Volume 13 — A REPUBLICAN FORM OF GOVERNMENT OUR FIRST DUTY AND THE ESSENTIAL CONDITION OF PEACE.

Bills and Resolutions in the Senate, at the Opening of the Session of Congress, December 4, 1865.

This session of Congress was occupied by Reconstruction, especially the question of suffrage for the colored race, with differences between Congress and President Johnson, culminating at the next Congress in his impeachment.

Mr. Sumner, on the first day of the session, as soon as he could obtain the floor, introduced the following measures.

A bill to carry out the principles of a republican form of government in the District of Columbia.

A bill to preserve the right of jury trial, by securing impartial jurors in the courts of the United States.

A bill to prescribe an oath to maintain a republican form of government in the Rebel States.

A bill in part execution of the guaranty of a republican form of government in the Constitution of the United States.

A bill supplying appropriate legislation to enforce the Amendment to the Constitution prohibiting Slavery.

A bill to enforce the guaranty of a republican form of government in certain States whose governments have been usurped or overthrown.

A joint resolution proposing an Amendment to the Constitution of the United States.

Concurrent resolutions declaring the adoption of the Constitutional Amendment abolishing Slavery.

Resolutions declaring the duties of Congress in respect to guaranties of the National Security and the National Faith in the Rebel States.

Resolutions declaring the duty of Congress, especially in respect to loyal citizens in the Rebel States.

This series of propositions attracted the attention of the country. Expressions of sympathy and gratitude were abundant. Colored fellow-citizens at Philadelphia addressed Mr. Sumner in earnest words.

“Philadelphia, Pa., December 6, 1865.

“Hon. Charles Sumner:—

“Dear Sir,—At a large and enthusiastic meeting of the colored citizens of this city, held in the Philadelphia Institute this evening, the undersigned were charged with the duty of conveying to you, in behalf of twenty-five thousand disfranchised Americans here, their most heartfelt gratitude for the noble, fearless, patriotic stand taken by you at the opening of the present Congress. No day of our lives seems brighter than that upon which the foremost champion of Freedom boldly directs the attention of the nation to a series of clear, sound, statesmanlike measures looking to the complete enfranchisement of America.

“We speak but faintly, though truthfully, when we say that four millions of Americans will ever cherish with the warmest gratitude of their hearts, and hand down as a precious legacy to their children, the name of Charles Sumner,—Charles Sumner, who has at all times and under all circumstances, even when friends faltered and foes exulted, stood firm, unflinching, immovable, uncompromising, on the rock of Justice and Liberty.

“God bless the Christian gentleman and scholar, the ablest of American statesmen! God bless the noble, spotless man, Charles Sumner! is the fervent prayer of four millions of disfranchised Americans, not less than of

“Yours, admiringly and sincerely,

“Ebenezer D. Bassett,[1] Isaiah C. Wear, Nathaniel W. Depee.”

Parker Pillsbury, the devoted Abolitionist, wrote at once from the office of the Antislavery Standard, in New York:—

“No need of many words to-day. Your openings yesterday were sublime,—a genuine Apocalypse! God grant it be but the key-note to the grandest oratorio ever performed by less than the morning stars and all the sons of God shouting together!”

Rev. Joshua Leavitt, an editor of the New York Independent, and a constant Abolitionist of great practical sense, wrote from New York:—

“We look to you to forbear when necessary, and to dare when the time is right.”

William Lloyd Garrison, an honored leader in the long warfare with Slavery, who had just returned from a lecture tour in the West as far as the Mississippi, wrote from Boston:—

“I have found but one opinion, whether the test was made publicly or privately, in regard to that questio vexata, Reconstruction,—and that is, that not one of the revolted States should be admitted into the Union without being put under a longer probation.… Thanks for your prompt action and untiring vigilance in this matter, in the series of resolutions presented by you to the Senate.”

William E. Walker wrote from Trenton, New Jersey:—

“You have ever been in the foremost rank in guarding and defending the rights of the colored people of this country with a sacred jealousy. I hail with inexpressible joy your manly, bold, and intelligent avowal of their civil and political rights, on the opening of the session of Congress. I feel assured that they will be opposed, and strongly opposed; but God grant to you, and the other fearless champions of Freedom’s cause, strength and ability to successfully defeat all opposition!”

Hon. Theophilus Parsons, the learned Law Professor and law writer, wrote from Cambridge:—

“Congress has hard work before it,—about as hard as Grant had to take Richmond; but I suppose it will be done somehow.”

Hon. Charles W. Upham, a scholar and writer, formerly Representative in Congress from the Essex District in Massachusetts, wrote from Salem:—

“Stick to the noble ground you have taken, and let reason and events put the President in harmony with you and the people.”

With such voices from the people the great work of the session began.

The bad spirit which belonged to the days of Slavery seemed also to return. The following, to Mr. Sumner from ——, dated “Paymaster General’s Office, Washington, December 11, 1865,” recalled other days.

“I conceive it to be my duty to impart the following information, in which you may be interested.

“Calling your name yesterday, in conversation with a citizen of this city, he casually remarked that you would probably be killed before the expiration of this session,—that two or three were sworn against you.

“I paid no apparent attention to the remark at the time, nor asked any question with regard to it; but, if I can serve you in the matter any further, I am at your command.”

Mr. Sumner did not notice this letter, or follow it with any inquiry. He was accustomed to such reports.