ETHNOGRAPHIC COMPARISONS

Below we shall summarize the life habits of two ethnographically known groups who lived near the Plains-Great Basin fringe. This is done in an effort to present a brief outline of the type of life people in the Morrison area could have lived. It is designed to serve as a guide for interpretation of the archaeological remains, and should provide insight into areas of social and religious action. The first group, the Ute, are known to have lived for a time in the region; the second, the Pawnee, were never in the area proper, but do represent the sort of pottery-using, corn-growing Indians that had occupied it in the past.

This use of comparative ethnology and the reconstruction which follows are in the nature of a theory, a theory of methodology. Too often, as J. O. Brew (1946) has pointed out, archaeological fact gathering has run riot ahead of the interpretation of these facts. Brew quoted C. C. Kluckhohn in this respect: “In any case the alternative is not between theory and no theory or a minimum of theory, but between adequate and inadequate theories.... For I am afraid that many of our anthropologists who are most distrustful of theory are like Molière’s character who spoke prose without knowing it, for a complex theoretical viewpoint is usually implicit in some of the most apparently innocent statements of facts.” (Brew, 1946, p. 45; but for full context see Kluckhohn 1939). We have striven, however, to remain aware of the assumptions involved.

On the Ethnology of the Ute

The Ute were among the first Indians to get horses from the Spanish. Subsequently they moved about rather freely and were rather quick to adopt the white man’s culture whenever this was present in their area. There are almost no early accounts of the Ute. They had neither the spectacular aspects of the true Plains Indians, nor lands close to the trails frequented by pioneers and early explorers. On the other hand, they did not enjoy the isolation of many of the Great Basin tribes which preserved their ways of life into comparatively recent times. Thus ethnography of the Ute is relatively scant except for a few accounts and short articles. There are three principal works. The first is Robert Lowie’s Notes on Shoshonean Ethnography (1924), based primarily on observations at Ignacio, Navajo Springs and White Rock. The second is Omer Stewart’s “Culture Element Distribution: XVIII, Ute, Southern Paiute”, (1942), while the third is Edward Gifford’s Culture Element Distribution XII: Apache-Pueblo (1940). Another short paper by Ralph Beals (1935) on the ethnology of Rocky Mountain National Park adds to the picture, though he draws heavily on Lowie’s work. Finally there is a collection of articles gathered by the Durango Public Library and edited by H. S. Daniels (1941). This is composed of a series of interesting papers by people intimately connected with the area surrounding the present Ute reservation. J. Alden Mason’s article “Myths of the Uintah Utes” (1940) contains numerous myths which may yield scraps of ethnographic material if care is used in selection. Other short works can be found in the bibliography and will be referred to in the text.

Subsistence Pattern

One of the greatest problems facing the Ute and Shoshone on mountain fringes was adaptation to several different ecological biomes. Their success is attested to by the fact that the Ute spread all over Colorado and southern Wyoming except the Plains.

The adoption of the horse resulted in significant changes in Ute culture. In general, the use of horses affected hunting methods and locomotion. Where it brought the Ute into intimate contact with Plains Indian cultures, many of their old Basin traits were replaced by borrowed artifacts and techniques. For example, articles of rawhide replaced basketry in most cases (Steward, 1940, p. 422). However, very little is known about the quasi-Plains Ute, as mountain lands were quickly appropriated by whites. Buffalo were exterminated from mountain parks in Colorado by 1870. The works cited refer to isolated groups on the western fringe which retained an essentially pre-horse culture.

The people we deal with then have the “gathering small game” traits of Steward’s Western Subarea of the Intermontane Region. In addition, uplands and mountain regions afforded some larger game. This dual economy was probably a great factor in their adaptability, and it was undoubtedly a close approximation of that of protohistoric and prehistoric inhabitants of the area.

Except for the ecologic variation cited above, Ute culture was fairly uniform over a wide area. Because of this and the general limitation of data, it will be treated as a whole.

Hunting and Gathering

Seeds and berries of almost every description were gathered, mainly by the women of the camps. According to Lowie, among the neighboring Paviotso, men often participated in gathering piñon nuts, a fundamental element in the diet. Stewart’s data suggests that this was probably true of the Ute. Sunflower seeds were boiled; acorns were gathered and treated to render them edible. Fruits were exploited where available. These products were gathered in large baskets, certain of them being reserved for storage. Edible roots were dug up with the aid of a digging stick. Other gathering devices included notched poles, throwing sticks, and seed beaters.

Among the animals hunted, Lowie mentions buffalo, elk, deer, and rabbits; eagles were snared from pits. In Mason’s Myths moose and bear are mentioned particularly. Possibly mountain sheep and antelope should be included in this list. Small game was important, such as quail and rodents, i.e., prairie dogs and squirrels. Stewart lists a number of insects eaten as part of the diet, which were roasted and parched then often stored.

Buffalo were surrounded by a circle of men and shot. Deer were often driven into a deep pit between converging arms of a sagebrush enclosure. Deer, antelope and buffalo decoy masks were often used. Rabbits and other small game were hunted by driving them into nets of bark fiber. Rodents were smudged out, and special blunt arrows were often used in shooting prairie dogs. Mountain sheep were pursued until cornered and then shot with arrows.

Fish were also undoubtedly a common article of diet. John Dewey, a Ute, told Mason about taking fish by means of arrows and fish lines, while Lowie mentions fish shooting and describes grass rafts for the Uintah, and Ute fish weirs.

For all hunting and fishing, ritual observances and purification were important. Gifford mentions ceremonial sweat houses in this connection, while Stewart lists a number of important taboos.

Food Preparation

Hand stones and grinding slabs were employed for preparing seeds and berries. Some pounding was done. Seeds could be roasted underground or could be made into a kind of gruel. Meat, according to McCall (Daniels, ed., 1941), was roasted over the fire or jerked. In this connection some statements of E. G. Palmer concerning the Paiute are of interest. The Paiute were very similar in culture to the Ute and before 1700 were probably indistinguishable from them (Schroeder, 1953). In particular Palmer mentions cooking by heating rocks, covering the desired edibles with wet grass and sprinkling them with water to create a kind of steam bake. About their food in general Palmer says, “As to food the Pah Utes will eat anything that will not prove absolutely poisonous soon after being swallowed.”

Gifford notes roasting and eating of both yucca and cacti. He also lists the use of surface salt and clay for flavoring. Small animals were pounded up whole and cooked. Bone was cracked for marrow or ground up and eaten if possible.

Shelter

Prior to the use of small skin tepees, the Eastern Ute used a conical or domed-shaped shelter of brush. These were used even after white contact, but usually only for summer habitation. The door faced east. Gifford and Stewart both note that the Ute used available rockshelters and lean-tos on hunting trips. C. T. Hurst in 1943 excavated an overhang containing evidence of Ute habitation. According to several sources, sweat houses were built.

Fire Making and Other Technologies

Lowie reports that the Ute used fire drills only rarely though an informant told Mason that they did not use such devices. Obviously every effort was made to keep the fire going but apparently if one’s fire went out, one borrowed a light from a neighbor. Perhaps in an emergency fire tools could have been made.

Concerning the stone technology of the Ute we will quote a section from Powell (1875; noted in Lowie, 1924). “Obsidian or other stone of which the implement is to be made is first selected by breaking up larger masses of the rock and choosing those which exhibited the fracture desired; then the pieces are baked or steamed—perhaps I might say annealed—by placing them in a damp earth covered with a brush fire for twenty-four hours, then with sharp blows they are still further broken down into flakes approximately the shape desired. For more complete fashioning a tool of ... horn is used.” He also states that a small skin cushion was employed in the hand, and that often a few especially skilled people would exchange their products for other items. Barber (1876) notes that a Ute hunter could differentiate between the types of stone projectile points used by various tribes. This is of special interest to the archaeologist for it indicates that point styles for such a group were intentional and fairly consistent over a period of time. Stone knives, scrapers, rough flakes and drills are listed by Gifford and Stewart in addition. According to Gifford’s informant, stone axes were polished. Arrowheads were stemmed or stemless, while the shafts were marked by rills engraved along the length. These were feathered and painted.

Pottery

Lowie reports that the Ute made some pottery, and Opler (1941) found further evidence to support the claim. However, the production appears largely limited to cooking vessels, and stone boiling was popular. Stewart notes the occurrence of unfired figurines made for children.

Skin Preparation and Other Technology

In skin preparation, the flesh was first removed with a serrated scraper. For especially tough hides an adze-shaped scraper was used. Hair was removed with a split bone, the skin then moistened, stretched and smoked. According to Stewart this was done by the women. Some skins were painted with designs. Gifford and Stewart both report the use of skin shields.

Before white contact, an informant told Mason, the Ute used juniper bark and sagebrush fiber for blankets. Sinew was employed for thread, while pine pitch and horn served for glue. Baskets made by coiling were manufactured, as were twined mats. Important types were conical gathering baskets, water bottles, flat trays and dippers. Willow was the principal material used.

Dress

The Ute used rabbitskin and deerskin blankets as well as those of fiber. Men wore moccasins, a loincloth and some kind of garment for the upper part of the body, and possibly leggings in the winter. Women wore a type of skirt, moccasins, and possibly a shirt. Some Shoshones, probably including the Ute, wore sandals. However, these would be less suitable in rocky uplands than in mesa country. Various carrying devices such as bags or blankets were used. Cradles of two types were listed by Gifford.

Barber (1876) notes the extensive use by both sexes of ornaments and charm bags of red powder, possibly hematite. Gifford and Stewart both mention the use of paints and list beads, feather decoration and bone ornaments. Some people were tattooed and some had their ears pierced.

Games and Dances

Lowie mentions one game played by the Ute. This is a hand game with guessing sticks and counters. Douglas and Jeancon (1930) cite others such as a hoop and stuffed ball game. Juggling games seem to have been popular also. Stewart lists a number of additional games. There were dances for both sexes accompanied by drums and notch-stick vibrators. Other musical instruments used may have included rattles of deer hooves, whistles, and possibly musical bows.

Social Organization

Society was probably arranged in bilateral exogamus kin groups. Inheritance may have been patrilineal. Marriage was a rather casual arrangement, the ceremony simple. Immediate residence was patrilocal, or at the father’s hut. Later, the couple built their own shelter. There was some polygamy, Steward (1938) notes that society was organized bilaterally in most places in the Intermontane Area. Relative equality of the sexes resulted from their approximately equal economic importance. If bison hunting and warfare tended to give northern Shoshone and Ute men an advantage, no formal institutions had developed to indicate it. Social organization was Neo-Hawaiian (Murdock, 1949) according to Stewart’s kin term list.

Religion

Some Ute recognized one especially powerful god represented by the sun, and many lesser gods and spirits. Individuals attempted to win their favor through magic. Myths and legends which featured these beings were told at night around low camp fires, but only during the winter according to Gifford. He also notes the naming of the sky as female, the earth as male, while various constellations were also designated. There was some development of the culture-hero idea in the person of Coyote among the Uintah Ute. Various tales of how Coyote obtained fire for man and helped him in other ways were related to Mason (1940). Ceremonies or rituals were probably held in open places, most likely in the form of dances. Medicine men or shamans were important figures. They were learned in the myths, and practiced as healers, using charms and herbs, some of which had true medicinal value. In addition the shamans were skilled at setting bones. They may have gotten their power from dreams or trances. During certain of what are termed life crises, birth, puberty, marriage, death, there were taboo observances. Certain foods were not eaten during pregnancy, while both Gifford and Stewart mention a special hut where girls were secluded during the first menses.

The Ute considered certain deeds to be “right or wrong” but there was no formal set of laws or authority to support moral judgment.

Language

The Ute language forms part of the Ute-Chemehuevi division, the southernmost of three divisions constituting the Plateau Branch of the Shoshonean stock of the Uto-Aztecan family. This northern orientation of language agrees well with certain cultural traits. There is very little structural resemblance with neighboring groups such as would be of interest in cultural interpretation. The language is characterized by an impression of phonetic softness rather than harshness; but of vagueness and lack of distinctness. (See Kroeber, 1910; Sapir, 1931; Stewart, 1957).

Disposal of the Dead

The dead were usually buried in rock crevices or were cremated. Supposedly their possessions were destroyed at this time, and their name became taboo in common usage.

On the Ethnology of the Pawnee

The Pawnee of Nebraska are commonly regarded as characteristic of the semi-sedentary agricultural peoples of the Central Plains. However, ethnographic material about them is surprisingly sparse. Because they already had the horse by the late 17th century there is no record of them in completely aboriginal conditions. The most complete work is a monograph by J. B. Dunbar published in 1880, based on a series of articles in the Magazine of American History. Besides this there are the early accounts of the Lewis and Clark Expedition (see Grass, 1904) and that of J. T. Irving (1835). More specialized works are those of G. B. Grinnell (1912) and A. Lesser (1933). Subsequent studies are brief, and for the most part oriented toward nineteenth century historical events (e.g., Hyde, 1951). Wedel has included some information in his works on Pawnee archaeology (1938) and Central Plains subsistence (1941). Further brief articles may be found in the bibliography.

Subsistence Agriculture

Maize played an important part in the economic life of the Pawnee. Most of the infrequent tillage was done by hoes consisting of bison scapulae lashed to bent or forked sticks. Hoeing was done only once or twice a year. The small cultivated patches, ranging in size from one-fourth to four acres, were usually located in the loose alluvium along creek bottoms. In addition to corn, beans, squash and watermelon were grown. All agricultural work was done by the women. They also gathered a large number of tubers, plants, berries, and fruits to supplement the diet. These included wild plum, huckleberry, chokecherry, sand cherry, wild potato, ground-bean and others.

Hunting

The products of the chase were also of great importance. The principal animal sought was the bison. One or two large scale hunting trips were organized yearly. The entire population of the earth lodge village moved to designated hunting areas. In pre-horse times the main method of hunting was the surround, although some hunters probably also worked singly, as they did in later times. The only weapon regularly used was the bow and arrow. The most important of these hunts was conducted in the early summer and ended just in time to harvest the crops.

Although the bison was the major subsistence animal, many other animals were hunted, especially for skins. Elk, deer, and antelope were taken by surrounds and “still hunting” or stalking. Beaver and otter were snared for their pelts; bears, cougars, and skunks were valued for both meat and hides. Prairie chickens and quails were hunted by boys with long withes.

Food Preparation

After the harvest, maize was cut from the cobs, boiled, roasted, or dried, and stored in large bell-shaped pits. Other vegetable foods were similarly treated. Meat was dried and/or smoked.

Corn was often pulverized in a wooden mortar. It was then boiled, or made into cakes cooked in the ashes or on hot flat stones. Fresh corn was also parched or boiled as hominy. Corn, beans and squash, fresh or dry, were prepared by boiling and seasoned with tallow. Fresh meat was either cooked in the ashes, broiled, or boiled with vegetables. Dried meat was eaten raw or boiled. Most of the cooking was done in large pottery vessels manufactured locally.

Shelter

During the winter the Pawnee inhabited large villages of stationary earth covered lodges. These measured 40 feet in diameter and 16 feet in height at the maximum. Such structures housed several related families. They were constructed as follows: the topsoil was removed and a framework erected. Inclined short poles were placed to form walls. Poles set on the inner and outer framework circles came to a blunt peak, forming the roof. Brush and willow were used for horizontal filling. Finally, hay and sod were heaped over the structure. Entrance was by means of a passage some 12 feet long. In the center was a fire basin about three feet in diameter. The floor was hardened by trampling and beating, and mats were spread over it. Sleeping places were near the walls on slightly raised platforms of willow rods, and were often partitioned off with skins or mats.

Summer dwellings were tepees, 12-17 feet in diameter. Twelve to 20 poles formed the framework, and the cover was of bison hide, with openings for the entrance and smokehole. On the ground around the central hearth were laid mats and hides. Sweat houses were used in all seasons. These consisted of a frame of willow withes about six feet in diameter, covered with skins. Heated stones were sprinkled with water to produce steam.

Clothing

The man’s costume was relatively simple, consisting primarily of breechclout and moccasins, with an additional skin robe in cold weather. For special occasions, the men wore elaborate shirts and headdresses of eagle feathers. Women wore moccasins, tight skin leggings, a skirt and a shirt suspended from the shoulders by thongs. Women wore their hair braided; the men had a horn-like scalp-lock. Paint was the main form of personal adornment. The types preferred were ochre, red and white clay, and yellow coloring obtained from flowers of a species solidago. These pigments were commonly mixed with bison fat or water.

Technology

There is very little descriptive material on the technology of the Pawnee. The manufacture of most of the utilitarian objects devolved on the women. Pottery was manufactured by the paddle and anvil technique. According to Grinnell (1912) a wooden or basketry mold was sometimes used for the base. Temper was of crushed rock. They wove mats of rushes, baskets of bark, and ropes of buffalo hair. Wooden mortars, pestles, bowls, dippers and spoons were shaped by burning and scraping. Bison horn was also employed for spoons. A stiff grass (Stipa funcea) was used for necklaces. Hide dressing and the making of clothing occupied a considerable portion of their time. A needle of deer metacarpal was used. Canoes were seldom made.

The men confined their technological interests to weapons for hunting and war. Bows were commonly four feet long and were made of “bois d’arc” (Maciura canadensis), hickory, “coffee bean” (Gymnocladus canadensis) and juniper. Formerly bison rib and elk-horn bows were also in use. Sinew backing was common. Arrow shafts were usually of dogwood (Cornus stolonifera). These had a series of three grooves running their length, which were variously explained as helping the flow of blood and keeping the arrow in the wound. These grooves were made with a very small chisel-like instrument. No information is available concerning flint working, but each tribe or large sub-group made a distinctive type of projectile point. Much care was lavished on this equipment and the accompanying skin quiver. Spears and rawhide shields were also manufactured.

Trade

Trade was not extensive among the Pawnee themselves, or between them and neighboring tribes. However, this situation may be relatively recent in origin, due to the hostilities arising from increased white pressure. The main articles traded were “bois d’arc”, eagle feathers, pipe stone, and corn.

Social and Political Organization

The Pawnee were divided into four sub-tribes or bands. Each of these consisted of a number of villages, and each village was also an endogamous matrilineal clan. Authority was vested in a hereditary chief and council of “leading men”. Band unity was maintained by large scale religious ceremonies and meetings of band councils, composed of the village chiefs. Similar mechanisms operated at a higher level to achieve a loose tribal organization.

Religion

The religious organization of the Pawnee was more highly developed and more sophisticated than that of most of the other Plains tribes. At the top of the supernatural pantheon was Tirawa, the creator. Below him were two classes of spirits—those of the earth and those of the heavens. The former were usually identified with animals and were the guardians of the people as a whole; the latter represented natural phenomena and were usually identified with stars. Foremost among these were the Morning and Evening Stars, representing the male and female principles, and parents of the first earth being.

Ceremonial action centered around collections of sacred objects—medicine bundles—which were believed to have been presented to the people in ancient times by the “gods”. Ceremonies connected with these usually involved a sacrifice or offering, or a ritual dramatization of the mythical receipt of the bundle. The most famous of these ceremonies was the annual sacrifice of a young girl to the Morning Star. Other important ceremonies revolved around the ever important corn and buffalo.

Shamans were organized into a secret society and power was received through instruction by an elder member. They were mediums and diviners and officiated in ceremonies. Each owned an ornate medicine bundle containing herbs and charms, such as fossil bones, etc. There were also “medicine men” who specialized in healing. Sickness was believed to be caused by intrusion of a foreign object or malign spirit, which was removed by sucking and chanting. Various plants were utilized for medicine, including Artemisia bedoviciana, Acorus calamus, Monarda fistulosa, and fructata, Mentha canadensia and Argemona mexicana.

The Pawnee language is a branch of the Caddoan family of the Hokan-Siouan stock.