provision of the town in much too precarious a situation; in short, they completely deceived him by their assurances of the most ample means of subsistence, and both flour and wheat have been sent away since he came.”

Mr. Wellesley to Mr. Stuart.

“Isla de Leon, February 5, 1811.

“Blake is becoming very unpopular, and I think his reign will be short. He is supposed to be by no means partial to the English. I know not whether you will approve of the appointments to Estremadura and Gallicia, but I am sure you will be surprised to hear that general Mahi is appointed to command the army of the centre. I communicated confidentially to general Blake the copy of the letter which you forwarded to me from general Walker, taking care to conceal general Walker’s name, so that Blake was fully apprised of our opinion of general Mahi previously to his appointment of him to the command in Murcia.”

Mr. Vaughan to Mr. Stuart.

“Cadiz, February 27. 1811.

“It grieves me to see from day to day how little is done by the Spaniards, and how little is likely to be done. The cortes have not given a new impulse to the war as was expected. They look to their regency for plans of reform for their armies, and their regency is worse than any former government. Blake, of whom I know that you as well as the world in general have a good opinion, does nothing. He refuses to reform abuses that are pointed out to him, passes his days in deliberation upon questions of no moment, and is in my opinion decidedly adverse to the English. Whittingham’s plan, (disciplining a separate corps,) which was approved of before his arrival, he has endeavoured by every kind of trick to reject or render useless.”

“The cortes is full of priests, who, united with the Catalans, are for preserving the old routine of business, and adverse to every thing that can give energy and vigour to the operations of government. Fanaticism and personal interest direct their opinions; Arguelles and his party are anxious that something should be done to remedy the disgraceful state of their armies. I have no doubt but that they would remove the present government, though the friends of Blake, if there was any chance of the Catalan party permitting them to elect a better.”

“Be assured, my dear Stuart, that the cortes is, as at present constituted, any thing but revolutionary or jacobinical. They love their monarchy, and are anxious to maintain the inquisition in all its forms, the only branch of government to which they seem disposed to communicate any energy. If there is not soon some new spirit infused into the cortes, it will become an overgrown junta, meddling with every paltry detail of police, and neglecting the safety of their country—and the regency will be content to reign (very badly) over Cadiz and the Isla.”

Mr. Vaughan to Mr. Stuart.

“Cadiz, August 5, 1811.

“The temper of the public mind at Cadiz is very bad, the press has lately teemed with publications filled with reproaches of the English.”

“The regency and cortes have lost all influence every where, and the distress for money added to the general depression here after the campaign in Estremadura may possibly throw us into a state of anarchy.”

“I am somewhat alarmed by the state of the Serranos de Ronda; the Spanish generals have been quarrelling, and the peasants declare they are tired of the abuses committed there, and that it is reported they mean to capitulate with the French.”

General Graham to Mr. Stuart.

“Isla de Leon, April 24, 1811.

“The Spanish government has published an official narrative of the expedition (Barosa) full of misrepresentations and blinking the question of the cause of failure entirely—this has obliged me to add something to what I wrote before to Mr. Wellesley. There are some instances of impudence supporting falsehood beyond example. The proud Spaniard is no less vain I think.”

General Graham to Mr. Stuart.

“Isla, May 6, 1811.

“The government here supported by the cortes seemed to be determined to adhere with blind obstinacy and pride to a system that has nearly brought the cause to ruin, and notwithstanding Lord Wellington’s great efforts they are playing Buonaparte’s game so positively that I despair of any great good.”

Colonel Austin to Mr. Stuart.

“Faro, March 24, 1811.

“Whether Ballesteros is authorized by his government to pursue the steps he has taken, I know not, but I certainly cannot but consider them as just and necessary. The junta de Seville is a mere farce supported at an immense expense without the least utility or benefit, and preserving in its train a number of idle characters who ought to be employed in the defence of the nation, but who now only add to its burthens. I have had many negotiations with the junta, and though I have always kept up appearances through policy, yet I have found, in the room of the honour and candour which ought to characterize it, nothing but chicanery and dissimulation.”

General Carrol to Mr. Stuart.

“Olivenza, April 29, 1811.

“Would to Heaven that the Spanish armies, or, more properly speaking, the skeletons of the Spanish armies were under his lordship’s (Wellington’s) command; we might in that case do great things, but alas! our pride seems to increase with our misfortunes, and is only equalled by our ignorance!”

Mr. Stuart to Lord Wellesley.

“July 13, 1811.

“I have endeavoured to throw together the numbers, &c. of the different guerillas, &c., which clearly demonstrate the false exaggerations circulated respecting that description of force; though their appearance in different parts has most unreasonably encreased the alarm of the enemy and proportionable confidence of the Spaniards, they cannot be calculated to exceed in the aggregate twenty-five or thirty thousand men at the utmost.”

Note. Here follows a list of the Partidas with their numbers and stations too long to insert.

Mr. Wellesley to Mr. Stuart.

“Cadiz, July 31, 1811.

“Nothing can be more wretched than the state of affairs here; the regents are held in universal contempt, and such is the want of talent, I can hardly hope that a change will make any improvement: the treasury is empty, and no probability of the arrival of any money from America, so that affairs are really in a worse state than they have been at any time since the commencement of the war.”

Extract from the manifesto of the Spanish regency.

“January 23, 1812.

“There have reached the government the cries of the armies which defend us, depicting their painful privations; the groans of the inhabitants of districts, ready to fall under the yoke of the barbarous invaders; the complaints of the provinces already occupied, always loyal though oppressed and laid waste.”

“Cease now, and henceforward, all personal pretensions; the ill-understood feelings of interest dictated by provincial spirit; exemptions unjustly demanded at this period of desolation, writings which, while they ought to create the most ardent patriotism, to unite and enlighten the nation, appear inspired by the enemy for the purpose of enslaving it.”

SECTION 5. PRIVATEERS.

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“Arens de Mar, August 23, 1811.

“I have numberless complaints of the Spanish privateers that come upon the coast, and I am sure it would be a benefit to the country if they were all deprived of their commission. They do nothing but plunder the inhabitants of those places which are occasionally overrun by the French armies, and who embrace the opportunity of their absence to carry on a little trade with other parts of the Peninsula.”

Ditto to sir H. Wellesley.

“Valencia, September 8, 1811.

“I trust some decisive measures will be taken to abolish altogether a system of privateering nothing short of piracy; and in which the vessels from Gibraltar seem to take the lead. I have great reason to believe that they plunder the unfortunate vessels of all countries by hoisting whatever colours may answer their purposes of assumed national hostility; and as we never hear of their attacking each other, I have no doubt that the British and French flags are often united in furtherance of this predatory warfare. The numberless complaints which I receive from all parts of the coast, and the difficulty of trading betwixt Catalonia and Valencia, on account of the privateers which swarm in these seas, drive many into an intercourse with Barcelona and other places in the occupation of the enemy, in order to get a livelihood.”

Ditto to admiral Penrose, Valencia.

“The depredations of the Gibraltar privateers have been carried on to such an extent, in all parts of the Mediterranean, as to bring serious reflections upon the British flag.”

SECTION 6. FRENCH PRISONERS AT CABRERA.

Captain Codrington to E. Locker, Esq.

“September 18, 1811.

“I cannot at all events think it a wise measure to receive into colonel Whittingham’s corps the prisoners at Cabrera, who have long ago withstood the offers of general Roche, when naked as they were born, and fighting for each other’s miserable rations to prolong an existence inconceivably wretched, in hopes of rejoining the French.”

Sir H. Wellesley to captain Codrington.

“October 10, 1811.

“With regard to the French prisoners at Cabrera, I procured from the Spanish government long since an order to the governor of the Balearic Islands to suspend all negotiations with the French on that subject, and not on any account to consent to exchange them.”

No. II. SECTION 1. SIEGE OF TARAGONA.

Captain Codrington to sir C. Cotton.

“Taragona, May 15, 1811.

“During the panic which seems to have prevailed upon the unexpected arrival of the French army, the greatest exertions and the most extensive sacrifices appear to have been readily submitted to. But from the present apathy and indifference in those who should set an example of activity, and from the general deficiency of ordnance stores, I by no means consider the place in that state of security which the strength of its works and position would otherwise lead me to expect.”

“A well planned sortie was made yesterday, but failed through the backwardness of some of the officers employed in it.”——“I had the satisfaction of being assured by an officer, who conspicuously did his duty on this occasion, and who was outflanked by the enemy, from the backwardness of the column directed to support him, that he attributes the salvation of his troops entirely to the fire from the shipping.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Blake, off Villa Nueva, June 15, 1811.

“Leaving Taragona on the 16th (May), we reached Peniscola in the forenoon of the 17th.”——“From thence general Doyle wrote to general O’Donnel an account of the situation of Taragona and of my detaining captain Adam at Peniscola, in readiness to receive any reinforcement which he might be pleased to send to that garrison. Upon our arrival off Murviedro, we found general O’Donnel had already ordered the embarkation of two thousand three hundred infantry and two hundred and eleven artillery-men.”——“Delivering to general O’Donnel two thousand stand of arms, accoutrements, and clothing to enable him to bring into the field as many recruits already trained as would supply the place of the regular soldiers; thus detached from his army, we proceeded to Valencia and landed the remainder of our cargo, by which means the troops of general Villa Campa, then dispersed as peasantry for want of arms, were enabled again to take the field, and the corps of Mina and the Empecinado completed in all the requisites of active warfare.”

“At Alicant we proceeded to take in as many necessary materials for Taragona as the ship would actually stow, besides eighty artillery men and a considerable quantity of powder, ball-cartridge, &c. sent in the Paloma Spanish corvette from Carthagena in company with a Spanish transport from Cadiz deeply laden with similar supplies.”

“After returning to Valencia, where we landed the additional arms, &c. for the Aragonese army, we moved on to Murviedro, where the conde of Bispal proceeded from Valencia to join us in a consultation with his brother, although, on account of his wound, he was very unfit for such a journey. The result of this conference was a determination on the part of general O’Donnel to commit to my protection, for the succour of Taragona, another division of his best troops under general Miranda, consisting of four thousand men, whilst he himself would move forward with the remainder of his army to the banks of the Ebro.”

“The frequent disappointments which the brave Catalonian army had heretofore met with from Valencian promises, made the sight of so extensive and disinterested a reinforcement the more truly welcome, because the less expected, and the admiration which was thus created in the besieged appeared to produce proportionate anxiety on the part of the enemy.”

“I shall direct the whole of my attention to the neighbourhood of Taragona, in readiness for harassing the retreat of the French, if general Suchet should unfortunately be obliged to raise the siege, and for re-embarking and restoring to general O’Donnel whatever may remain of the Valencian troops, according to the solemn pledge he exacted from me before he would consent thus to part with the flower and strength of his army. He even went so far as to declare, in the presence of general Miranda, the principal officer of his staff, general Doyle, captain Adam, captain White, and myself, that he considered me as entirely answerable for the safety of the kingdom of Valencia, and that if I failed in redeeming my pledge he would resign his command for that particular account.”

“It is but justice to myself, however, that I should tell you that I did most distinctly warn general O’Donnel, that I would in no case answer for his army if placed under the immediate command of Campo Verde, for any distant inland operation, more particularly as I knew that, in addition to his own deficiency in ability, he was surrounded by people whose advice and whose conduct was in no case to be relied on.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Blake, Taragona, June 22, 1811.

“I found upon my last return here an arrangement made, that in case of the enemy gaining the Puerto, general Sarsfield should retire to the Mole with part of his division, from whence I had only to assist, but was much astonished to find, by a message, through colonel Green, from general Contreras, that although he had heard of such a disposition being made by general Sarsfield, and assented to by the English squadron, it had not his official knowledge or approbation.”——“I understand that an order had arrived in the morning from the marquis of Campo Verde for general Velasco to take the command of the Puerto, and for general Sarsfield to join his army, that the latter had given up his command to some colonel at about three o’clock, who was, by his own confession, totally unfit for it, and that general Velasco only arrived in time to find the Spanish troops flying in confusion from the want of being properly commanded and the French assaulting the place.”

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“Mattaro, November 1, 1811.

“Having stated in a letter to sir Charles Cotton, on the 22d June last, that I understand general Sarsfield had quitted the Puerto and embarked without the knowledge of general Contreras, (which indeed was the substance of a message sent me by general Contreras himself,) I owe it to an officer of general Sarsfield’s high military character to declare my conviction that the statement there made by general Contreras is absolutely false and unfounded, and I beg leave to enclose in justification of my present opinion; 1st, a passport sent by general Contreras to general Sarsfield in consequence as he alleged of an order from the marquis of Campo Verde. 2d. An extract from the manifesto of the marquis, in which he disavows having any knowledge of the passports. 3d. A letter from general Contreras to general Sarsfield in answer to one written by the latter requesting to see the order by which he was directed to quit the Puerto at such a critical moment, in which he says ‘that he cannot send him a copy of that letter, because it is confidential, but that his presence is necessary at the head-quarters to assist in the operations about to take place for the relief of the garrison, and that he has not a moment to lose.’ 4th. The copy of another letter written on the same day by general Contreras to the superior junta, in which he says that general Sarsfield quitted the Puerto without his knowledge!!!”

General Doyle to colonel Roche.

“June 23, 1811.

“Is it possible to conceive any thing so absurd, and I could almost say wicked, as the conduct of the junta or captain-general of Cartagena in taking away the firelocks from the regiments they sent with such a parade of their patriotism to relieve Taragona. Two thousand men are already in this city without firelocks, such is the daily destruction of arms by the enemy’s fire and the getting out of repair from constant use.”

Captain Codrington to sir Charles Cotton.

“Off Taragona, June 23, 1811.

“Another regiment arrived from Carthagena yesterday under convoy of the Cossack, but, as on a former occasion, their arms were taken from them by colonel Roche, upon their going to embark, and therefore, as being of no use to the garrison, I have by desire of the general sent them to Villa Nueva, and as there are already 2000 men in the place without arms, I have sent the Termagant to Carthagena, to endeavour to procure those which have been thus inconsiderately taken from the troops belonging to that place.”

Captain Codrington to sir C. Cotton. (Extract.)

“June 29, 1811.

“The Regulus with five transports including a victualler arrived with colonel Skerrett and his detachments on the 26th. The surf was so great on that day that we had no other communication in the forenoon than by a man swimming on shore with a letter, and upon colonel Skerrett putting questions to general Doyle and myself upon the conduct he should pursue according to his orders, we agreed in our opinion that although the arrival of the troops before the Puerto (lower town) was taken would probably have saved the garrison, it was now too late, and that their being landed, if practicable, would only serve to prolong the fate of the place for a very short time at the certain sacrifice of the whole eventually. This opinion was grounded on a number of different circumstances, and was in perfect coincidence with that of captains Adam and White. In the evening the surf abated sufficiently for general Doyle, colonel Skerrett, and some of his officers, as well as the captains of the squadron and myself, to wait upon general Contreras, who repeated his determination to cut his way out and join the marquis of Campo Verde the instant the enemy’s breaching battery should open, and which he expected would take place the following morning, and who agreed the English ought not to land with any view of defending the town, although he wished them to join in his meditated sortie.”

Extracts from general Contreras’ report. (Translated.)

“I saw myself reduced to my own garrison.” “I considered if my force was capable of this effort (defending the breach), one of the most heroic that war furnishes, and to which few men can bring themselves. I recollected however that I had still eight thousand of the best and most experienced troops in Spain.” “All conspired against this poor garrison. Campo Verde in quitting the place promised to come back quickly to its succour, but he did not, although he daily renewed his promises. The kingdom of Valencia sent Miranda with a division which disembarked, and the day following re-embarked and went to join Campo Verde.

“An English division came on the 26th, colonel Skerrett, who commanded them, came in the evening to confer with me and to demand what I wished him to do. I replied that if he would disembark and enter the place, he should be received with joy and treated as he merited; that he had only to choose the point that he wished to defend and I would give it to him, but that all was at his choice, since I would neither command nor counsel him. The 27th the English commandants of artillery and engineers came to examine the front attacked, and being convinced that the place was not in a state to resist, returned to their vessels, and then all went away from the place they came to succour.

“This abandonment on the part of those who came to save was the worst of all; it made such an impression on the soldiers, that they began to see that they were lost, became low-spirited and only resisted from my continual exhortations, and because they saw my coolness and the confidence I had, that if they executed my orders the French would fail. But this only lasted a few hours, the notion of being abandoned again seized them and overcame all other ideas.”

Captain Codrington to sir C. Cotton.

“12th July, 1811.

“The vacillating conduct of general Contreras regarding the defence of Taragona is a principal feature in the loss of that important fortress.”

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“12th July, 1811.

“The marquis blames generals Caro and Miranda, whilst the latter retort the accusation; and I am inclined to think that in giving full credit to what each says of the other, neither will suffer ignominy beyond that to which his conduct has entitled him.”

Ditto to Mr. Wellesley. (Extract.)

“20th July, 1811.

“The disasters which have befallen the principality will produce material accusations against the generals who lately commanded in it, without, I fear, any of them meeting the punishment which is their due. Some of the enclosed papers may help you to form a just opinion of their conduct and that of the Spanish marine; and those respecting the arms for which I sent to Carthagena will show how far colonel Roche is entitled to the merit which he so largely assumes on that occasion.”

“To enable you to form a correct opinion of general Contreras I must refer you to general Doyle, as from his ignorance of our service, the various requests and proposals which arose from the vacillations in what he called his determinations, were signified to me through him. It does not appear to me that he ever visited the works himself, or it would not have fallen to the lot of captain Adams and myself to remove two boats, two large stages, sixteen gun-carriages, and a mortar from the mole, long after the French were advanced beyond the Francoli battery, and two nights previous to their gaining the Puerto; an accidental visit to the mole one night, just after placing the gun-boats and launches, discovered to me this mortar with no less than twelve guns in readiness for forming a battery; and upon general Doyle, by my request, representing this to the general of artillery, he talked of inquiring into it to-morrow.”

“It would be a waste of words to describe further the conduct of the general of artillery, or I might find sufficient subject in the events of every passing day from the first investment of the place.”——“I shall be very ready to come forward personally in aid of that justice which is due to the numberless brave men who fell a sacrifice to the criminality of the persons alluded to who have so grossly misconducted themselves.”

SECTION 2.

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“29th July, 1811.

“Had colonel Green, the military agent appointed to succeed general Doyle, adopted the plan of his predecessor of continuing at the head-quarters of the army and in personal communication with the captain-general instead of retiring to Peniscola with the money and arms remaining, we should not be left as we are to the precarious source of mere accidental communications for receiving intelligence.”

Ditto to Don F. Savartes, vocal of the Junta.

“28th July, 1811.

“————Colonel Green, the British military agent, being at Peniscola, I have opened the letter from the junta to him.”——“Had I not in this instance opened the letters to the admiral and the military agent, the junta would have received no answer to them until it would have been too late to execute their object.”

Captain Thomas to captain Codrington. (Extract.)

“H.M.S. Undaunted, off Arens, 7th Oct. 1811.

“Having observed, in the Catalonia Gazette of the 24th of September, the copy of a letter said to be written by colonel Green to his excellency general Lacy, relative to our operations on the Medas Islands, from the surrender of the castle to the period of our quitting them, I beg leave to state to you my surprise and astonishment at seeing facts so grossly misrepresented, and request you will be pleased to contradict in the most positive manner the assertions there made use of. To prove how inconsistent this letter is with real facts, it may be necessary for me only to say that colonel Green, in the presence and hearing of all the English officers, on my asking him a question relative to the practicability of keeping the island, did declare that he had nothing to do with the expedition; that my instructions pointed him out as a volunteer only. But immediately after, in the hearing of all, did declare it to be his opinion that the island was not tenable.

“As I understood it was intended to form an establishment on the larger island, I judged it proper to retire from it for a short time and destroy the remains of the castle, which might induce the enemy to withdraw from the works he had thrown up, and thereby afford our ally an opportunity whenever he chose to occupy them again, to fortify himself without molestation; and this supposition it has appeared was well grounded. But while the ruins of the castle stood, it was an object of jealousy to the French; nor would they in my opinion have quitted the ground they occupied, nor the Spaniards have been enabled to settle themselves, had this measure not been adopted. I therefore gave orders for embarking the guns and stores.

“If necessary, I could say much more on the subject of this most extraordinary letter; the few remarks I have made will, I think, be sufficient. As an act of courtesy to colonel Green, on landing the marines I directed the marine officers to receive their orders from him; but military aid was not necessary, for you may recollect before the expedition sailed, on your informing me that general Lacy had offered some Spanish troops, and asking how many I thought would be necessary, my answer was ‘about forty;’ and I have no hesitation in declaring that without the assistance of even a single soldier the castle would have fallen into our hands as speedily as it did on this occasion.

SECTION 3.

Captain Codrington’s orders to captain Adam of the Invincible.

“July 1st, 1811.

“You are hereby directed, in consequence of a representation made to me by general Doyle, to proceed towards Majorca in search of the Spanish frigates Prueba, Diana, and Astrea, which the general reports to be going to that island (contrary to orders) with the treasure, archives of the province, and the vessels laden with stores and ammunition destined for the inland fortresses of Catalonia, together with the officers and soldiers which were saved from Taragona, and which are required to join the army immediately. Upon meeting them you are to deliver the accompanying order for them to return here, and you are, if necessary, to enforce obedience.”

Captain Codrington to sir Charles Cotton.

“Villa Nueva, 3d July, 1811.

“I should feel the more hurt by being driven to adopt such a measure had not the whole conduct both of the Prueba and Diana made their captains a disgrace to the situation they hold. These two frigates remained quiet spectators of the British squadron engaging the batteries of the enemy on the 22d of last month, and never attempted to give any assistance to the garrison, except by now and then sending a gun-boat to join those manned by the English. They did not assist in the embarkation of the numberless women, children, and wounded soldiers, until goaded into it by the orders of general Contreras, after I had already sent above two thousand to this place; and even when I had no longer any transports for their reception, the captain of the Prueba refused to receive some wounded officers.”

Ditto to ditto.

“18th July, 1811.

“I cannot describe to you the difficulties which I have been put to by the misconduct of all the Spanish ships and vessels of war which I have had to communicate with upon the coast, with exception of the Astrea frigate and the Paloma corvette. In the others I have seen neither courage to oppose the enemy nor humanity to alleviate the distresses of their countrymen.”——“I have heard also that the Algesiras, which lately arrived at Arens, has landed the stores and ammunition, with which she was charged, at the risk of their falling into the hands of the enemy, and has quitted the station!”

SECTION 4.

Captain Codrington to sir E. Pellew.

“12th July, 1811.

“General Milans is collecting a mixture of troops, consisting of those who have escaped the enemy.”

“He speaks loudly of his indifference to a command, while he boasts that if he were captain-general he would raise forty thousand men and clear the country of the enemy! But in the midst of this disgusting rhodomontade it is not difficult to see that self-interest is the main spring of all his actions, and that instead of raising an army he is more likely, by the system he has adopted, to shake the stability of that which is still left for the defence of the principality.”

Captain Codrington to sir H. Wellesley.

“September 1, 1811.

“The affair of general Milans” (namely, the sending of corn to Barcelona under his passport) “which I mentioned to you in my last private letter, is still involved in mystery, which I hope however to penetrate upon my return to Arens de Mar. The Mataro papers reported that two soldiers were shot and a serjeant flogged at Arena for suffering corn to pass their guard at Mongat on its way to Barcelona. The fact of the punishment is I believe truly stated, but the cause no less falsely, enterely as I suspect with the view of terminating my investigation into this nefarious traffic. General Lacy, instead of answering my letter, refers me by word of mouth to the junta, and the deputation from the junta, who went to Mataro (as they assured me) purposely to investigate the business, now tell me that it is an affair purely military, and refer me to general Milans himself.”

SECTION 5.

Extract from a minute made by captain Codrington.

“Mattaro, July 6, 1811.

“Colonel O’Ronan, aid-du-camp to the marquis of Campo Verde, arrived, and informed me that he came from the marquis, who was on his march to this town or Arens, for the purpose of embarking all the infantry not Catalans, and the whole of the remaining cavalry, leaving the horses on the beach. Colonel O’Ronan said this determination was the result of a junta, composed of the marquis, general St. Juan, general Caro, general Miranda, the general of artillery, brigadier Santa Cruz, Velasco, and Sarsfield; that after the thing had been proposed and discussed a long time, Sarsfield was the first to give his vote, that he rose from his seat and said, ‘any officer who could give such an opinion must be a traitor to his country, and that he and his division would stand or fall with the principality.’ Every other officer was of a contrary opinion, except the marquis (it afterwards appeared that Santa Cruz also supported Sarsfield), who thought with Sarsfield, and yet it seems he allowed himself to be led on by the other generals. In short, it appears he was resolved to abandon the principality.

“I told him, without hesitation, that to embark the Valencians I felt a duty to general O’Donnel, to the kingdom of Valencia, and to the whole nation, but that I felt it equally my duty upon no account to embark the army of Catalonia, and thus become a party concerned in the abandonment of a province I had been sent to protect.”——“The colonel, who could not venture on shore again lest he should be murdered by the inhabitants of Mattaro, for having been the bearer of a commission to arrest brigadier Milans about a month ago, sent to the marquis my answer.”

Extract from a minute of information given by the baron d’Eroles.

“July 9, 1811.

“The baron d’Eroles was appointed captain-general of Catalonia by the junta of general officers, of which the marquis of Campo Verde was president, and by the voice of the people. His reply was, that so long as the army continued in the principality, and that there was a senior general officer, he would not admit it, but that the moment the army passed the frontier (it was then at Agramunt, in full march to Aragon), he would accept the command, unmindful of the dreadful situation in which he should place himself, but he would do so in order to continue the struggle, and to prevent anarchy and confusion. In this state things were when general Lacy arrived. The baron instantly sought him, could not find, but met one of his aid-du-camps, by whom he wrote to him to say what had occurred, but that he was resolved to support general Lacy in his command, not only with all his local influence, but by his personal exertions, and that he would immediately join him to put this resolution in practice.”

Extract from general Doyle’s Letter after seeing the above.

“The Valencian division, that is to say, two thousand four hundred of the four thousand three hundred soldiers who disembarked in this province, are now on board to return to Valencia. General Miranda says the desertion took place in consequence of the marquis’s determination to proceed to Aragon, which made them believe they would not be embarked. In short, most disgraceful has been the conduct of this division, and the marquis, as you will see by this letter to me, attaches to it no small portion of blame.”

Captain Codrington to the marquis of Campo Verde.

“Blake, July 5, 1811.

“I have to remind you that by ordering the Valencian division out of Taragona, in breach of the terms by which I bound myself when I brought them, you yourself broke the pledge given by me, and dissolved the contract.”

Extracted from captain Codrington’s papers.

“Minute of a conference betwixt generals Caro and Miranda with general Doyle and myself this day.

“July 9, 1811.

“About eight o’clock generals Caro and Miranda came on board the Blake. After being seated in the cabin with general Doyle and myself, general Caro begged general Doyle would explain to me, that they were come in consequence of my promise, to request I would embark the division of Valencian troops which I had brought from Peniscola. I desired to know what promise general Caro understood me to have made? He answered, that I would take the above troops back to Valencia. I denied positively that I had made any promise to re-embark them if they should ever join the marquis of Campo Verde, although I had deeply pledged myself to restore them to general O’Donnel if they joined in a sortie from the garrison, which I was very confident would be decisive of its success. I then referred general Miranda to a similar explanation, which I gave to him, through general Doyle, on the day after our quitting Peniscola, when he had said he was ordered, both by his written instructions and by verbal explanation from general O’Donnel, not to land within the garrison. General Miranda instantly repeated that so he was; upon which general Doyle, to whom he had shewn those instructions jointly with myself, after leaving Taragona for Villa Nueva, when under a difficulty as to how he should proceed, referred him to them again, when it appearing that he was therein positively ordered ‘desembarear en la plaza de Tarragona,’ general Doyle stopped.

“General Miranda. ‘Ah! but read on.’

“General Doyle. ‘No, sir, there is the positive proof of your receiving such an order.’

“General Miranda. ‘Well, but read on.’

“General Doyle. ‘No, sir. This (pointing to the paper) is the positive proof of your receiving such an order, which we wanted to establish, because you positively denied it.’

“Upon this general Caro, shrugging up his shoulders, said, ‘he was not aware of there being any such order.’ And general Miranda again requested general Doyle would read on.

“General Doyle. ‘For what purpose?’

“General Miranda. ‘To prove that I was not to shut myself up with the division in the plaza de Taragona.’

“General Doyle. ‘There is no occasion, sir, for any proof of that, for it was a part of the very stipulation made by captain Codrington when he strongly pledged himself to general O’Donnel.’

“General Doyle continued,—‘And now, general Caro, that we have proved to you that general Miranda had orders to land in Taragona, and that captain Codrington is bound by no such promise as you had imagined, I must inform you that he has been eight days upon the coast with all the ships of war and transports which are wanted for other services, for the sole purpose of embarking these troops; and he desires me to add that in consideration of what is due to the liberal and exemplary assistance afforded by general O’Donnel and Valencia in aid of Taragona, but not at all on account of any pledge he has been said to have given, that he will use the same exertion in re-embarking and restoring the troops which he would have done if so bound by his word of honour.’”

Mr. Wellesley to lord Wellesley.

“July 28.

“The morning of 30th of June, a few hours after the arrival of the British squadron and Spanish vessels in the roadstead of Villa Nueva, five thousand French infantry and five hundred cavalry surprised the place by a night-march, and seized all the property of Taragona, which had been sent there before the siege. Twenty-five thousand dollars for each of the next three months was demanded, but no violence or plunder allowed. Eroles narrowly escaped. Lacy, appointed to command in Catalonia, arrived 1st July at Villa Nueva, the 6th went to Igualada to join Campo Verde.”

“Desertion in the army at Mataro has been carried to a most alarming extent since the fall of Taragona; the first night fifteen hundred men disappeared, nearly three hundred cavalry had likewise set off towards Aragon; and these desertions are to be attributed to the gross neglect and want of activity on the part of the officers.”————“The only division that keeps together in any tolerable order is that of general Sarsfield, of about two thousand men.”————“He had however disputes with Eroles, and the people called for the latter to lead them.”

No. III. SECTION 1. POLITICAL STATE OF KING JOSEPH. SPANISH MINISTER’S COMPLAINTS OF THE FRENCH GENERALS.

From the councillor of state, Mariano Luis Orquijo, to king Joseph.

“Madrid, 22 Juillet, 1810.

“Sire,—Le commissaire royal de Cordoue me mande, que le duc de Dalmatie lui a fait écrire officiellement de ne remettre aucune somme d’argent à la capitale lors même que le ministre des finances le demanderait, jusqu’à ce que les dépenses de l’armée des régimens qu’on lève et des employés de la province, &c., furent pleinement couverts, et que le duc prendrait les mesures convenables, dans le cas que cette détermination ne fut pas suivie.”

“Madrid, 3 Agosto de 1810.

“Le général Sebastiani a fait voir au commissaire royale à Grenade, un ordre du duc de Dalmatie, qui lui enjoint de la manière la plus expresse, de le mettre en état d’arrestation si pour le 1er Août lui et le préfet de Malaga ne mettent au pouvoir de Sebastiani quatre millions de réaux. L’exorbitance de cette somme, pour une province qui a déjà payé son contingent, et le court terme de huit jours designé pour le payement, donnent à croire que cette somme une fois livrée on en demandera une plus forte. Selon toutes les apparences, et d’après les conversations particulières, il s’agit de profiter de l’absence du roi pour mettre les Andalousies sur le même pied que les provinces de Biscaye, Burgos, &c. Il se peut néanmoins qu’on ait voulu inspirer ces craintes dans des idées tout-à-fait différentes. Quoiqu’il en soit il serait scandaleux de voir un commissaire qui représente la personne du roi arrêté dans une de ses provinces.”

From Mariano Luis Orquijo to king Joseph.

“Madrid, 7 Août, 1810.

“Monsieur d’Aranza m’écrit en dâte du 22 Août dans une lettre particulière les paroles suivantes, en les soulignant pour mieux fixer l’attention: ‘Le maréchal Soult est très content, mais il ne fera usage de son autorité que pour le bien: il aime le roi et la nation: ce pays lui plait beaucoup.’”

Ditto to ditto.

“Madrid, 13 Août, 1810.

“Parmi les lettres que m’a porté le courrier d’Andalousie arrivé hier, j’en remarque une de monsieur Aranza écrite dans un stile étudié et que je soupçonne redigée d’accord avec le duc de Dalmatie. C’est un panégyrique à la louange de ce maréchal dans lequel monsieur d’Aranza porte aux nues l’intelligence et la zêle du duc de Dalmatie dans la partie administrative; la considération qu’il donne aux autorités espagnoles; son extrême adresse à manier les esprits, et l’habilité de ses dispositions militaires, dans un pays couvert d’insurgés. M. d’Aranza termine en formant le vœu que le maréchal ne soit aucunement troublé dans l’exécution de ses plans, et que le sort de l’Andalousie soit mis entièrement a sa discretion.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Madrid, le 23 Août, 1810.

“Par ma correspondance avec l’Andalousie j’ai appris; de Cordone: que M. Angulo à reçu les lettres qui l’appellent à Madrid, et qu’il se dispose à suivre le grand convoi sorti de Seville le 11 du courant. De Seville: qu’un corsaire Française s’étant emparé d’un paquebot qui allait de Cadiz à Alicante, on y avait trouvé entr’autres depêches une lettre de Campmany, grand partisan des Anglais, et un des Coryphées de la revolution. Il avouait à son ami, don Anselmo Rodriguez de Ribas, intendant de l’armée du centre, qui s’était plaint à lui des excès que commettaient certaines juntes, que Cadiz n’offrait pas un spectacle moins digne de pitié: que les Anglais qu’il avait appris à connaître s’arrogaient peu à peu toute l’autorité: que le commerce libre accordé aux ports d’Amerique excitait à Cadiz un mécontentement général, et que Venegas allait au Méxique en qualité de viceroi: il parle en outre de l’arrestation de plusieurs personnes connues, et de la de considération dans laquelle est tombée la régence.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Madrid, 27 Septembre, 1810.

“Le maréchal Victor permet le passage à beaucoup de femmes qui veulent se réunir a leurs maris, les femmes en contant les choses telles qu’elles sont, détruisent bien des erreurs dans lesquelles on a généralement été entrainé par le gouvernement actuel. L’ennemi permit ces jours derniers l’entrée dans l’île à plusieurs femmes qui voulaient passer par Chiclanes pour se réunir à leurs parents, mais dernièrement elles furent contenus à coups de canon, et un boulet emporta la tête de celui qui les accompagnait. Le gouvernement Anglais preside à toutes les opérations, et crainte cette espèce des communications.”

“Valladolid, le 11 Août, 1810.

“Sire,—Je suis arrivé a Valladolid, où je n’ai pas trouvé le général Kellermann. Il parait que les Espagnols out cerné un détachement de Français qui se trouve à la Puebla de Sanabria, et que ce général y eu allé pour le débloquer. Les guerrilles ont été hier aux portes de Valladolid, et il y à cinq a six jours que soixante dix Français ont été détruits à Villalon; la terreur s’est emparée de tous les esprits, et l’on croit que trois cent hommes ne suffisent pas pour faire paner un courrier: malgré cela, je parterai demain, escorté par deux cent hommes avec un convoi de prisonniers de Ciudad Rodrigo, donc le nombre n’est pas considérable, parcequ’ici on leur accorde la liberté moyennant une somme qu’on règle avec le général Kellermann pour les frais de la guerre.

“Toutes les autorités du pays sont venues me visiter, et me consulter sur la conduite qu’elles doivent tenir depuis les derniers ordres du général Kellermann pour qu’elles n’obeinent ni ne correspondent avec d’autre autorité que la sienne. C’est la chancellerie qui se trouve plus embarrassée que toute autre, parce-qu’elle ne peut concilier l’administrat de la justice au nom de votre majesté avec l’impossibilité de correspondre avec son ministre.

“Je n’ai pas reçu le moindre égard du général Dufrene qui est à la place du général Kellermann. Il ne m’a pas visité, ni même accorde un factionnaire; tout le monde s’en est apperçu, et cette conduite a confirmé l’opinion que l’on a conçue que votre majesté ne règne point dans ce pays. J’ai tâché de detruire une idée qui décourage les véritables sujets de votre majesté, et soutient les espérances de ses ennemis. Les généraux ne s’apperçoivent pas du mal qu’ils produisent en ferant croire que le service de l’empereur, et ses intérêts peuvent être en contradiction avec ceux de votre majesté.

“Si le général Dufrene s’était borné à ne rien faire pour faciliter mon voyage, j’aurai moins de motifs de plainte contre lui, mais il a retenu l’escorte de cavalerie que le général Tilly m’avait donnée. De toutes les manières, Sire, je ferai tout ce qui sera en mon pouvoir pour accélérer mon voyage, et répondre à la confiance avec laquelle votre majesté a daigné me distinguer.

“Le marquis Almenara.”

Orquijo to Joseph, relating his conference with the French ambassador. (Extract.)

“Madrid, Août 22, 1810.

“Je lui dis de s’adresser sur ces deux points au ministre des relations extérieures, il me répondit qu’un désagrément qu’on éprouvait avec lui était l’obligation de lui donner à tout bout de champ des notes écrites, qu’à Vittoria il l’avait compromis en présentant à votre majesté ces notes comme officielles, que le bon vieux duc (ce sont ses propres expressions) étourdissait dans l’instant, qu’il n’entendait point, ou ne voulait point entendre ce qu’on lui disait, et qu’il demandait qu’on lui donnat par écrit ce qui n’était pas nécessaire d’écrire. Je lui répétais toujours qu’il devait s’adresser au duc puisque c’était le seul canal par lequel il devait diriger ses demandes, que je ne me mélais point de ces affaires, et que je n’en entretiendrais votre majesté à moins que votre majesté ne m’en parlat la première, mais comme simple particulier je l’assurai de l’inviolabilité des promesses de votre majesté et de ses idées liberales. L’ambassadeur ajouta que dans la matinée du jour de St. Napoleon, et les jours suivants, le général Belliard, Borelli, et leurs alentours avaient parlé fort mal des expressions de votre majesté sur ses premiers devoirs, et qu’il ne doutait pas qu’ils n’en eussent écrit à Paris; qu’il n’avait pas pu se dispenser de transmettre à sa cour ces paroles; mais qu’il les avait présentés comme une conséquence du premier discours tenu par votre majesté et une nuance nécessaire pour adoucir le mauvais effêt qu’avait produit ici l’article du Moniteur sur les mots de l’empereur au duc de Berg. Je le lui avais présenté de cette manière en sortant de l’appartement de votre majesté, et je lui montrai en même temps un rapport venu de la Navarre dans lequel on dépeignait le facheux étât de ce royaume en proie aux excès des bandes de brigands et aux dilapidations des gouvernemens militaires. Si l’ambassadeur a écrit dans ces termes comme il me l’a dit, autant par honneur que par attachement à votre majesté, à son pays et au notre, il a bien rempli ses devoirs. Quoiqu’il en soit, je me lui cru obligé de donner connaissance à votre majesté de ces faits ainsi que de la surprise que, selon l’ambassadeur, a causé à l’empereur et au ministère Français le silence du duc de Santa Fé qui ne s’explique sur rien. L’ambassadeur se plaint d’avoir été compromis par lui, car à sa demande et en consequence des conversations fréquentes qu’il eut avec lui pendant les trois jours qu’il passa à Madrid, il écrivit à sa cour que le duc de Santa Fé était chargé de négocier sur la situation de votre majesté et celle de notre pays, que l’ambassadeur lui-même disait ne pouvoir pas durer. C’est à la lettre ce que c’est dit entre l’ambassadeur et moi.” &c. &c.

Ditto to ditto.

“Madrid, le 13 Novembre, 1810.

“Monsieur Pereyra a reçu du maréchal Soult une réponse extrêmement aigre. Ce commissaire royal persiste dans son opinion que les mesures indiquées par le duc de Dalmatie pour l’approvisionnement de l’armée ne rempliront pas le but qu’il se propose; mais le maréchal veut être obéi. D’un autre côté le général Sebastiani l’a contraint à lui donner onze cent mille réaux. Placé entre ces deux écueils, Monsieur Pereyra a perdu courage et demande à votre majesté de le rappeller à Madrid. Le général Dufour a pris le commandement de Grenade.

“Mariano Luis de Orquijo.”

Ditto to ditto.

“Madrid, 19 de Decembre, 1810.

“Monsieur le comte de Montarco était le 11 courant a Manzanares, il m’écrit que les habitans de la Manche se plaignent de ce que les troupes qui retrouvent dans la province ne les protégent pas autant que leur nombre le leur permet, que les brigands viennent leur enlever leurs grains pour les transporter dans les royaumes de Valence et de Murcie, ou dans l’Estremadoure. Ils craignent une disette et désirent ardemmement qu’il se forme de grands dépôts de grains dans des places à l’abri des incursions des partis d’insurgés. Les commandants des troupes Françaises sont d’une exigence et d’une hauteur insupportables, et les rapports faits au comte de Montarco par toutes les autorités légales du pays confirment complettement ceux que l’intendant de la Manche ne cesse de faire aux divers ministères depuis plusieurs mois.”

“Madrid, le 15 Février, 1811.

“Sire,—Le préfet de Santander me remêt, en dâte du 16 Janvier, copie des offices qu’il a reçus pour la réunion de cette province au gouvernement militaire de Biscaye. J’ai l’honneur de les mettre sous les yeux de votre majesté en lui observant que cette mesure a été prise sur la proposition du général Caffarelli.

“On a demandé au préfet de Santander un état des employés civils et militaires, des moines, du clergé, et des appointemens dont ils jouissent. Il croit en conséquence que des attributions ainsi que celles des employés seront nulles des que la province sera gouvernée à l’instar de celle de Biscaye. Il ajoute que lui et les chefs principaux de l’administration sont décidés à ne travailler que sous les ordres de votre majesté et demandent avec instance que votre majesté ne les abandonne pas.

“Le sous-préfet de Logrogne me dit en dâte du 22 Janvier que l’opinion publique s’est améliorée depuis qu’on y a appris les nouvelles du Portugal, et qu’on y connait le peu de moyens de defense qu’offre Valence dans le désordre extrême qui y règne. La Riofa ne renferme plus de bandes complettes d’insurgés, mais on y trouve encore quelques brigands épars et des voleurs de grands chemins.

“Mariano Luis de Orquijo.”

SECTION 2. (Relating to Joseph’s abdication.) Vindication of the King.

Le ministre secrétaire d’état à monsieur le duc de Santa Fé, et en son absence à monsieur le marquis d’Almenara.

Palais de Madrid, le 12 Septembre, 1810, Pars.

Excellence,—Le courrier de cabinet, Don Martin Estenoz, qui partit de Paris le 22 Juillet, a remis les lettres écrites par V. E. le même jour et les copies de celles que vous envoyâtes le 19 Juin par le courrier Alvarez, qui furent interceptées. Le roi les a lues avec la plus grande attention, et après s’être bien pénétré des communications faites à V. E. au nom de l’empereur, par monsieur le due de Cadore, et les observations particulières de ce ministre, S. M. desirant détruire d’un seul trait, les craintes et la défiance que des personnes, tout au moins mal instruites, se sont efforcées d’inspirer, m’a ordonné d’entrer en explication sur tous les points dont elles traitent. Mais je dois avant tout faire connaître à V. E. que le roi s’est montré satisfait de la juste interprétation donnée à ses idées, et à ses sentimens dans la réponse que V. E. a faite au duc de Cadore, relativement à la protection dont S. M. I. désire que le commerce Français jouisse dans les réglemens des douanes, en offrant d’assurer une faveur réciproque dans ses états aux productions d’Espagne. L’empereur ne peut ignorer les vues liberales de son auguste frère, et si S. M. I. a été exactement informée sur ce point, elle saura que, dès son avénement au trône, le roi a écarté bien des obstacles opposés à l’industrie française qu’il s’agit de favoriser encore par de nouvelles dispositions.

Il est bien douloureux pour le roi d’avoir à se justifier de plusieurs imputations auxquelles on a dû croire puisqu’on les a communiquées a V. E. L’une d’elles est que le roi a rendu à leurs propriétaires, ou disposé à son gré, d’une partie des biens confisqués par l’empereur. Cela supposerait de la part de S. M. un oubli de la parole donnée a l’empereur de ne se mêler en aucune manière de ces confiscations: mais c’est un infame imposture, et son auteur mérite un chatiment exemplaire. Qu’on cite une propriété un pouce de terrain confisqué par l’empereur, et dont on ait disposé: on ne le pourra point si dans une pure question de fait on en impose ainsi a l’empereur, que sera ce lorsqu’on ne parle que par conjectures et présomption? Le roi porte à un si haut degré son respect pour les décrets de confiscations de S. M. I. qu’ayant besoin d’un des édifices qui y sont compris pour y placer des établissemens publics, il n’a même pas voulu s’en servir provisoirement. S. M. n’a-t-elle pas, en conséquence, le droit de réclamer, pour son honneur, la punition de ses detracteurs? S. M. I. s’est expliquée sur la direction donnée à la guerre et la manière dont elle a été faite.

L’empereur écrivit au roi pour lui représenter la lenteur des opérations, et l’inaction des armées. Aussitôt S. M. entreprit la conquête de l’Andalousie. Le duc de Cadore a dit à V. E. que la soumission de cette province était illusoire, puisqu’elle se trouve inondée de partis d’insurgés et de bandes de brigands. Qu’on considère la vaste étendue de l’Andalusie; le petit nombre de troupes françaises que l’obstination de Cadiz permêt d’y repandre; les pièges de toute espèce que tendent les Anglais et leurs continuelles attaques: qu’on parcoure l’histoire de toutes les guerres contre l’Angleterre et l’on verra qu’indépendamment des vingt mille Espagnols constamment stationés à St. Rocq, il était encore nécessaire d’entretenir sur cette côté un nombre considérable de troupes pour les opposer aux entreprises partielles de l’ennemi. Si ces précautions étaient indispensables dans un tems de calme et de tranquillité, qu’elles doivent être les espérances et les moyens de l’Angleterre dans l’agitation actuelle de l’Espagne et la nature de la guerre dont elle est le théâtre? Le roi peut dire avec verité que la conquête militaire et morale de l’Andalousie est son ouvrage, et que ses paroles, sa conduite, et les sages mesures qu’il a prises, out preparé la tranquillité dont elle jouit. S. M. y a organisé des gardes civiques chargées de défendre leurs foyers, et malgré le voisinage de cette province avec l’Estremadure et les instigations continuelles de la junte de Cadiz et des Anglais, l’Andalousie renferme beaucoups moins de partis ou de bandes d’insurgés que la Castille, la Biscaye, et la Navarre, qui ont été placés sous le régime militaire. Enfin l’on trouve en Andalousie une organisation complette de compagnies de Miguelettes, qui veillent a la tranquillité des villes et à la sûreté des chemins. Leurs services sont tellement utiles que le maréchal duc de Dalmatie a donné le plus de développement possible à cette institution.

Si l’Andalousie n’est pas entièrement pacifiée, si la junte de Cadiz existe encore, et si les Anglais y exercent leur fatale influence, on doit l’attribuer en grande partie aux machinations et aux traines ourdies par la junte et l’Angleterre au moment où parvint à leur connaissance le décret du 8 Février qui établit des gouvernemens militaires dans la Navarre, la Biscaye, l’Aragon, et la Catalogne. Quelques gouverneurs français ayant traité ces provinces comme si elles étaient absolument détachées de la monarchie, les membres de la junte de Cadiz et les Anglais en profitèrent pour souffler de nouveau le feu de la discorde et refuter les expressions du roi qui répétait sans cesse, ‘Que la nation conserverait son intégrité et son indépendance: que ses institutions s’amélioreraient sous la protection d’un trône soutenu par les relations intimes du roi avec l’empereur; qu’elle n’aurait à combattre que l’ennemi qui voulait s’arroger l’empire exclusif des mers.’ Voila le sens qu’on a toujours donné en Espagne aux mots indépendance et intégrité. Ce langage est celui dont s’est servi S. M. I. non seulement avec les Espagnols, mais à la face de l’univers: il ne peut donc être odieux ni criminel dans la bouche du roi. Mais combien n’est-il pas démenti par la conduite de certains gouverneurs qui paraissent s’obstiner à prolonger l’insurrection d’Espagne à l’annihiler ou la détruire plutôt qu’à la soumettre! car dans plusieurs endroits on ne se contente pas d’exclure toute idée de l’autorité du roi en faisant administrer la justice au nom de l’empereur, mais ce qui est pire, on a exigé que les tribunaux civils de Valladolid et de Valencia prêtassent serment de fidélité et d’obéissance à S. M. I. comme si la nation Espagnole n’avait pas de roi.

Monsieur le due de Cadore se plaint de l’indulgence dont on en a usé en Andalousie; S. M. a montré contre ses ennemis, dans les champs de Talavera et Ocana, toute la fermeté de son caractère; mais serait-il juste, conviendrait-il à ses intérêts et aux vues de l’empereur, que S. M. deployât de la rigueur contre des vaincus, des prisonniers qui doivent être ses sujets? Si le maréchal Ney eut suivi ce généreux exemple dans les villes de Galice où il fut reçu à bras ouverts, et n’eut pas au contraire opprimé et saccagé cette province, elle serait heureuse et soumise, et non livrée aux maux de l’insurrection comme tant d’autres à qui l’on a fait éprouver le même sort. Cette conduite de S. M. dans des pays soumis est vraisemblablement ce que le duc de Cadore appelle des graces accordées aux insurgés de préférence aux personnes attachées à la cause du roi. Les insurgés n’ont obtenu d’autres graces que elles qui leur furent offertes dans les proclamations pour dissiper l’erreur dans laquelle les Anglais les avaient induits. Si le sequestre mis sur les biens invendus de quelques habitans ou réfugiés, a été levé posterieurement, cet exemple d’indulgence a eu d’heureux résultats, puisqu’il a attiré un grand nombre de personnes á l’obéissance du roi: et qu’on ne croye pas que ces individus n’aient point subi le chatiment qui leur était dû pour le retard qu’ils ont mis à se soumettre, car s’ils possedaient des billets royaux, il les ont perdues pour ne les avoir pas présenté à tems au timbre sec; et s’ils sont porteurs d’autres titres de créances sur l’état, ils doivent, pour les valider, solliciter un décret particulier.

Les avantages de la formation des corps Espagnols sont à la portée de tout le monde: leur présence a influé plus qu’on ne pense sur l’heureuse issue de la bataille d’Ocaña et de l’expédition d’Andalousie. En y admettant un grand nombre d’officiers, on est parvenu à éloigner de l’insurrection des hommes inquiets qui seraient devenus chefs de brigands, et tout en avouant que la désertion a eu lieu parmi les soldats, et qu’il en est resulté quelques maux, on peut hardiment affirmer que la somme des biens est infiniment plus grande, et qu’il n’y a pas de moyens qu’on ne doive employer pour faire revenir de son égarement une nation de douze millions d’âmes qu’il n’est pas facile d’assujettir par la force des bayonnettes, et dont on veut d’ailleurs faire une amie et une alliée.

On a parlé du mauvais emploi des ressources de l’Espagne, et du dénuement dans lequel ont été laissées les troupes françaises. Les soldats ont eu en Espagne des vivres en abondance: les hôpitaux français ont été les mieux pourvus, il a fallu pour cela exiger des contributions extraordinaires et des emprunts forcés, et vaincre le grand obstacle de l’interceptation des communications de province à province, et souvent de ville à ville. L’Espagne se trouve divisé en gouvernemens militaires de sorte que S. M. est à peine maître de la capitale et de sa banlieue: n’est ce donc point par une espèce de miracle qu’elle y fait subsister des troupes, et qu’elle y soutient des hôpitaux. Les gouverneurs français imposent, il est vrai, des contributions extraordinaires sur leurs provinces, mais ils les vexent et les ruinent, et certes ce n’est pas là le moyen de les maintenir dans l’obéissance, ni un exemple bien attrayant pour les provinces soulevées: cette ressource est d’ailleurs précaire et insuffisante comme le prouvera bientôt l’expérience. S. M. se flatte de ce que les intentions de l’empereur en faveur de la nation seraient mieux remplies et ses troupes mieux dirigées, si toutes celles qui sont en Espagne étaient sous ses ordres, et si les propositions qu’il a faites à son auguste frère étaient acceptées. Le duc de Cadore a évalue à plusieurs millions les confiscations de marchandises anglaises, et l’enlévement de l’argenterie des églises et des couvents qu’on aurait dû faire en Andalousie. Les confiscations eurent lieu par ordre des généraux français à leur entrée dans chaque ville, et si leur valeur fut exagerée, dans le principe, pour donner plus d’éclat aux entreprises militaires, on reconnut dès qu’on en vint à l’examen l’erreur dans laquelle on était tombé; et dans le fait comment ne pas apperçevoir qu’après la bataille d’Ocaña l’invasion d’Andalousie devant être prévue, chacun avait grand soin de faire refluer les marchandises confiscables sur les points les plus capables de resistance, afin de les mettre hors de la portée du vainqueur. L’argenterie d’église a beaucoup d’apparence et fort peu de valeur. On a pris dans les couvents, où il en restait très peu, ainsi que dans les églises toute celle qui n’a pas été jugée nécessaire pour la decence du culte, et comme le roi ne voulait ni ravager ni détruire, mais bien pacifier et conserver, il a dû régler sa conduite sur ce principe.

Monsieur le duc de Cadore parle de dépenses, c’est vraiment une fatalité qu’il soit si mal informé de faits généralement connus. Le trésor public est ouvert à quiconque voudra s’assurer de la vérité. On y verra que S. M. a reçu à peine chaque mois le cinquième de l’assignation de la liste civile: qu’il a dû se reduire à la plus stricte économie, et que non seulement il s’est vu faute de pouvoir donner aux acteurs une légère avance, dans l’obligation de supprimer le théâtre Italien qui était son unique délassement, mais encore de vendre sa vaisselle platte, et de se défaire des choses les plus nécessaires a l’ornement de sa cour. Aussi dans le repas que S. M. donna, à l’occasion de la fête de l’empereur, à ses ministres, aux grands officiers de la couronne, et à l’ambassadeur de France, la table fut elle servie en fayence semblable à celle qu’ avait S. M. au camp de Boulogne. Certainement l’embarras et la confusion que cette excessive simplicité causait au roi n’aura pas échappé à l’ambassadeur. Au milieu de tant de privations, et dans une situation aussi contraire à sa dignité S. M. a la douleur de voir que ses ministres, le conseil d’état, les tribunaux de la capitale, et les employés civils, qui sont en petit nombre, ne perçoivent pas leur traitement depuis plus de sept mois. Ce sont là les faveurs que S. M. a dispensés avec tant de prodigalité. Le roi a donné, il est vrai, quelques cédules aux officiers de sa maison, et à quelques individus attachés à sa personne, pour les aider à acheter des biens nationaux: on donne à ces bienfaits le nom de prodigalité, et d’un autre côté l’on se plaint de l’abandon dans lequel S. M. laisse d’autres individus, ce qui serait incompatible avec la façon de penser du roi et la connaissances de ses devoirs comme homme et comme monarque. C’est l’unique chose dont le roi puisse disposer dans la situation où il se trouve et outre le but politique de ces donations, S. M. a cru que c’était le seul moyen d’assurer à ces individus une médiocre existence, et encore sa prévoyance à cet égard a-t-elle été trompée, car les revenues des terres et des biens qui se trouvent dans les personnes soumises au gouvernement militaire dont les limites s’étendent jusqu’aux portes de Madrid, où ne se payent pas, tant est grande la misère des fermiers, où les biens ne s’afferment pas de crainte d’extorsions de la part des gouverneurs, où, enfin, les revenus se trouvent absorbés par les contributions extraordinaires. Les faits sont evidens, ils parlent d’eux-mêmes, et toute personne impartiale peut en faire l’examen.

Mais il faut qu’elle soit de meilleure foi que celle qui a voulu imputer à S. M. l’aliénation des biens confisqués par l’empereur, et les griefs auxquels on vient de répondre. S. M. pourrait, à bien plus juste titre, se plaindre de la conduite des gouverneurs Français: de celle du général Dufour, par exemple, qui a exigé des dix membres dont il composa à sa manière ce conseil de Navarre qu’on s’est vu bientôt obligé de dissoudre, qu’ils rédigeassent une adresse à l’empereur dans laquelle ils demandaient à S. M. I. un code des lois, et se mettaient à sa discrétion. Trois de ces membres réfusèrent de signer, les autres cédèrent à la violence. S. M. pourrait citer encore une foule d’actes qui out exaspéré les esprits, fourni des armes à l’insurrection, et donné aux Anglais des prétextes pour supposer des projets qui n’existent pas, et rendre la guerre interminable. Qu’on compte le nombre des bandes de brigands et d’insurgés en Espagne, et l’on verra combien il s’est accru depuis l’institution des gouvernemens militaires. S. M. ne peut elle se plaindre avec autant de justice de la situation équivoque dans laquelle elle se trouve? qu’on en juge par le fait suivant. Le nouveau ministre de finances venait d’entrer en fonction, et il s’agissait déjà de réunir les plus forts capitalistes de la place pour les engager à avancer une bonne somme d’argent, lorsque le payeur de l’armée, monsieur Crouchart, et l’intendant-général, monsieur Denniers, assurèrent au ministre que des employés venaient de Paris avec des lettres cachetées qu’ils avaient l’ordre de n’ouvrir qu’à Madrid. On prétendit aussitôt qu’ils devaient se charger de l’administration civile, que les rentrées seraient invariablement affectées à l’entretien et à la solde de l’armée, et le surplus seulement, à la liste civile. C’était annoncer la dissolution de l’état. Des bruits de cette nature répandus dans toute la ville par les employés français parvenus à la connaissance de l’ambassadeur de S. M. I. et appuyés par des malveillans qui abondent toujours dans les capitales surtout à la suite des guerres d’opinions, ne pouvait produire que de malheureux effets. La confiance de ce petit nombre d’hommes qui aurait pu faire des avances s’eteignit à l’instant, et toutes les portes furent fermées. S. M. ignorait l’arrivée des nouveaux employés du trésor de France, et il n’a connu comme le dernier de ses sujets, le contenu des lettres dont ils étaient porteurs qu’à leurs ouvertures.

Dans cet état de choses il est facile de se faire l’idée de la confiance que peut inspirer le roi, et lorsque S. M. se trouve hors d’état de faire le bonheur du pays qu’il doit gouverner et de concourir à la réalisation des vues de son auguste frère: qu’il voit enfin sa dignité avilée, doit on s’étonner qu’il ait manifesté l’impossibilité de vivre plus long temps dans une situation aussi précaire? Monsieur le duc de Cadore tout en reconnaissant les hautes qualités du roi, a prétendu, que les personnes qui approchent S. M. lui ont conseillé et lui conseillent sans cesse de se maintenir dans l’indépendance de la France, et que ce principe se suivait avec trop de rigueur. Monsieur le duc de Cadore sait que S. M. dans aucune époque de sa longue et glorieuse carrière n’a eu besoin de conseils et ne s’est soumis à aucune influence, surtout s’il s’est agi de détruire son système inaltérable d’amitié sincère et éternelle avec son auguste frère l’empereur; d’alliance et de bienveillance affectueuse envers la nation Espagnole à la tête de laquelle il est placé, et dont il s’efforcera de conserver la splendeur et le bien-être, avec l’indépendance et l’intégrité de territoire. Les vœux les plus constants de son cœur sont que les deux nations unies entr’elles par les mêmes liens que leur monarques concourent d’une manière uniforme à la félicité commune en forçant leur ennemie à abandonner le sceptre des mers.’

Le prince don Fernando, ajoute le duc de Cadore, se prêterait à céder les provinces qui conviennent à l’empereur et à toutes les conditions qu’il voudrait lui imposer. Le roi ne veut entrer en comparaison avec personne; mais il observera que ce ne fut pas dans ces sentimens ni dans cette croyance qu’il accepta la couronne d’Espagne en déposant celle de Naples: que l’empereur ni la France ne devraient avoir confiances en des offres que la nation repousserait, et qui ne pourrait avoir d’ailleurs qu’une exécution passagère; car comme le sait très bien monsieur le duc de Cadore, les nations humiliées dissimulent leur haine en attendant le moment favorable de venger leurs outrages. Une semblable conduite serait incompatible avec le façon de penser du roi, avec son noble caractère et celui de la nation que S. M. gouverne. Elle est diamétralement en opposition avec les assurances données par S. M. I. à la nation Espagnole ‘qu’il était nécessaire pour son bonheur qu’elle se régénérat sous sa dynastie, et sous le prince qu’elle lui donnait égal en tout à son auguste personne.’ A cette occasion le duc de Cadore parle du peu d’avantages que rapporte à la France la guerre d’Espagne en proportion des sacrifices immenses qu’elle a faits. Certes le roi ne les ignore pas, et sa reconnaissance éclatera quand S. M. se trouvera en état de les récompenser. Dans ce moment cela lui est impossible; mais S. M. I. pourrait mettre le comble à ses bons offices en s’offrant pour garant de l’emprunt ouvert en Hollande sous les mêmes conditions que celui de Prusse, ou du moins en lui donnant son assentiment, comme à celui d’Autriche. S. M. I. se convaincra facilement que les liens du sang, les rélations les plus intimes et les plus sûres d’une étroite amitié entre les deux nations, et enfin la position même de ces armées seront les meilleurs garants de l’exactitude des remboursements quelques sacrifices qu’ils exigent.