Part 6 — CHAPTER XXIV (continued 2)

THE SHIFTING AND INCIDENCE OF TAXATION. By Edwin R. A. Seligman, Professor of Political Economy and Finance, Columbia University. Second Edition, completely revised and enlarged. 8vo, cloth, pp. xii + 337. Price, $3.00 net.

THE ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF HISTORY. By Edwin R. A. Seligman, Professor of Political Economy and Finance, Columbia University. 12mo, cloth, pp. ix + 166. Price, $1.50 net.

THE PROBLEM OF MONOPOLY. By John Bates Clark, LL.D., Professor of Political Economy, Columbia University. 12mo, cloth, pp. vi + 128. Price, $1.25 net.

THE GOVERNMENT OF MUNICIPALITIES. By Dorman B. Eaton. 8vo, cloth, pp. x + 498 + 28. Price, $4.00 net.

MUNICIPAL HOME RULE. A Study in Administration. By Frank J. Goodnow, A.M., LL.D., Professor of Administrative Law, Columbia University. 12mo, cloth, pp. xxiv + 283. Price, $1.50 net.

MUNICIPAL PROBLEMS. By Frank J. Goodnow, A.M., LL.D., Professor of Administrative Law, Columbia University. 12mo, cloth, pp. xiii + 321. Price, $1.50 net.

THE PRINCIPLES OF SOCIOLOGY. An Analysis of the Phenomena of Association and of Social Organization. By Franklin Henry Giddings, M.A., Professor of Sociology, Columbia University. 8vo, cloth, pp. xxvi + 476. Price, $3.00 net.

CRIME IN ITS RELATION TO SOCIAL PROGRESS. By Arthur Cleveland Hall, Ph.D. 8vo, pp. 427. Price, paper, $3.00 net; in cloth, $3.50 net.

Footnotes:

[1]

Nativities of the Free Population

State or Country 1850 1860

Alabama 237,542 320,026

Connecticut 91 343

Florida 1,060 1,644

Georgia 58,997 83,517

Kentucky 2,694 1,966

Louisiana 628 1,149

Maine 215 272

Maryland 757 683

Massachusetts 654 753

Mississippi 2,852 4,848

New York 1,443 1,848

North Carolina 28,521 23,504

Ohio 276 265

Pennsylvania 876 989

South Carolina 48,663 45,185

Tennessee 22,541 19,139

Virginia 10,387 7,598

England 941 1,174

France 503 359

Germany 1,068 2,601

Ireland 2,639 5,664

Scotland 584 696

Spain 163 157

Switzerland 113 138

Totals 1850 1860

Native 420,032 526,769

Foreign 7,638 12,352

The total population from 1820 to 1860 was as follows:—

White Black

1820 85,451 41,879

1830 190,406 117,549

1840 335,185 253,532

1850 426,514 342,844

1860 526,271 435,080

[2] Hundly, “Social Relations”; Hodgson, “Cradle of the Confederacy,” Ch. 1; Garrett, “Reminiscences,” Ch. 1; Miller’s and Brown’s “Histories of Alabama,” passim; Saunders, “Early Settlers,” passim. From 1840 to 1860 there was a slight sectional and political division between the counties of north Alabama and those of central and south Alabama, owing to the conflicting interests of the two sections and to the lack of communication. By 1860 this was tending to become a social division between the white counties and the black counties. The division to some extent still exists.

[3] In all studies of the sectional spirit it should be remembered that the Southwest was settled somewhat in spite of the Washington government and without the protection of the United States army; the reverse is true of the Northwest.

[4] Hodgson, “Cradle of the Confederacy,” Chs. 2, 4, 6, 8; DuBose, “Life of William L. Yancey”; Phillips, “Georgia and State Rights,” Chs. 2, 3; Pickett, “Alabama,” Owen’s edition.

[5] In 1832 there were eight emancipation societies in north Alabama: The State Society, Courtland, Lagrange, Tuscumbia, Florence, Madison County, Athens, and Lincoln. Publications, Southern History Association, Vol. II, pp. 92, 93.

[6] See Hodgson, p. 7. In 1842 representation in the legislature was changed from the “federal” basis and based on white population alone. This change was made by the Democrats and was opposed by the Whigs. The latter predominated in the Black Belt.

[7] Hodgson, Ch. 1; Debates of Convention of 1861, passim.

[8] Miller, “Alabama,” p. 123.

[9] Known as the “Alabama Platform” of 1848.

[10] Benjamin Fitzpatrick led the conservative element of the Democratic party and opposed Yancey.

[11] This division in the State Rights ranks existed until secession was actually achieved and even after.

[12] Each extreme southern state—Texas, Mississippi, Alabama, and South Carolina—showed a desire to have some more moderate state act first. Some prominent men in this convention were Yancey, Seibels, Thomas Williams, John A. Elmore, B. F. Saffold, Abram Martin, A. P. Bagley, Adam C. Felder, David Clopton, and George Goldthwaite, nearly all South Carolinians by birth.

[13] A dodging of the question.

[14] For an account of one of these, see the American Historical Review, Oct., 1900.

[15] General Pryor informs me that at the convention of 1858 no one understood that there was any desire on the part of Yancey and others to reopen the slave trade. They recognized that the rest of the world was against them on that question and were demanding simply a repeal of what they considered discriminating laws. Yancey compared the question to that of the tea tax in the American colonies. See also Hodgson, p. 371, and Yancey’s speeches in Smith’s “Debates of 1861.”

[16] A branch of the Underground Railway reached from Ohio as far into Alabama as Tallapoosa County. Kagi, one of Brown’s confederates, had marked out a chain of black counties where he had travelled and where the negroes were expected to rise. He had travelled through South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. Russell County, Alabama, was one of those marked on his map. The people were greatly alarmed when the map was discovered. See Seibert’s “Underground Railroad,” pp. 119, 160, 167, 195; Hinton, “John Brown”; Hague, “Blockaded Family.” As early as 1835 incendiary literature had been scattered among the Alabama slaves, and in that year the grand jury of Tuscaloosa County indicted Robert G. Williams of New York for sending such printed matter among the slaves. General Gayle demanded that he be sent to Alabama for trial, but Governor Marcy refused to give him up. See Brown’s “Alabama,” p. 167, and Gulf States Hist. Mag., July, 1903.

[17] Afterwards Confederate Secretary of War.

[18] Yancey was willing to disregard instructions and not withdraw; the rest of the delegation overruled him. See paper by Petrie in Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV.

[19] Hodgson, Ch. 15.

[20] Acts of Alabama (1859-1860), pp. 689-690; Smith’s “Debates,” pp. 10, 11.

[21] Acts of Alabama (1859-1860), pp. 681-682; Senate Journal (1859-1860), pp. 147, 176, 293, 302.

[22] During this session Judge Sam. Rice, in reply to John Forsyth and others who feared that secession would lead to war, said: “There will be no war. But if there should be, we can whip the Yankees with popguns.” After the war, when he had turned “scalawag,” he was taken to task for the speech. “You said we could whip the Yankees with popguns.” “Yes,—but the damned rascals wouldn’t fight that way.”

[23] The popular vote in Alabama was: for Breckenridge, 48,831; for Douglas, 13,621; for Bell, 27,875.

[24] Many people believed that Hamlin was a mulatto.

[25] Horace Greeley, “The American Conflict,” Vol. I, p. 355. For a similar meeting in Montgomery, see Hodgson, p. 459 et seq.

[26] See Townsend Collection, Columbia University Library, Vol. I, p. 187. One poor white man in Tallapoosa County welcomed the election of Lincoln, for “now the negroes would be freed and white men could get more work and better pay.” Authorities for the political history of Alabama before 1860: Hodgson’s “Cradle of the Confederacy”; Garrett’s “Reminiscences of Public Men of Alabama”; Brewer’s “Alabama”; Brown’s “History of Alabama”; Miller’s “History of Alabama”; Pickett’s “History of Alabama” (Owen’s edition); “Northern Alabama Illustrated”; “Memorial Record of Alabama”; DuBose’s “Life and Times of William L. Yancey”; Hilliard’s “Politics and Pen Pictures and Speeches”; Transactions of Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV, papers by Yonge, Cozart, Culver, Scott, and Petrie.

[27] O’Gorman, “History of the Roman Catholic Church in the United States,” p. 425.

[28] Carroll, “Religious Forces of the United States,” p. 306; Thompson, “History of the Presbyterian Churches in the United States,” pp. 41, 135.

[29] Statistics of Churches, Census of 1890, p. 146; Riley, “History of the Baptists in the Southern States East of the Mississippi,” p. 205 et seq.; Newman, “History of the Baptists of the United States,” pp. 443-454.

[30] See Smith, “Life of James Osgood Andrew”; Buckley, “History of Methodism”; McTyeire, “History of Methodism”; Alexander, “History of the Methodist Episcopal Church South”; Statistics of Churches, p. 581.

[31] Statistics of Churches, p. 566.

[32] Southern Aid Society Reports, 1854-1861.

[33] Statistics of Churches, p. 684; Carroll, “Religious Forces,” pp. 281, 306; Thompson, “History of the Presbyterian Churches,” p. 135.

[34] Thompson, “History of the Presbyterian Churches,” p. 155; Johnson, “History of the Southern Presbyterian Church,” pp. 333, 339; McPherson, “History of the Rebellion,” p. 508; “Annual Cyclopædia” (1862), p. 707; Statistics of Churches, p. 683.

[35] Carroll, “Religious Forces,” pp. 93, 178.

[36] Annual Cyclopædia (1864), p. 683.

[37] Wilmer, “Recent Past,” p. 248.

[38] Perry, “History of the American Episcopal Church,” Vol. II, p. 328 et seq.; McPherson, “History of the Rebellion,” p. 515; Whitaker, “Church in Alabama.”

[39] President of Columbia College (N.Y.) during and after the war.

[40] Smith, pp. 448-450, condensed.

[41] Smith, “History and Debates of the Convention of Alabama,” 1861, p. 12. My account of the convention is condensed almost entirely from Smith’s “Debates.” Smith was a coöperationist member from Tuscaloosa County. He kept full notes of the proceedings and is impartial in his reports of speeches. Almost the entire edition of the “Debates” was destroyed by fire in 1861. Hodgson, “Cradle of the Confederacy,” and DuBose, “Life and Times of William L. Yancey,” both give short accounts of the convention.

[42] Except Yancey, who declared that the disease preying on the vitals of the Federal Union was not due to any defect in the Constitution, but to the heads, hearts, and consciences of the northern people; that no guarantees, no amendments, could reëducate the northern people on the slavery question, so as to induce a northern majority to withhold the exercise of its power in aid of abolition. Governor Moore, in the commissions given to the ambassadors to the other states, declared that the peace, honor, and security of the southern states were endangered by the election of Lincoln, the candidate of a purely sectional party, whose avowed principles demanded the destruction of slavery.

[43] It would seem that after this vote no one would say that nearly half of the members were “Unionists,” yet nearly all accounts make this statement.

[44] There were many indications that the opposition was more sectional and personal than political. It is safe to state for north Alabama that had the Black Belt declared for the Union, that section would have voted for secession.

[45] This minority report was signed by Clemens of Madison, Lewis of Lawrence, Winston of De Kalb, Kimball of Tallapoosa, Watkins of Franklin, and Jemison of Tuscaloosa, all from north Alabama.

[46] c.=coöperationist; s.=secessionist; cs.=coöperationist who voted for secession.

[47] It was he who compiled the debates of the convention.

[48] He was the oldest general officer in the Confederate service.

[49] Constitution, Article I, Section X: “No state shall without the consent of Congress enter into any agreement or compact with another state,” etc.

[50] He was here referring indirectly to the action of the state authorities in seizing the forts at Pensacola and Mobile before secession.

[51] Clemens was accused of voting for secession in order to obtain the command of the militia. He had formerly been an army officer, and was now made major-general of militia. It was not long before he deserted and went North.

[52] Who succeeded Yancey in the convention after the latter was sent to Europe.

[53] The present (1905) senior U. S. senator from Alabama.

[54] Bulger of Tallapoosa, Jones and Wilson of Fayette, and Sheets of Winston voted in the negative.

[55] See below, Ch. III, sec. 5.

[56] Coffee was a white county and had very few slaves.

[57] The commissioners sent to the various states were as follows: Virginia, A. F. Hopkins and F. M. Gilmer; South Carolina, John A. Elmore; North Carolina, I. W. Garrott and Robert H. Smith; Maryland, J. L. M. Curry; Delaware, David Clopton; Kentucky, S. F. Hale; Missouri, William Cooper; Tennessee, L. Pope Walker; Arkansas, David Hubbard; Louisiana, John A. Winston; Texas, J. M. Calhoun; Florida, E. C. Bullock; Georgia, John G. Shorter; Mississippi, E. W. Pettus. Only one state, South Carolina, sent a delegate to Alabama.

[58] It was not until the end of June, 1861, that the United States postal service was withdrawn and final reports made to the United States. The Confederate postal service succeeded. At first, the Confederate Postmaster-General directed the postmasters to continue to report to the United States.

[59] This account of the work of the convention is compiled from the pamphlet ordinances in the Supreme Court Library in Montgomery.

[60] So Smith, the coöperationist historian, reported.

[61] See Smith’s “Debates”; Hodgson’s “Cradle of the Confederacy”; DuBose’s “Yancey”; Wilmer’s “Recent Past.”

[62] Gov. A. B. Moore to President Buchanan, Jan. 4, 1861, in O. R. Ser. I, Vol. I, pp. 327, 328.

[63] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 89.

[64] Miller, “History of Alabama,” p. 158.

[65] See D. C. Buell, “Operations in North Alabama,” in “Battles and Leaders of the Civil War,” Vol. II, pp. 701-708.

[66] Miller, p. 160; Brewer, “Alabama,” p. 65; Mrs. Clay-Clopton, “A Belle of the Fifties,” Chs. 18-22; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 204, 294, 295, et passim. Buell stated that “habitual lawlessness prevailed in a portion of General Mitchell’s command,” and that though authority was granted to punish with death there were no punishments. Discipline was lost. The officers were engaged in cotton speculation, and Mitchell’s wagon trains were used to haul the cotton for the speculators. Flagrant crimes, Buell stated, were “condoned or neglected” by Mitchell. “Battles and Leaders,” Vol. II, pp. 705, 706. North Alabama was not important to the Federals from a strategic point of view, and only the worst disciplined troops were stationed in that section.

[67] His real name was Ivan Vasilivitch Turchinoff. Several other officers were court-martialled at the same time for similar conduct. Keifer, “Slavery and Four Years of War,” Vol. I, p. 277; Miller, p. 160; “Battles and Leaders,” II, p. 706. A former “Union” man declared after the war that the barbarities of Turchin crushed out the remaining “Union” sentiment in north Alabama. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Testimony, p. 850 (Richardson); O. R., Ser. I, Vols. X and XVI, passim; Brewer, “Alabama,” pp. 319, 348. Accounts of eye-witnesses.

[68] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 204, 294, 295.

[69] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, p. 212.

[70] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 167, 168, 174 (May, 1862); for Clemens and Lane, see Ch. III, sec. 4.

[71] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 290-293.

[72] Brewer, p. 485, et passim; Miller, p. 125; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III, pp. 750-751.

[73] Gen. D. S. Stanley to Gen. William D. Whipple, Feb., 1865; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, p. 718.

[74] Clanton’s report, March, 1864; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III, p. 718.

[75] Miller, “Alabama.”

[76] Miller, p. 165.

[77] Miller, “Alabama”; Brewer, pp. 318, 348.

[78] Brewer, pp. 284, 383.

[79] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XVI, Pt. I, pp. 841, 839; Wyeth, “Life of Forrest,” pp. 111-113.

[80] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXII, Pt. I, p. 394.

[81] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XX, Pt. II, p. 442.

[82] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XX, Pt. II, p. 443.

[83] The Andrews raiders in Georgia were hanged as spies for being dressed “in the promiscuous southern style.”

[84] Wyeth, “Life of Forrest,” pp. 185-222; Mathes, “General Forrest,” pp. 109-127; Miller, Ch. 32.

[85] Brewer, p. 339.

[86] Miller, p. 213.

[87] After completion at Selma the Tennessee was taken down the river to defend Mobile. It was found, even after removing her armament, that the vessel could not pass the Dog River bar, and timber was cut from the forests up the river and “camels” made with which to buoy up the heavy vessel. By accident these camels were burned and more had to be made. At last the heavy ram was floated over the bar. Of course the newspapers harshly criticised those in charge of the Tennessee. Maclay, “History of the United States Navy,” Vol. II, p. 448.

[88] Brewer, p. 389; Scharf, “Confederate Navy,” Ch. 18; Miller, pp. 205-206.

[89] Brewer, p. 120; Miller, p. 207.

[90] Some of the Confederate gunboats were sunk (Huntsville and Tuscaloosa), and Commander Farrand surrendered twelve gunboats in the Tombigbee. All of these had been built at Mobile, Selma, and in the Tombigbee.

[91] Miller, pp. 208, 217-221.

[92] It was intended that Wilson should raid to and fro all through central Alabama. His men were armed with repeating carbines; his train of 250 wagons was escorted by 1500 unmounted men who secured mounts as they went farther into the interior. Greeley, Vol. II, p. 716.

[93] N. Y. Herald, April 6, 1865.

[94] April 5 Cahaba was captured by a part of Wilson’s force and twenty Federal prisoners released from the military prison at that place. They reported that they had been well treated.—N. Y. Herald, April 29, 1865.

[95] Wyeth, “Life of Forrest,” pp. 606, 607.

[96] Parsons’s Cooper Institute Speech in N. Y. Times, Nov. 27, 1865; Trowbridge, “The South,” pp. 435, 440. Accounts of eye-witnesses.

[97] Trowbridge, “The South,” p. 435.

[98] Hardy, “History of Selma,” p. 51; Miller, “Alabama,” pp. 221-226; Parsons, speeches in N. Y. Times, Nov. 27, 1865, Apr. 20, 1866; N. Y Herald, May 4, and Apr. 6, 1865; Montgomery Advertiser, July 14, 1867; Wilson’s Report, June 29, 1865; Selma Times, Feb. 13, 1866; “Our Women in War Times,” p. 277; Greeley, Vol. II, p. 719; Wyeth, “Life of Forrest,” pp. 604-607; “Northern Alabama,” p. 655.

[99] Hardy, “History of Selma,” p. 52, says four regiments were organized, and the others were driven away.

[100] 125,000 bales, according to Greeley, Vol. II, p. 719.

[101] The Advertiser of April 18, 1865.

[102] N. Y. World, May 1 and July 18, 1865; N. Y. Herald, May 4 and 15, and June 17, 1865; Brewer, p. 512; Greeley, Vol. II, p. 720.

[103] N. Y. Daily News, May 29, 1865; Century Magazine, Nov., 1889; Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV, p. 449.

[104] Report, June 29, 1865.

[105] Somers, “The South Since the War,” pp. 134, 135.

[106] Truman in N. Y. Times, Nov. 2, 1865.

[107] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, pp. 230-233.

[108] See Brewer, “County Notes.”

[109] Brewer, p. 188 et passim; Miller, p. 179; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXIII, Pt. I, pp. 245-249.

[110] Miller, p. 183; Garrett, “Public Men.”

[111] Miller, p. 301.

[112] Speech at Cooper Institute, Nov. 13, 1865, in N. Y. Times, Nov. 27, 1895.

[113] N. Y. Herald, May 4 and 15, 1865; the World, May 1, 1865; the Times, April 20, and Nov. 2, 1865; Montgomery Advertiser, July 14, 1867; Selma Times, Feb. 13, 1866; Wilson’s Report, June 29, 1865: Hardy, “History of Selma,” pp. 46, 51.

[114] “The South,” p. 440.

[115] Hague, “Blockaded Family,” passim; Riley, “Baptists in Alabama,” pp. 304, 305; “Our Women in the War,” p. 275 et seq.; Riley, “History of Conecuh County,” p. 173.

[116] Miller, “History of Alabama,” p. 359; Brewer, “History of Alabama,” pp. 68, 69; Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. II, p. 188.

[117] Miller, “History of Alabama,” p. 360; Colonel Moore’s article in the Louisville Post, May 30, 1900.

[118] Miller, p. 359.

[119] For other estimates, see Livermore, “Numbers and Losses,” and Curry, “Civil History of the Confederate States,” pp. 152, 153.

[120] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 102, 103.

[121] Livermore, “Numbers and Losses,” pp. 20, 21.

[122] Alabama did not succeed in organizing the militia.

[123] Miller, “Alabama,” Appendix; Report of Col. E. D. Blake, Supt. of Special Registration, in O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 102, 103; Brewer, “Alabama,” see “Regimental Histories.”

[124] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, pp. 440, 445; Brewer, “Alabama.” Several commands were equipped at the expense of the commanders; others were equipped by the communities in which they were raised; one old gentleman, Joel E. Matthews of Selma, gave his check for $15,000 to the state, besides paying for the outfitting of several companies of soldiers. “Northern Alabama Illustrated,” p. 661.

[125] These regiments were the 57th and 61st Infantry, and 7th Cavalry.

[126] General Lee protested against this practice as preventing the proper recruitment of the armies. Livermore, “Numbers and Losses in the Civil War,” p. 12.

[127] The infantry regiments in Lee’s army had 12 companies.

[128] See summary of Confederate legislation on the subject. Livermore, p. 30. The purpose of these laws was to discourage the formation of new commands. It was not effective in Alabama.

[129] These were the infantry regiments numbered 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 41, 44, 48.

[130] The infantry regiments numbered 9, 11, 44, 48.

[131] The infantry regiments numbered 43, 47, 49, 61. Brewer, “Regimental Histories.”

[132] These were the infantry regiments numbered 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 41, 44, 48.

[133] When the regiments enlisted for a short time were retained in the service, the men were allowed to change to other regiments if they desired, and many did so. These transfers and reënlistments swelled the total enrolment of popular regiments.

[134] This has since been the method of estimating the number of soldiers furnished by Alabama,—each enlistment counting as one man.

[135] The infantry regiments numbered 20, 23, 28, 31, 34, 37, 42, 55.

[136] The 23d Infantry.

[137] The regiments that were united were: 24, 34, and 28; 33 and 38; 32 and 58; 23 and 46; 7, 39, 22, and 26-50. All were in Johnston’s army except the 32d and 58th, which were in Taylor’s command. Some of these regiments were consolidated after only one year’s service; the others after less than two years. This indicates a low enrolment. Many companies were never recruited to the minimum. Three infantry regiments were disbanded after short service,—1, 2 and 7,—and the men reënlisted in other organizations.

[138] The 62d, 63d, 65th. A thousand to the regiment is a very liberal estimate; 500 is probably more nearly correct, I am told by old soldiers.

[139] Jeff Davis Artillery, Hadaway’s Battery, Jeff Davis Legion, 4th Battalion Infantry, 23d Battalion Infantry.

[140] The 1st, 3d, 8th, 10th, and 15th Confederate regiments of cavalry had some companies from Alabama.

[141] The 6th Infantry.

[142] Miller, p. 374.

[143] Brewer evidently follows Fowler, as to the Army of Northern Virginia.

[144] Not that this deceived the Confederate administration, but the large estimates sounded well in the governor’s messages, and when there was a dispute with Richmond about the quota of the state.

[145] In 1861 and 1862 some regiments enlisted for short terms, some for three years, some for the war. I have been unable, in more than two or three cases, to find out the exact term, but there could hardly have been more than one reënlistment of an organization.

[146] The 1st, 2d, 7th, 11th, 21st, 25th, 26th-50th, 27th, 29th, 42d, 46th, 54th, 55th, 56th, 58th, 59th, 60th, 62d, 65th.

[147] The 3d, Russell’s 4th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th.

[148] (a) There had been to the end of 1863, 90,857 enlistments in Alabama. Included in these figures were all reënlistments and transfers.

(b) In the summer of 1863 the state took a census of all males from sixteen to sixty years of age, a total of 40,500 names. These included 8835, and later 10,000, exempts, and all the cripples and deadheads in the state. Since this was six months previous to the report of the 90,857 enlistments, there must have been in the latter number many that were on the former list. See O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 101-103, 1101.

[149] West Point graduates, nine.

[150] Killed in battle, ten.

[151] Derry, “Story of the Confederate States”; Southern Hist. Soc. Papers, Vol. VI; Brewer, “Alabama,” “Regimental Histories”; Miller, “History of Alabama,” p. 375; Brown, “History of Alabama,” pp. 238-254.

[152] Annual Cyclopædia (1864), p. 7.

[153] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 10.

[154] Riley, “Baptists of Alabama,” p. 305; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 1193.

[155] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol I, p. 1088; Vol. II, pp. 94, 197.

[156] N. Y. World, March 12, 1864; “The Land We Love,” Vol. II, p. 296.

[157] Southern Hist. Soc. Papers, Vol. II, p. 61; Shaver, “History of the Sixtieth Alabama,” p. 106; Miller, “History of Alabama,” pp. 359, 374; Brewer, “Alabama,” pp. 586-705; “Confederate Military History”—Alabama; Longstreet, “Manassas to Appomattox”; “Memorial Record of Alabama” (Wheeler’s “Military History”); McMorries, “History of the First Alabama Regiment.”

[158] Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. II, p. 188; also John S. Wise, “End of an Era”; Longstreet, “Manassas to Appomattox.”

[159] Montgomery Advertiser Almanac (1901), p. 220.

[160] Report of 1866, Appendix, Pt. I, p. 166.

[161] Report of the Secretary of War, 1866, Appendix, Pt. I, p. 69; Report of the Secretary of War (1864-1865), p. 28; Moore, “Rebellion Record,” Vol. VII, p. 45; Miller, p. 360; O. R., Ser. III, Vol. III, pp. 1115, 1190, and Vol. IV, pp. 16, 921, 925, 269, 1270; O. R., Ser. II, Vol. V, pp. 589, 570, 626, 627, 716, 946, 947; “Confederate Military History”—Alabama.

[162] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 592.

[163] Moore, “Rebellion Record,” Supplement.

[164] The 89th, 94th, 95th, etc. See Moore, “Rebellion Record,” Supplement. The highest number of a militia regiment to be found on the records was the 102d, in Sumter County.

[165] See O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II (Shorter to Johnston).

[166] Moore, “Rebellion Record,” Vol. VI; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 253-256.

[167] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIX, Pts. II and III, pp. 780, 855; Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 175, 323.

[168] Act of General Assembly, Aug. 29, 1863, which seems to have followed an act of Congress of similar nature.

[169] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 1133.

[170] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 172-174, 256, 376. The state supreme court held the same view.

[171] Moore, “Rebellion Record,” Vol. VIII, p. 378.

[172] Acts of General Assembly, Dec. 12, 1864.

[173] N. Y. Times, April 16, 1865; Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 10.

[174] See O. R., General Index.

[175] The 61st, 62nd, and 65th regiments were thus formed, the men becoming subject to duty under the conscript act, or by volunteering.

[176] Act, April 16, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.

[177] Act, April 21, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.

[178] Act, Sept. 27, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 2d Sess.

[179] Act, Oct. 9, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 2d Sess. These details were still carried on the rolls of the company.

[180] Act, Oct. 11, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 2d Sess. The exemption of one white for twenty negroes was called the “twenty-nigger law.” One peaceable Black Belt citizen wished to stay at home, but he possessed only nineteen negroes. His neighbors thought that he ought to go to war, and no one would give, lend, or sell him a slave. Unable to purchase even the smallest negro, he was sadly making preparations to depart, when one morning he was rejoiced by the welcome news that one of the negro women had presented her husband with a fine boy. The tale of twenty negroes was complete, and the master remained at home.

[181] Act of April 14, 1863, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 3d Sess.

[182] Acts, Dec. 28, 1863, and Jan. 5, 1864, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 4th Sess.

[183] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 4th Sess.

[184] Act, Feb. 17, 1864, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 4th Sess.

[185] Acts, Jan. 31, 1861, 1st Called Session.

[186] Act, Aug. 29, 1863.

[187] Nov. 25, 1862.

[188] Dec. 6, 1862.

[189] Act, Aug. 29, 1863.

[190] Dec. 13, 1864. This was a measure of obstruction, since the Confederate laws did not exempt millers. The legislature elected in 1863 contained many obstructionists.

[191] Act, Aug. 29, 1863.

[192] Resolution, Dec. 4, 1863.

[193] Ex parte Hill, In re Willis et al. vs. Confederate States—38 Alabama Reports (1863), 429. All over the state at various times men sought to avoid conscription or some certain service under every pretext, sometimes “even resorting to a habeas corpus before an ignorant justice of the peace, who had no jurisdiction over such cases.” See O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 139; also Governor Shorter to General Johnston. Aug., 1863.

[194] Dunkards, Quakers, Nazarenes. In re Stringer—38 Alabama (1863), 457.

[195] 38 Alabama, 458.

[196] 39 Alabama, 367.

[197] 39 Alabama, 254.

[198] 39 Alabama, 457.

[199] 39 Alabama, 440.

[200] 39 Alabama, 611.

[201] 39 Alabama, 609.

[202] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 256, 463, et passim.

[203] Memorial, Oct. 7, 1864.

[204] Acts, Dec. 12, 1864.

[205] Dec. 13, 1864.

[206] Curry, “Civil History of the Confederate States,” p. 151.

[207] The Conscript Bureau had posts at the following places: Decatur, Courtland, Somerville, Guntersville, Tuscumbia, Fayetteville, Pikeville, Camden, Montgomery, Selma, Lebanon, Pollard, Troy, Mobile, West Point (Ga.), Marion, Greensborough, Blountsville, Livingston, Gadsden, Cedar Bluff, Jacksonville, Ashville, Carrollton, Tuscaloosa, Eutaw, Eufaula, Jasper, Newton, Clarksville, Talladega, Elyton. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 819-821.

[208] See De Leon, “Four Years in Rebel Capitals.”

[209] President Davis visited Mobile in October, 1863, and upon reviewing the Alabama troops recently raised, was much moved at seeing the young boys and the old gray-haired men in the ranks before him. See Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 8. The A. and I. General of Alabama reported, July 29, 1862, that not more than 10,000 conscripts could be secured from Alabama unless the enemy could be expelled from the Tennessee valley. In that case, 3000 more men might be secured. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 21.

[210] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 1149; Vol. II, pp. 87, 207, 208, 790.

[211] See Curry, “Civil History,” p. 151.

[212] James Phelan to President Davis, O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XVII, Pt. II, p. 790.

[213] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XVII, Pt. II, p. 790.

[214] C. C. Clay, Jr., to Secretary of War, O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 141, 142.

[215] I know of one man who for two years carried his arm in a sling to deceive the enrolling officers. It was sound when he put it into the sling. After the war ended he could never regain the use of it.

A draft from the Home Guards of Selma was ordered to go to Mobile. The roll was made out, and opposite his name each man was allowed to write his excuse for not wishing to go. One cripple, John Smith, wrote, “One leg too short,” and was at once excused by the Board. The next man had no excuse whatever, but he had seen how Smith’s excuse worked, so he wrote, “Both legs too short,” but he had to go to Mobile. “The Land We Love,” Vol. III, p. 430.

[216] Shorter’s Proclamation, Dec. 22, 1862.

[217] M. J. Saffold, afterward a prominent “scalawag,” escaped service as an “agent to examine political prisoners.” O. R., Ser. II, Vol. VI, p. 432.

[218] The list of pardons given by President Johnson will show a number of the titles assumed by the exempts. The chronic exempts were skilled in all the arts of beating out. If a new way of securing exemption were discovered, the whole fraternity of “deadheads” soon knew of it. In 1864 nearly all the exemptions and details made in order to supply the Quartermaster’s Department were revoked, and agents sent through the country to notify the former exempts that they were again subject to duty. Before the enrolling officers reached them nearly all of them had secured a fresh exemption, and from a large district in middle Alabama, I have been informed by the agent who revoked the contracts, not one recruit for the armies was secured. Often the exemption was only a detail, and large numbers of men were carried on the rolls of companies who never saw their commands. Often a man when conscripted would have sufficient influence to be at once detailed, and would never join his company. Little attention was paid to the laws regarding exemption.

[219] Curry, “Civil History,” pp. 142-148. The wealthy young men volunteered, at first as privates or as officers; the older men of wealth nearly all became officers, chosen by their men. One company from Tuskegee owned property worth over $2,000,000. Opelika Post, Dec. 4, 1903.

[220] Act of Feb. 17, 1864, Pub. Laws, C. S. A.

[221] Curry, “Civil History,” pp. 142-148, 151.

[222] N. Y. World, March 28, 1864.

[223] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 881.

[224] The law of Feb. 17, 1864, provided for the separate enrolment of these two classes, and the enrolling officers interpreted it as requiring separate service. Such an interpretation would practically prohibit the formation of volunteer commands and would leave the reserves to the enrolling officers to be organized in camp.

[225] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 322, 323, 463, 466, 1059, 1060.

[226] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 817, 819, 920.

[227] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 821, 848. At this time there were in the state 1223 officials who had the governor’s certificate of exemption. There were 1012 in Georgia, 1422 in Virginia, 14,675 in North Carolina, and much smaller numbers in the other states. See O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 851.

[228] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 224 (March 18, 1864).

[229] An ex-Confederate related to me his experiences with the conscript officers. In 1864 he was at home on furlough and was taken by the “buttermilk” cavalry, carried to Camp Watts, at Notasulga, and enrolled as a conscript, no attention being paid to his furlough. To Camp Watts were brought daily squads of conscripts, rounded up by the “buttermilk” cavalry. They were guarded by conscripts. When rested, the new recruits would leave, the guards often going with them. Then another squad would be brought in, who in a day or two would desert. This soldier came home again with a discharge for disability. The conscript officials again took him to Camp Watts. He presented his discharge papers; the commandant tore them up before his face, and a few days later this soldier with a friend boarded the cowcatcher of a passing train and rode to Chehaw. The commandant sent guards after the fugitives, who captured the guards and then went to Tuskegee, where they swore out, as he said, a habeas corpus before the justice of the peace and started for their homes with their papers. They found the swamps filled with the deserters, who did not molest them after finding that they too were “deserters.”

[230] 8835 to January, 1864. See report of Colonel Preston, April, 1864, in O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 355, 363. The estimate was based on the census of 1860.

[231] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 101, 103, et passim.

[232] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 355, 363.

[233] Feb. 17, 1864.

[234] There were 1223 to Nov. 30, 1864.

[235] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 1, 103-109.

[236] G. O., No. 144, Dept. of the Cumberland, Atlanta, Ga., Oct. 4, 1864, War Department Archives. There were other similar cases, but I found record of no other conviction. The “tories” were sometimes in league with the conscript officers, and sometimes they shot them at sight.

[237] D. P. Lewis of Lawrence, Jeremiah (or Jere) Clemens of Madison, and C. C. Sheets of Winston deserted later.

[238] T. H. Clark, “Railroads and Highways,” in the “Memorial Record of Alabama,” Vol. I, pp. 322-323.

[239] Smith, Clemens, Jemison, and Bulger, in Smith’s “History and Debates of the Convention of 1861”; Hodgson, “Cradle of the Confederacy”; Garrett, “Public Men of Alabama.”

[240] See Smith’s “History and Debates of the Convention of 1861”; Nicolay and Hay, “Lincoln,” Vol. III, p. 186.

[241] A. B. Hendren, mayor of Athens and editor of the Union Banner, wrote in 1861 to Secretary Walker, stating that he had strongly opposed secession, but was now convinced that it was right; as mayor, he was committed to reconstruction, which he no longer favored; he did not proclaim his new sentiments through his paper for fear of pecuniary loss, but people were becoming suspicious of his lukewarm reconstruction spirit. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp. 181, 182.

[242] “Northern Alabama Illustrated,” p. 47; Ku Klux Rept. Ala. Test., pp. 592, 824; Saunders, “Early Settlers”; Brewer, “Alabama,” p. 65; Garrett, “Public Men”; Miller, “Alabama”; Nicolay and Hay, Vol. III, p. 186; DuBose, “Life of Yancey,” pp. 562, 563.

[243] See DuBose, “Life of Yancey,” p. 563.

The non-slaveholders in the Black Belt appear to have been more dissatisfied than those of the white counties at the outbreak of the war. May 13, 1861, William M. Brooks, who had presided over the secession convention, wrote from Perry County to President Davis in regard to the bad effect of the refusal to accept short-time volunteers. He said that though there were 20,000 slaves in Perry County, most of the whites were non-slaveholders. Some of the latter had been made to believe that the war was solely to get more slaves for the rich, and many who had no love for slaveholders were declaring that they would “fight for no rich man’s slave.” The men who had enlisted were largely of the hill class, poor folks who left their work to go to camp and drill. Here, while their crops wasted, they lost their ardor, and when they heard that their one-year enlistment was not to be accepted, they began to murmur. They were made to believe by traitors that a rich man could enter the army for a year and then quit, while they had to enlist for the war. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. VIII, pp. 318-319.

Horace Greeley in the Tribune was reported to have said: Large slaveholders were not secessionists, they resisted disunion; those who had much at stake hesitated a long while; it was not a “slaveholders’ rebellion”; it was really a rebellion of the non-slaveholders resident in the strongholds of slavery, springing from no love of slavery, but from the antagonism of race and the hatred of the idea of equality with the blacks involved in simple emancipation.—Ku Klux Rept., p. 519. There is a basis of truth in this.

[244] North Alabama before the war was overwhelmingly Democratic and was called “The Avalanche” from the way it overran the Whiggish counties of the southern and central sections. This was shown in the convention, where representation was based on the white vote. Since the war representation in the conventions is based on population, and the Black Belt has controlled the white counties. “Northern Alabama Illustrated,” pp. 251, 756. See also DuBose, “Yancey,” p. 562.

[245] Professor George W. Duncan of Auburn, Ala., and many others have given me information in regard to the people in that section. See also H. Mis. Doc. No. 42, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; N. Y. Tribune, Nov. 14, 1862.

[246] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, p. 249. For much information concerning the conditions in north Alabama during the war, I am indebted to Professor O. D. Smith of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, a native of Vermont who was then a Confederate Bonded Treasury Agent and travelled extensively over that part of the country.

[247] Reid, “After the War,” pp. 348-350; Saunders, “Early Settlers,” pp. 115, 164; Jones, “A Rebel War Clerk’s Diary,” Vol. I, pp. 182, 208.

[248] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 141. 142.

[249] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, p. 638.

[250] Moore, “Anecdotes, Poetry, and Incidents of the War,” p. 215 (Letters from the chaplain of Streight’s regiment); O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XVI, Pt. I, pp. 124, 785 (Streight’s Report); Miller, “Alabama”; Jones, “Diary,” Vol. I, pp. 182-208.

[251] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. VII, p. 840.

[252] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. VII, pp. 153-156, 424.

[253] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 1149.

[254] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 258.

[255] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 819-821.

[256] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, p. 431.

[257] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. II, p. 57.

[258] The official statement of the War Department. See also “Confederate Military History,” Vol. XII, p. 502.

[259] Act of General Assembly, Aug. 29, 1863.

[260] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 680.

[261] Joint Resolution, Dec. 4, 1863.

[262] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXII, Pt. I, p. 671.

[263] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXII, Pt. I, p. 671, and Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III, pp. 570, 683, 856.

[264] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III, pp. 825, 826, 856.

[265] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, p. 659.

[266] Somers, “The Southern States since the War,” p. 135; Montgomery Advertiser, Aug. 17, 1902; N. Y. Tribune, Feb. 10, 1865; Freemantle, “Three Months in the Southern States.”

[267] Moore, “Rebellion Record,” Vol. VII, p. 45; Freemantle, p. 141.

[268] Freemantle, “Three Months in the Southern States,” p. 141, quoted from a local newspaper; accounts of eye-witnesses.

[269] Miller, passim; Somers, “Southern States,” p. 135.

[270] Miller, p. 193; Moore, “Rebellion Record,” Vol. VII, p. 357.

[271] Saunders, “Early Settlers,” pp. 115, 164.

[272] This correspondent defined a “unionist” or “loyalist” as one truly devoted to the Union and who had never wavered, thus excluding from consideration those who had gone with the Confederacy and later become disappointed. Boston Journal, Nov. 15, 1864; N. Y. Herald, April 7, 1864; The Tribune, Nov. 14, 1862; N. Y. Times, Nov. 23, 1862; Tharin, “The Alabama Refugee.”

[273] The World, Feb. 15, 1865.

[274] Information in regard to affairs in southeast Alabama during the war I have obtained from relatives (all of whom were “Union” men before the war) and from neighbors who were acquainted with the conditions in that section of the country.

[275] Miller, “Alabama.” Sanders had been a Confederate officer.

[276] Thickets which the eye could not penetrate.

[277] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LII, p. 403.

[278] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVIII, Pt. II, p. 273; Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 1043.

[279] Joint Resolution, Oct. 7, 1864. J. J. Seibels proposed to raise a regiment for state defence of men under and over military age. He wanted, also, to get the skulkers who could not otherwise be obtained. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 604.

[280] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 1042, 1043 (Solicitor James N. Arrington and Attorney-General M. A. Baldwin).

[281] Clemens was a cousin of “Mark Twain.” He was fond of drink, and once when William L. Yancey asked him not to drink so much, he answered that he was obliged to drink his genius down to a level with Yancey’s.

[282] N. Y. Tribune, May 23, 1865. See Smith, “Debates,” Index.

[283] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 167, 168, 174, 178. Clemens had been captain, major, and colonel of the Thirteenth United States Infantry. From 1849 to 1853 he was United States Senator. He died in Philadelphia a few years after the war. Garrett, “Public Men of Alabama,” pp. 176-179.

[284] Brewer, “Alabama,” p. 364.

[285] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LII, Pt. II, p. 35.

[286] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 161-163.

[287] “Northern Alabama Illustrated,” p. 327; Acts of Alabama, 1862, p. 225; Moore, “Anecdotes, Poetry, and Incidents of the War,” p. 215.

[288] Lewis became the second “Radical” or scalawag governor of Alabama, serving from 1872 to 1874. Miller, “Alabama,” pp. 260, 261; Brewer, “Alabama,” p. 368.

[289] O. R., Ser. II, Vol. VIII, p. 86.

[290] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXX, Pt. III, pp. 750-751.

[291] It is a notable fact that among the disaffected persons of prominence there were none of the old Whigs, or Bell and Everett men. Nearly all were Douglas Democrats. The Bell and Everett people so conducted themselves during the war that afterwards they were as completely disfranchised and out of politics as were the Breckenridge Democrats. The work of reconstruction under the Johnson plan fell mainly to the former Douglas Democrats and the lesser Whigs.

[292] Report of the Secretary of War, 1865, Vol. I, p. 45; “Confederate Military History,” Vol. XII, p. 501.

[293] Report of the Secretary of War, Vol. I, p. 45; “Confederate Military History,” Vol. XII, p. 501.

[294] I am indebted to old soldiers for descriptions of conditions in north and west Alabama before and following Taylor’s surrender. All agree in their accounts of the conditions in Alabama and Mississippi at that time.

[295] These estimates are based on half a hundred other estimates made during the war by state, Confederate, and Federal officials, and by other observers, and from estimates made by persons familiar with conditions at that time. They are rather too small than too large. O. R., Ser. IV, Vols. I to IV passim.

[296] O. R., Ser. IV, pp. 880, 881.

[297] See also Pollard, “Lost Cause,” p. 563; Schwab, p. 190.

[298] See below, Ch. XXI.

[299] See DuBose, “Yancey,” pp. 566, 567, and Brewer and Garrett under the names of the above.

[300] Brewer, p. 126; Garrett, p. 723.

[301] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 709.

[302] Joint Resolution, Acts of 1st Called Sess., 1861, p. 142.

[303] Joint Resolution, Acts of Called Sess. and 2d Regular Sess., 1862, p. 202.

[304] Acts of Called Sess. and 3d Regular Sess., 1863, p. 52.

[305] A “bomb-proof” was a person who secured a safe position in order to keep out of service in the field. A “feather bed” was one who stayed at home with good excuse,—a teacher, agriculturist, preacher, etc., who had only recently been called to such profession.

[306] By act of the legislature soldiers in the field were to vote, but no instance is found of their having done so.

[307] See Hannis Taylor, “Political History of Alabama,” in “Memorial Record of Alabama,” Vol. I, p. 82.

[308] Jones, “A Rebel War Clerk’s Diary,” Vol. I, pp. 250, 335, 391; Schwab, “Confederate States,” p. 210; Garrett, p. 385; Brewer, p. 411.

[309] Acts of 2d Regular Sess., 1862, p. 200.

[310] Annual Cyclopædia (1862), p. 9; Schwab, “Confederate States,” pp. 195, 196; Brewer, 127; Garrett, pp. 722, 724. See infra, p. 97.

[311] Shorter’s Proclamation, Dec. 22, 1862, in Moore, “Rebellion Record,” Vol. IV, and above, p. 88.

[312] Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 6; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 126; Brewer, pp. 66, 126, 460; Garrett, p. 722; Hannis Taylor, in “Memorial Record of Alabama,” p. 82.

[313] Acts, 3d Regular Sess., 1864, p. 217.

[314] Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 7. Francis Wayland, Jr., in a “Letter to a Peace Democrat” in the Atlantic Monthly, Dec., 1863, quotes Governor Watts as saying immediately after he had been elected: “If I had the power I would build up a wall of fire between Yankeedom and the Confederate States, there to burn for ages.” See also O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 120; McMorries, “History of the First Alabama Regiment of Infantry.”

[315] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 37, 463, 466, 817, 820. See also above, pp. 97, 103, 104.

[316] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 683, 685, 735, 736.

[317] Act, Oct. 7, 1864.

[318] Act, Dec. 12, 1864.

[319] See McPherson, “Rebellion,” pp. 419-421.

[320] The “Confederate Military History” states that in 1864 the people hoped for terms of peace, believing that Democratic successes in the northern elections would result in an armistice, and later reconstruction; that the people were always ready to go back to the principles of 1787, and it was believed that Davis was willing, but that the unfavorable elections of 1864 and the military interference by the Federal administration in the border states killed this constitutional peace party. See Vol. I, pp. 505, 537.

[321] Williamson R. W. Cobb of Jackson County, a very popular politician, a member of the 36th Congress, met his first defeat in 1861, when a candidate for the Confederate Congress. In 1863 he was successful over the man who had beaten him in 1861. After the election, if not before, he was in constant communication with the enemy and went into their lines several times. The Congress expelled him by a unanimous vote. It was rumored that President Lincoln intended to appoint him military governor, but he killed himself accidentally in 1864. Cobb was a “down east Yankee” who had come into the state as a clock pedler. He had no education and little real ability, but was a smooth talker and was master of the arts of the demagogue. In political life he was famed for shaking hands with the men, kissing the women, and playing with the babies. At a Hardshell foot-washing he won favor by carrying around the towels, in striking contrast with his Episcopalian rival, who sat on the back bench. Cobb was for the Confederacy as long as he thought it would win; when luck changed, he proceeded to make himself safe. After his desertion he lost influence among the people of his district. See Brewer, pp. 286, 287; McPherson, pp. 49, 400, 402, 411.

[322] O. R., Vol. II, p. 726 (W. T. Walthall, commandant of conscripts for Alabama, Talladega, Aug. 6, 1863). In the fall of 1864 a secret peace society was discovered in southwest Virginia, North Carolina, and Tennessee. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 802-820.

[323] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, pp. 555-557.

[324] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 548.

[325] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, pp. 551, 552.

[326] The 61st Alabama Regiment was composed largely of conscripts under veteran officers. It was evidently at first called the 59th. Brewer, p. 673.

[327] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 550.

[328] The 57th Alabama Regiment was recruited in the counties of Pike, Coffee, Dale, Henry, and Barbour. See Brewer, p. 669.

[329] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 550.

[330] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 556. The 59th Alabama Regiment was formed from a part of Hilliard’s Legion. Brewer, p. 671.

[331] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, pp. 552, 556.

[332] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 556; Brewer, “Alabama,” p. 671. It may be that the 59th Regiment here spoken of as consolidated was not the 59th under the command of Bolling Hall, but was merely the first number given to the regiment, which later became the 61st. See Brewer, pp. 671, 673. However, the society existed in Bolling Hall’s regiment.

[333] See Nicolay and Hay, “Lincoln,” Vol. VIII, pp. 410-415; McPherson, “Rebellion,” pp. 320-322.

[334] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III, pp. 682, 683, and Vol. XXII, Pt. I, p. 671; Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 393-397. A fuller account of the Peace Society will be found in the South Atlantic Quarterly, July, 1903. Some of the prominent leaders in the Peace Society were said to be: Lewis E. Parsons, later provisional governor, said to be the head of it; Col. J. J. Seibels of Montgomery; R. S. Heflin, state senator from Randolph County; W. W. Dodson, William Kent, David A. Perryman, Lieut.-Col. E. B. Smith, W. Armstrong, and A. A. West, of Randolph County; Capt. W. S. Smith, Demopolis; L. McKee and Lieut. N. B. DeArmon.

General James H. Clanton testified in 1871 that while in the Alabama legislature during the war L. E. Parsons, afterwards governor, introduced resolutions invoking the blessings of heaven on the head of Jefferson Davis and praying that God would spare him to consummate his holy purposes. Jabez M. Curry charged Parsons with being a “reconstructionist” during the war, that is, with being disloyal to the government. Parsons had two young sons in the Confederate army, and one of them was so indignant at the charge against his father that he shot and wounded Curry. Dr. Ware of Montgomery afterwards made the same charge. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 234.

[335] See O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, p. 718. “Confederate Military History,” Vol. I, pp. 505, 509, 511, 512, 537.

[336] A Douglas Democrat, a Douglas elector, and a strong secessionist, who had deserted to the enemy. Brewer, p. 364.

[337] N. Y. Times, Feb. 14, 1864; Annual Cyclopædia (1864), pp. 10, 11; N. Y. Daily News, April 16, 1864, from Columbus (Ga.) Sun.

[338] N. Y. Tribune, May 23, 1865.

[339] N. Y. World, March 28, 1864.

[340] N. Y. Times, March 24, 1864; N. Y. World, March 28, 1864. Busteed was a newly appointed Federal judge who afterward became notorious in “carpet-bag” days. He succeeded George W. Lane in the judgeship.

[341] There were several regular, reliable correspondents in north Alabama, for the New York, Boston, and Chicago papers. Their accounts are corroborated by the reports made later by Confederate and Federal officials.

[342] At this time Bulger was in active service. See Brewer, “Alabama,” pp. 548, 660; “Confederate Military History”—Alabama, see Index. Bradley was a north Alabama man who had gone over to the enemy to save his property. This was his chief claim to notoriety. He became a prominent “scalawag” later.

[343] N. Y. Herald, Nov. 29, 1864; N. Y. Times, Feb. 10, 1865; Boston Journal, Nov. 15, 1864; The World, March 28, 1864, Feb. 11, 1865; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, pp. 590, 659.

[344] Later governor, succeeding Parsons.

[345] Letter from Giers at Decatur, Jan. 26, 1865; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, pp. 590, 718. See also Report of Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, pp. 13-15, 60, 64.

[346] Giers, from Nashville, to Grant; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, p. 659.

[347] Judging from the correspondence of Giers, the plan had the approval of General Grant.

[348] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. II, p. 560.

[349] This fear is expressed in all their correspondence.

[350] Davis, “Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government,” Vol. I, p. 471; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, p. 440.

[351] Miller, “History of Alabama,” p. 158; Davis, “Confederate Government,” Vol. I, p. 476; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, p. 440.

[352] Acts of 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess. (1861), pp. 75, 211.

[353] April 10, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.

[354] April 16, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.; Governor’s Proclamation, March 1, 1862.

[355] April 17, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.

[356] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, pp. 870, 875.

[357] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 986, 987; Davis, Vol. I, p. 480; “Southern Hist. Soc. Papers,” Vol. II, p. 61.

[358] Miller, “History of Alabama,” pp. 180, 181; Davis, Vol. I, pp. 480, 481; Hardy, “History of Selma,” pp. 46, 47; N. Y. Times, Nov. 2, 1865 (Truman); O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 986, 987. The arsenal was commanded by Col. J. L. White; the naval foundries and the rolling mills were under the direction of Capt. Catesby ap Roger Jones, the designer of the Virginia; Commodore Ebenezer Farrand superintended the construction of war vessels at the Selma navy-yard. Captain Jones cast the heavy ordnance for the forts at Mobile, Charleston, and Wilmington. Five gunboats were built at Selma in 1863 and two or three others in 1864-1865. The ram Tennessee, built in 1863-1864, was constructed like the Virginia, but was an improvement except for the weak engines. When the keel of the Tennessee was laid, in the fall of 1863, some of the timbers to be used in her were still standing in the forest, and the iron for her plates was ore in the mines. Scharf, “Confederate Navy,” pp. 50, 534, 550, 555; “Northern Alabama Illustrated,” p. 654; Maclay, “History of United States Navy,” Vol. II, pp. 446, 447; Wilson, “Ironclads in Action,” Vol. I, p. 116.

[359] Ball, “Clarke County,” p. 765.

[360] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 29, 102.

[361] Miller, pp. 201, 230; Davis, Vol. I, p. 473; Porcher, p. 378.

[362] April 11, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.

[363] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 195, 697.

[364] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 695.

[365] One of the most valuable of these caves was the “Santa Cave.” See O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 29, 102.

[366] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 695, 698.

[367] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 29, 102.

[368] In 1861 the War Department gave Leonard and Riddle of Montgomery an order for 60,000 pounds of nitre, and a company near Larkinsville in north Alabama was making 700 pounds a day, which it sold to the government at 22 to 35 cents a pound. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 556.

[369] April 17, 1862. Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.; Acts of Ala., Dec. 7, 1861, and Dec. 2, 1862; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 195, 698, 702, 987; Davis, Vol. I, pp. 316, 473, 477; Miller, pp. 201, 230; Schwab, “Confederate States,” p. 270; Annual Cyclopædia (1862), p. 9; Le Conte’s “Autobiography,” p. 184.

[370] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 556.

[371] Somers, “Southern States,” p. 162.

[372] Somers, p. 175.

[373] April 9, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.

[374] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 695, 700, 702, 990.

[375] Freight rates in Alabama were as follows in December, 1862:—

1. Ammunition $0.60 per 100 lbs., per 100 miles.

2. (Second class) 0.30 per 100 lbs., per 100 miles.

3. Live stock 30.00 per car, per 100 miles.

4. Hay, fodder, wagons, ambulances, etc. 20.00 per car, per 100 miles.

Troops were to be carried for 2½ to 3½ cents a mile per man. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 276.

[376] Charles T. Pollard, president of the Montgomery and West Point R.R., who ran his road under direction of the government, reported, April 4, 1862, that he had placed the whole line between Montgomery and Selma under contract, and that it would be completed within the year if iron could be obtained. He thought the road between Selma and Meridian ought to be completed at once. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp. 10, 48. On Sept. 14, 1864, it was reported that the grading was finished on the road between Montgomery and Union Springs, but that no iron could be obtained. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 576.

[377] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 941; Pub. Laws, C.S.A., Feb. 15, 1862.

[378] On April 4, 1862, the Secretary of War wrote to A. S. Gaines that the road from Selma to Demopolis had been completed; from Demopolis to Reagan, a distance of 24 miles, a part of the grading had been done; while the road from Reagan to Meridian, a distance of 27 miles, had been graded, bridged, and some iron had been laid. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp. 1048-1049, 1061. Gaines stated, April 24, 1852, that on the Mississippi end of the road the road was completed to within 8 miles of Demopolis, Ala., and was being built at the rate of 3 miles a week. Connection was made by boat to Gainesville, within 2 miles of which a spur of the Mobile and Ohio, 21 miles long, had been completed. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 1089.

[379] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 1171.

[380] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp. 1089, 1145; Vol. II, pp. 106, 148, 149, 655.

[381] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 144-145; Vol. III, p. 312; Stats.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., C.S.A., Feb. 15, 1862; Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 7 and Oct. 2, 1862.

[382] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 783.

[383] Acts, Feb. 8, 1861.

[384] Acts, 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess., p. 70.

[385] Governor Moore to Sec. L. P. Walker, July 2, 1861, O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 493; Somers, p. 136.

[386] Schwab, “Confederate States,” p. 271.

[387] Somers, p. 136.

[388] Acts, Dec. 13, 1864, Acts of Ala., 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess. passim.

[389] Le Conte states that in 1863 he found the only Bessemer furnace in the Confederacy at Shelbyville; it was the first that he had ever seen. “Autobiography,” pp. 184-185. It was probably the first in America.

[390] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 3.

[391] Miller, pp. 179, 180, 181, 193; Davis, Vol. I, p. 481; Montgomery Advertiser, July 14, 1867; N. Y. Herald, May 15, 1865.

[392] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 1010.

[393] This act authorized the governor to lease the salt springs belonging to the state and to require the lessee to sell salt at 75 cents a bushel at the salt works. The state paid 10 cents a bushel bounty and advanced $10,000 to the salt maker. Acts, Nov. 11 and Nov. 19, 1861.

[394] One private maker with one furnace and from 15 to 20 hands made 60 bushels a day. Another, with 15 hands, burning 5 cords of wood, made 36 bushels a day. There were also many other private salt makers.

[395] Ball, “Clarke County,” pp. 645-649, 765; “Our Women in War,” p. 275 et seq.

[396] Acts, Nov. 9, 1861, and Dec. 9, 1862.

[397] Acts, Dec. 9, 1862, Oct. 11, 1864, and Dec. 13, 1864.

[398] Miller, “Alabama,” pp. 156, 167, 230; Hague, “Blockaded Family”; “Our Women in War,” pp. 267, 268.

[399] N. Y. Herald, Sept. 20, 1864; Miller, p. 167.

[400] American Cyclopædia (1864), p. 10; N. Y. Times, April 15, 1864. To show the character of the white laborers employed in the salt works: in reconstruction days, a prominent negro politician told how, when a slave, he had to keep accounts, and read and write letters for the whites at the salt works, who were very ignorant people.

[401] Later the Southern Express Company, which is still in existence. It was the southern division of the Adams Express Company.

[402] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 711.

[403] Miller, pp. 179, 180, 181, 193; Davis, Vol. II, p. 481; Montgomery Advertiser, July 14, 1867; N. Y. Herald, May 15, 1865; Acts of the General Assembly of Alabama, 1861-1864, passim. The Freedman’s Bureau was largely supported by sales of the remnants of iron works, etc.

[404] Smith, “Debates,” pp. 38, 39.

[405] Smith, “Debates,” pp. 37, 39.

[406] In his message of Oct. 25, 1861, Governor Shorter made a report showing that the finances of the state for 1861 were in good condition, and advised against levying a tax on the people to pay the state’s quota of the Confederate tax. He stated that the banks had done good service to the state; that, though in time of peace they were a necessary evil, now they were a public necessity; that all the money used to date by the state in carrying on the war had come from the banks. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp. 697-700.

[407] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp. 697-699; Acts of Gen. Assembly, Feb. 2, Nov. 27 and 30, and Dec. 7 and 9, 1861; Patton’s Message, Jan. 16, 1866.

[408] Ordinance No. 33, amending sections 1373, 1375, 1393, of the Code, March 16, 1861.

[409] In 1861 two banks were chartered, two in 1862, five in 1863, and two in 1864. Several of these were savings-banks.

[410] Ordinance No. 18, Jan. 19, 1861; Nos. 35 and 36, March 18, 1861.

[411] Schwab, p. 302; Davis, Vol. I, p. 495; Journal of the Convention of 1865, p. 61; Acts of Ala., Jan. 29, Feb. 6 and 8, Dec. 10, 1861; Stats.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., C. S. A., Feb. 8, 1861; Miller, “Alabama,” pp. 152, 157.

[412] Journal of the Convention, 1865, p. 61; Acts of Ala., Nov. 8, Dec. 4, 8, and 9, 1862; Miller, p. 168.

[413] Jour. of the Convention of 1865, p. 61; Acts of Ala., Aug. 29, Dec. 8, 1863; Miller, pp. 186, 189.

[414] Miller, p. 215; Acts of Ala., Oct. 7 and Dec. 13, 1864.

[415] Resolutions of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 1, 1862; Schwab, p. 50.

[416] Resolutions, Dec. 8, 1863.

[417] Confederate Funding Act, Feb. 17, 1864.

[418] Acts of Ala., Oct. 7, 1864; Schwab, pp. 73, 74.

[419] Acts of Ala., Dec. 10, 1861.

[420] Acts of Ala., passim. Notes of the state and of state banks were hoarded, while Confederate notes were distrusted. Pollard, “Lost Cause,” p. 421.

[421] Acts of Ala., Nov. 9, 1861; Schwab, p. 8. It was considered a matter of patriotism to invest funds in Confederate securities. Not many other investments offered; there was little trade in negroes. Pollard, “Lost Cause,” p. 424.

[422] Acts of Ala., Dec. 8, 1863.

[423] Acts of Ala., Dec. 13, 1864.

[424] Clark, “Finance and Banking,” in the “Memorial Record of Alabama,” Vol. I, p. 341. Statement of J. H. Fitts.

[425] Patton’s Message, Jan. 16, 1866.

[426] Jones, “Diary,” Vol. I, p. 114. North Carolina alone had contributed more—$325,000.

[427] Clark, “Education in Alabama,” p. 90.

[428] Acts of Ala., Dec. 7, 1863.

[429] The state authorities considered it inexpedient to levy heavier state taxes. The people had always been opposed to heavy state taxes, but paid county taxes more willingly. So the gift of $500,000 to the Confederate government in 1861 and the $2,000,000 war tax of the same year were assumed by the state, and bonds were issued. Stats.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., C.S.A., Feb. 8, 1861; Acts of Ala., Nov. 27, 1861.

[430] Another measure aimed at the speculator.

[431] Acts of Ala., Dec. 8, 1863.

[432] Acts of Ala., Dec. 13, 1864.

[433] Pub. Laws, 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862.

[434] Pollard, “Lost Cause,” p. 427.

[435] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 3d Sess., April 24, 1863.

[436] See also Curry, “Confederate States,” p. 110.

[437] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 4th Sess., Jan. 30, 1864.

[438] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 2d Cong., 1st Sess., June 10 and 14, 1864.

[439] Miller, “Alabama,” p. 190.

[440] N. Y. Times, Feb. 2, 1864.

[441] Fitzgerald Ross, “Cities and Camps of the Confederate States,” pp. 237, 238.

[442] Miller, p. 230.

[443] Acts of Ala., Nov. 19, 1862.

[444] Acts of Ala., Nov. 17, 1862.

[445] Acts of Ala., Oct. 31, 1862.

[446] O. R., Ser. II, Vol. III, p. 933; G. O., 86, A. and I. G. Office, Richmond, Dec. 12, 1864; Miller, pp. 198, 199; Beverly, “History of Alabama,”; A. C. Gordon, in Century Magazine, Sept., 1888; David Dodge, in Atlantic Monthly, Aug., 1886.

[447] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 3d Sess., March 26, 1863.

[448] A conference of impressment commissioners met in Augusta, Ga., Oct. 26, 1863. Among those present were Wylie W. Mason, of Tuskegee, Ala., and Robert C. Farris, of Montgomery, Ala. See O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 898-906.

[449] Schwab, p. 202; Saunders, “Early Settlers.” Schedules were printed in all the newspapers, and many have been reprinted in the Official Records.

[450] Jones, “Diary,” Vol. I, p. 194; Miller, “Alabama,” pp. 198, 199; Pollard, “Lost Cause,” pp. 487-488.

[451] Acts of Ala., Nov. 25, 1863.

[452] Jones, “Diary,” Vol. I, p. 301.

[453] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 2d Cong., 1st Sess., June 14, 1864; Saunders, “Early Settlers.”

[454] Resolutions of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 26, 1864.

[455] Ball, “Clarke County,” p. 501.

[456] Smith, “Debates,” pp. 174-183.

[457] Stats.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., C.S.A.

[458] Stat.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., 2d Sess.; McPherson, “Rebellion,” pp. 203, 204. European merchants and capitalists also had a large trade with the South when the war broke out, and thus sustained great losses. They had made large advances to southern planters and merchants, and were also interested in property in the South. Proceeds were remitted to foreign creditors or owners in Confederate or state currency or bonds for there was no other form of remittance. Robertson, “The Confederate Debt and Private Southern Debts” (English pamphlet).

[459] McPherson, “Rebellion,” pp. 203, 204; Acts of Prov. Cong., Aug. 30, 1861; Benjamin’s “Instructions to Receivers,” Sept. 12, 1861.

[460] Stats.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., 3d Sess., Feb. 15, 1862.

[461] McPherson, “Rebellion,” p. 613.

[462] Acts of Ala., Dec. 10, 1861.

[463] Two years after the passage of the Sequestration Law its entire proceeds in the Confederacy amounted to less than $2,000,000. Pollard, “Lost Cause,” p. 220.

[464] Suspension of specie payments had been made in order to prevent a drain on the banks. The Confederate government took possession of some of the coin, while much was used in the contraband and blockade trade. All this contributed to discredit Confederate paper currency. Pollard, “Lost Cause,” p. 421. In May, 1862, General Beauregard seized $500,000 in coin from a bank in Jackson, Ala. The coin belonged to a New Orleans bank and had been sent out to prevent confiscation by Butler. Confederate money was almost worthless at Mobile in 1864, while in the interior of the state it still had a fair value.

[465] Confederate paper held up well in 1861 and 1862, though prices were very high. The people were opposed to fixing a depreciated value to Confederate money, but they were forced to do so by speculators. The money was worth more the farther away from Richmond, though comparison with gold should not be made, as gold was scarce, and prices in gold fell. Board, which formerly cost $2 a day, could now be had for fifty cents in gold. Gold was not a standard of value, but an article of commerce with a fictitious value. Pollard, “Lost Cause,” p. 425.

[466] Clark, “Finance and Banking Memorial Record,” Vol. I, p. 341; “Two Months in the Confederate States by an English Merchant,” pp. 111, 115; DeBow’s Review for 1866.

[467] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. X, Pt. II, p. 639.

[468] Ball, “Clarke County,” pp. 294, 295; Miller, p. 230; oral accounts.

[469] N. Y. Times, April 5, 1864 (from Mobile papers).

[470] N. Y. Times, Sept. 6, 1864.

[471] Smedes, “A Southern Planter,” p. 226.

[472] Hague, “Blockaded Family,” passim; “Our Women in the War,” passim; Jacobs, “Drug Conditions.”

[473] Ball, “Clarke County,” p. 501.

[474] Miller, p. 232. A negro went to a conscript camp in 1864 with a fifty-cent jug of whiskey. He gave his master a bottleful from the jug, replacing what he had taken out by water. The resulting mixture he sold for $5 a drink, a drink being a cap-box full. Each drink poured out of the jug was replaced by the same measure of water. In this way he made $300 before the mixture was so diluted that the thirsty soldiers would not buy. Related by the negro’s master.

[475] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 686.

[476] Montgomery Daily Advertiser, April 18, 1865. But for another month state money circulated in Montgomery.

[477] See Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, p. 14.

[478] Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, pp. 15, 37.

[479] In 1860 the South exported $150,000,000 worth of cotton, and Mobile was the second cotton port of America. Scharf, “History of the Confederate Navy,” pp. 439, 533. Besides the regular ship channel there were two shallow entrances to Mobile Bay, through which blockade-runners passed. Soley, “The Blockade and the Cruisers,” p. 134. Regular water communication with New Orleans was kept up until 1862 through Mississippi Sound. Scharf, p. 535; Maclay, “A History of the United States Navy,” Vol. II, p. 445.

[480] Miller, “Alabama,” p. 167; Acts of the Called Sess. (1861), p. 123; Acts of 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess. (1861), pp. 151, 168, 214, 278.

[481] The blockading force before Mobile in 1861 often consisted of only one vessel (Soley, p. 134), and the people of Mobile believed that foreign nations would not recognize the blockade as effective. There was an English squadron under Admiral Milne in the Gulf, and on Aug. 4, 1861, the Mobile Register and Advertiser said that a conflict between the English and United States forces was expected; the English were then to raise the blockade. Scharf, p. 442.

[482] This, however, was not the plan favored by Ex-Gov. A. B. Moore, who, on Feb. 3, 1862, wrote to President Davis stating his belief that the permission given by the Federal fleet to export cotton was a “Yankee trick” to get cotton to leave port in order to seize it. He thought that the Confederate government should forbid all exportation of cotton until the close of the war. “This leaky blockade system should be deprecated as one [in which the parties] are either dupes or knaves and [is] not in the least calculated to demonstrate the fact that our cotton crops are a necessity to the commerce of the world.” If cotton was not a necessity to Europe, then the sooner the South knew it the better; if it was a necessity, the sooner Europe knew it the better. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 905.

[483] Acts of Feb. 6 and Dec. 10, 1861.

[484] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 735; Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III, p. 805.

[485] The Confederate War and Treasury Departments required that each steamship coming and going should reserve one-half its tonnage for government use. The owners of an outgoing vessel had to make bond to return with one-half the cargo for the government and the other half in articles the importation of which was not prohibited by the Confederate government. The Confederate government paid five pence sterling a pound on outgoing freight, payable in a British port. On return freight £25 a ton was paid in cotton at a Confederate port. The expenses of one blockade-runner for one trip amounted to $80,265; while the gross profits were $172,000, leaving a net gain of $91,735 on the trip. Scharf, pp. 481, 485.

[486] Joseph Jacobs, “Drug Conditions.”

[487] Soley, pp. 44, 156.

[488] See Taylor, “Running the Blockade.” A typical blockade-runner of 1862-1864 was a long, low, slender, rakish sidewheel steamer, of 400 to 600 tons, about nine times as long as broad, with powerful engines, twin screws, and feathering paddles. The funnels were short and could be lowered to the deck. It was painted a dull gray or lead color, and the masts being very short, it could not be seen more than two hundred yards away. When possible to obtain it, anthracite coal was burned, and when running into port all lights were turned out and the steam blown off under water. Scharf, p. 480; Soley, p. 156; Spears, Vol. IV, p. 55.

[489] “Two Months in the Confederate States by English Merchant,” p. 111; Taylor, “Running the Blockade”; Hague, “A Blockaded Family”; “Our Women in War,” passim; Jacobs, “Drug Conditions.”

[490] Report of A. Roane, Chief of the Produce Loan Office; Richmond, to Secretary of Treasury Trenholm, Oct. 30, 1864, in H. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.; “Two Months in the Confederate States,” p. 111.

[491] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 462.

[492] Jones, “A Rebel War Clerk’s Diary,” Vol. I, p. 350.

[493] Scharf, pp. 484, 486; Spears, Vol. IV, p. 56.

[494] Bancroft. “Seward,” Vol. II, p. 209; Wilson, “Ironclads in Action,” Vol. I, pp. 196-197.

[495] Scharf, p. 487; Wilson, pp. 187, 192.

[496] Scharf, p. 446, says that the press and public sentiment were against allowing shipment of cotton to districts or through ports held by the United States. When in danger of capture the cotton was burned. Pollard states that the Richmond authorities were opposed to allowing any extensive cotton trade through the lines or through blockaded ports, because it was believed that the Union finances were in bad condition and would not stand the loss of cotton manufacturing. Moreover, the Confederate authorities were afraid of the demoralization caused by contraband trade, and also feared that Europe might consider that licensed trade through ports in possession of the enemy, like New Orleans, was a confession of the weakness of King Cotton, and would refuse to recognize the Confederacy. “Lost Cause,” pp. 484-485.

[497] The North was determined to show that cotton was not king, and to do this it must get all the cotton possible from the South by allowing a contraband trade in which nearly or quite all the profits on the cotton should be stripped off, leaving only the bare cost to the Confederate government or cotton planter. The North was willing that the South should sell all its cotton, but the North was to be middleman. Scharf, p. 443; “Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant,” Vol. I, p. 331.

[498] The various proclamations, orders, regulations, and laws affecting commercial intercourse between the United States and the Confederate States will be found in a compilation of the United States Treasury Department entitled “Acts of Congress and Rules and Regulations prescribed by the Secretary of the Treasury, in pursuance thereto, with the approval of the President, concerning Commercial Intercourse with and in States and parts of States declared in insurrection, Captured, Abandoned, and Confiscable Property, the care of freedmen, and the purchase of products of insurrectionary districts on government account.” The proclamations of the President will be found in the Messages and Papers of the Presidents. See also Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 56, 40th Cong., 2d Sess., and No. 23, 43d Cong., 3d Sess., p. 58; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. , 45th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 36; Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 39. A fuller account of the trade regulations is in the South Atlantic Quarterly, July, 1905.

[499] Act, April 19, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.

[500] Act, Feb. 6, 1864, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 4th Sess.

[501] The state officials in 1862-1863 planned to exchange cotton from Mississippi and Alabama with the cotton speculators in Tennessee for bacon. Davis opposed (Pollard, p. 481), but, nevertheless, the change was made. Along the Tennessee River there was much trading with the enemy. In order to conform with the United States regulations forbidding the payment of coin for Confederate staples, the northern speculator bought Confederate and state money, often at a high price ($100 gold for $225 in Confederate currency or $120 to $125 in Alabama, Georgia, or South Carolina bank-notes), with which to carry on the cotton trade. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 10.

[502] Shorter, who was opposed to contraband trade, complained in July, 1862, that the cotton speculators in Mobile had an understanding with Butler and Farragut by which salt was allowed to come in and cotton, in unlimited quantities, allowed to go out. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 21.

[503] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 16, 38th Cong., 2d Sess.

[504] Ho. Rept., No. 24, 38th Cong., 2d Sess.

[505] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 16, 38th Cong., 2d Sess.

[506] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 1180, 1181. Davis probably made his last official indorsement on this report, Apr. 10, 1865. He forwarded it to the Adjutant and Inspector-General with instructions to look into the matter.

[507] Somers, “The Southern States since the War,” p. 134. General Grant, July 21, 1863, stated that this trade through west Tennessee was injurious to the United States forces. “Restriction, if lived up to,” he said, “makes trade unprofitable and hence none but dishonest men go into it. I will venture to say, that no honest man has made money in west Tennessee in the last year, while many fortunes have been made there during the time.” So vexed was General Grant with the speculators that, early in 1865, he suspended all permits, but within a month he had to remove the suspensions. Scharf, pp. 443, 446, 447.

[508] Taylor, “Destruction and Reconstruction,” pp. 227, 235.

[509] Confederate currency was plentiful in the North, where it was made even more cheaply than in the South, and the southerners did not notice the difference.

[510] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 291-293, 638-640.

[511] Ho. Rept., No. 83, 45th Cong., 3d Sess.; No. 618, 46th Cong., 2d Sess.

[512] N. Y. Herald, April 7, 1864.

[513] Jacobs, “Drug Conditions,” p. 7. The Southern Express Company worked in connection with the Adams, of which it had been a part before 1861.

[514] Jacobs, “Drug Conditions,” pp. 7-10.

[515] Ho. Repts., 38th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 174. Before this, Samuel Noble of Rome, Georgia, representing himself as a “loyal” man (he was introduced and vouched for by George W. Quintard), made a contract with a United States Treasury agent to deliver 250,000 bales of cotton from Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and South Carolina. In Alabama at that time he owned 800 bales at Selma, 1256 at Mobile, and had much more contracted for. The cotton was to be delivered at Huntsville, Mobile, and places in the adjoining states. Noble was to get three-fourths of the proceeds, according to the regulations. Ho. Rept., No. 24, 38th Cong., 2d Sess.

[516] Statement of Professor O. D. Smith of Auburn, Ala., who was then a Confederate bonded agent operating in north Alabama.

[517] Taylor, “Destruction and Reconstruction,” p. 232.

[518] Letter of Secretary Chase to Hon. E. B. Washburne, in Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 78, 38th Cong., 1st Sess.

[519] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 11, 1861. As early as Jan. 14, 1861, Governor Moore reported that the poorest classes were in want and that much suffering, perhaps starvation, would result unless aid were given. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 51. The soldiers’ families were reported to be almost destitute in April, 1861. Idem, p. 220.

[520] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 31, 1861.

[521] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 29, 1861.

[522] Annual Cyclopædia (1862), p. 9.

[523] Jones, “Diary,” Vol. I, pp. 194, 198.

[524] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 8, 1862.

[525] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 11, 1862.

[526] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 8, 1862.

[527] Act of Gen. Assembly, Oct. 16, 1864.

[528] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Oct. 9 and Dec. 9, 1862, and Aug. 29, 1863. Miller, “Alabama,” p. 167.

[529] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 26, 1862.

[530] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 28, 1862.

[531] Jones, “Diary,” Vol. I, p. 194.

[532] Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 6.

[533] N. Y. Herald, Dec. 26, 1863.

[534] Act, April 19, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 18th Sess.; Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 5, 1863.

[535] Act of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 29, 1863.

[536] Act of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 27, 1863.

[537] Act of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 27, 1863.

[538] Resolutions of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 27, 1863.

[539] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863.

[540] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 4 and Dec. 7, 1863.

[541] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Oct. 7, 1864, and Dec. 13, 1864.

[542] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 9, 1864.

[543] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 13, 1864.

[544] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 4, 1864.

[545] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1862, Aug. 27 and 29, 1863, and Dec. 13, 1864.

[546] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863. There were Confederate soldiers who were paid only twice in two years’ service, and then not enough to buy a new uniform. The following incident is related of the 9th Alabama Infantry: at Chancellorsville some Federals had been captured by the regiment, and as they were being sent back over the field covered with dead Federals, one of the prisoners remarked: “You rebs are sharper than you used to be. You used to shoot us anywhere; now you shoot us in the head so as not to bloody our clothes.” The 9th was a regiment of sharpshooters from north Alabama. The narrator says that the prisoner was alluding to “the practice of stripping the dead of their clothing to cover our nakedness.”—“The Land We Love,” Vol. II, pp. 216.

[547] The legislature had offered $200,000 for 50,000 pairs of shoes, but received none.

[548] Miller, p. 167; Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 32, 196.

[549] Resolutions of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 28, 1863.

[550] Miller, “Alabama,” p. 229.

[551] Miller, p. 198.

[552] Miller, “Alabama,” pp. 198, 199, 229.

[553] Saunders, “Early Settlers,” p. 68.

[554] Saunders, “Early Settlers,” p. 206; Hague, “Blockaded Family”; Clayton, “White and Black under the Old Régime”; “Our Women in the War.”

[555] Governor Shorter’s Proclamation, March 1, 1862; Annual Cyclopædia (1862), p. 9.

[556] Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 6; Resolution, April 4, 1863, Pub. Laws, 15th Cong., 3d Sess.

[557] A report to Davis in October, 1864, stated that Alabama, Georgia, and Mississippi had been supplying the Confederate armies. Georgia was exhausted, and Alabama, having sent 125,000 pounds of bacon, could do no more. Pollard, “Lost Cause,” pp. 648-649. But in remote counties were large stores of supplies that could not be moved for want of transportation facilities.

[558] “Our Women in the War,” p. 275 et seq.

[559] Moore, “Rebellion Records,” p. 3; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 701.

[560] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 11, 1862.

[561] Jones, “Diary,” Vol. I, p. 198; Schwab, p. 180.

[562] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 8, 1862.

[563] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 13, 1864.

[564] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1862.

[565] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863.

[566] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, p. 971.

[567] In September, 1864, Surgeon Richard Potts was instructed to buy all the apple brandy to be had, at not more than $35 a gallon, but to purchase as a private individual in order not to have to pay too much. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 682.

[568] Saunders, “Early Settlers of Alabama,” p. 29; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 608.

[569] See also article by C. C. Jones, Jr., in Magazine of American History, Vol. XVI, pp. 168-175; J. W. Beverly (colored), “History of Alabama,” p. 22.

[570] Act, Jan. 31, 1861; Beverly, “Alabama,” p. 200.

[571] April 15 and 21, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 2d Sess.

[572] Acts, Oct. 31 and Nov. 20, 1862.

[573] Resolutions, Aug. 29, 1863.

[574] I have known two men who hired negro substitutes to go to the army, and the negroes having been killed in battle, the whites were forced to go.

[575] Beverly, “Alabama,” p. 200; Miller, “Alabama,” pp. 198, 199, 207; Curry, “Civil History,” p. 110; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 933.

[576] John S. Wise, “End of an Era,” pp. 161, 212, speaks of the impression made by the 3d Alabama before and after the two years’ service. The privates in one company in this regiment paid tax on $3,000,000.

[577] See also Beverly, “Alabama,” p. 200. Several of these old body-servants have related their experiences to me.

[578] Sewanee Review, Vol. II, pp. 94-95; Acts of Ala., Nov. 20, 1863, and Resolution of Aug. 29, 1863; Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 10.

[579] See also C. C. Jones, Jr., in the Magazine of American History, Vol. XVI, pp. 168-175. When the war ended General (now Senator) Morgan was recruiting near Selma for a Confederate negro brigade.

[580] His master was named Godwin. Horace learned to make bridges, and became so skilful and was so much in demand that he was set free. By special act of the Alabama legislature he was given civil rights and at once he became a slave owner. After the war he was in Republican politics for a while, but soon went back to bridge-building.

[581] Some masters, like General John B. Gordon, informed their slaves that the victory of the North meant the freedom of the negroes. See Ku Klux Rept., Ga. Test., and Sewanee Review, Vol. II, p. 95. I have been told by ex-slaves that the negroes in the quarters believed from the first that their freedom would follow the defeat of the masters, but that few slaves believed that their masters could be defeated.

[582] The following are some of the various occupations in which slaves relieved whites: spinners, weavers, dyers, cutters and dressmakers, body-servants, butlers, coachmen, gardeners, carpenters, planters, brick masons, painters, tanners, shoemakers, harness makers, barrel makers, wheelwrights, blacksmiths, machinists, engineers, millers, seine and sail makers, and ship carpenters, besides farm occupations. Nearly all of the skilled laborers were negroes. Their industrial capacity was even greater during the war than in time of peace. President Winston in Proceedings of Fourth Conference for Education in the South, pp. 40, 41. See also the books of Miss Hague, Mrs. Clayton, and Booker T. Washington.

[583] Harrison, “Gospel Among the Slaves,” p. 299.

[584] See Mallard, pp. 209, 210; Hague, “Blockaded Family”; Clayton, “White and Black”; “Our Women in War”; Sewanee Review, Vol. II, p. 95.

[585] See Mallard, p. 210; Sewanee Review, Vol. II, pp. 94-95; Southern Magazine, Jan., 1874.

[586] It has been estimated that one-fourth of the total number of negroes was not engaged in field labor, but in some kind of service which brought them into close relations with the whites. Tillinghast, “Negro in Africa and America,” p. 126. And on the farms and smaller plantations also the blacks knew their “white folks.”

[587] See W. H. Thomas, “American Negro,” p. 41.

[588] The experiences of Reconstruction showed that the negro had only to feel the touch of a stronger hand, and, with most of them, the attachments of a lifetime were of no force. The negro was as wax in the hands of a stronger race. Hence the influence of the carpet-baggers, who were for a time the stronger power.

[589] Harrison, “Gospel among the Slaves,” pp. 299, 300; McTyeire, “A History of Methodism”; Riley, “Baptists in Alabama”; Mallard, “Plantation Life,” p. 74 et seq. W. H. Thomas (colored), “American Negro,” pp. 41, 149, gives as reasons why the slaves did not revolt during the war: (1) genuine affection for the whites; (2) the desire on the part of the negro to do the duty intrusted to him; (3) and most important—the supreme and all-pervading influence of religion. The mission work among the negroes was kept up all during the war. Harrison, pp. 292-300; Tichenor, “Work of Southern Baptists among the Negroes” (pamphlet).

[590] Harrison, pp. 299, 300. For general information in regard to the negroes during the war, consult Beverly (colored), “Alabama,” pp. 201, 202; Miller, “Alabama,” pp. 142-157; Mallard, “Plantation Life”; Washington, “Up from Slavery”; Washington, “Future of the American Negro”; Thomas, “The American Negro”; Tillinghast, “Negro in Africa and America”; Hague, “A Blockaded Family”; Clayton, “White and Black under the Old Régime”; Smedes, “Southern Planter”; “Our Women in War.”

[591] W. G. Clark, “Education in Alabama,” pp. 87-92; W. G. Clark, “The Progress of Education,” in “Memorial Record,” Vol. I, p. 160; Acts, 1st Called Sess. (1861), p. 56; N. Y. Daily News, May 29, 1865; Century Magazine, Nov., 1889. In recent years Congress has made a grant of lands in north Alabama to replace the burned buildings. Rept. Comr. of Ed., 1899-1900, Vol. I, p. 484.

[592] Clark, “Education in Alabama,” pp. 149, 152, 153, 156; “Northern Alabama Illustrated,” p. 453.

[593] Clark, “Education in Alabama,” pp. 164, 174, 179, 180.

[594] Clark, “Education in Alabama,” pp. 204, 208, 259; Acts, 1st Called Sess. (1861), pp. 67, 70, 82, 113; Acts, 2d Called Sess. and 1st Regular Sess., pp. 92, 93, 94; Brewer, “Alabama,” p. 347.

[595] “Northern Alabama Illustrated,” p. 513.

[596] Clark, “Education in Alabama,” pp. 6, 7, 224, 226, 229, 239, 259; Ingle, “Southern Side-Lights,” p. 172.

[597] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862; 1st Cong., 2d Sess., Oct. 11, 1862.

[598] Acts, 1st Called Sess. (1861), p. 82.

[599] Acts (1862), p. 97.

[600] Acts, 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess. (1861), pp. 65, 182, 183, 223, 253, 255; Acts of 1863 and 1864, passim.

[601] My chief source of information in regard to the common schools during the war has been the accounts of persons who were teachers and pupils in the schools.

[602] From 1863 to 1865 W. G. Clark and Co. of Mobile, the chief educational publishers of the state, brought out a series of five readers, “The Chaudron Series,”—by Adelaide de V. Chaudron, a well-known writer of Mobile. Large numbers were sold. S. H. Goetzel of Mobile published Madame Chaudron’s spelling-book, of which 40,000 copies were sold in 1864 and 1865. W. G. Clark and Co. printed a revision of Colburn’s Mental Arithmetic in 1864. A Mental Arithmetic by G. Y. Browne of Tuscaloosa is dated Atlanta, 1865, but was probably published in North Carolina. In 1864 W. G. Clark and Co. announced “A Book of Geographical Questions.” Before the close of the war Confederate text-books were quite common in the state. The series were usually named “Confederate,” “Dixie,” “Texas,” “Virginia,” etc. Stephen B. Weeks, in “A Preliminary Bibliography of Confederate Text-books” (Rept. of Comr. of Ed., 1898-1899, Vol. I, p. 1139), lists 16 primers, 14 spellers, 29 readers, 4 geographies, 1 dictionary, 12 arithmetics, 12 grammars, 8 books in foreign languages, 20 Sunday-school and religious works, and 10 miscellaneous educational publications. Those published in Georgia, North and South Carolina, and Virginia sold largely in Alabama. Few came from the West. See also Yates Snowden, “Confederate Books.”

[603] See Weeks, “Bibliography of Confederate Text-books.”

[604] See Mrs. Clayton, “White and Black,” p. 115, and Hague, “Blockaded Family.”

[605] See Hague, “A Blockaded Family.” Miss Hague was a teacher in a plantation school during the war.

[606] W. W. Screws, “Alabama Journalism,” in “Memorial Record,” Vol. II, pp. 195, 234.

[607] Screws, pp. 194, 195, 205, 212, 218, 233, 234; Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862; 2d Sess., Oct. 11, 1862; Yates Snowden, “Confederate Books.”

[608] Screws, pp. 161, 166, 188, 192, 231.

[609] See also Yates Snowden, “Confederate Books.” I have examined copies of most of the books mentioned.

[610] Riley, “History of the Baptists of Alabama,” p. 279.

[611] McPherson, “Rebellion,” p. 514.

[612] Smith, “Life and Letters of James Osgood Andrew,” p. 473.

[613] N. Y. World, Dec. 26, 1860.

[614] Riley, “Baptists of Alabama,” p. 291.

[615] McPherson, “Rebellion,” p. 591.

[616] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862, and 2d Sess., Oct. 11, 1862.

[617] Acts of Ala., Dec. 9, 12, and 13, 1864.

[618] N. Y. Times, Aug. 30, 1865.

[619] Rev. J. William Jones, “The Great Revival in the Southern Armies”; Rev. J. William Jones, “Confederate Military History,” Vol. XII, p. 119 et seq.; Bennett, “The Great Revival in the Southern Armies”; Alexander, “History of the Methodist Church South,” p. 74.

[620] Hague, “Blockaded Family,” pp. 111, 112, 142; Ball, “Clarke County,” p. 283.

[621] For one instance, see Hague, “Blockaded Family,” p. 141; and for others, Jones on the “Morale of the Confederate Armies,” in Vol. XII, “Confederate Military History.”

[622] By the Alabama Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South, there was appropriated for slave missions in the state